[News] Venezuela - Confront Imperialism and Don’t Make Concessions
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Sun Feb 24 13:14:49 EST 2019
https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14346
Confront Imperialism and Don’t Make Concessions: A Conversation with
Nestor Kohan (Part 1)
By Cira Pascual Marquina - February 23, 2019
------------------------------------------------------------------------
/More than any other living thinker, Argentinian intellectual Nestor
Kohan has worked to recover the tradition of Latin American
revolutionary Marxism, a trajectory that he argues stretches from Julio
Antonio Mella and Jose Carlos Mariategui to Che Guevara, Fidel Castro
//and//Manuel Marulanda. Kohan has also developed a reading of Marx that
considers commodity //fetichism//to be the centerpiece of Capital:
Critique of Political Economy at the same time as it emphasizes the
political and revolutionary character of all of Marx’s texts. Kohan has
supported the Bolivarian Process from its beginning. In this interview,
we asked him questions about crisis engulfing the whole continent, with
Venezuela as its epicenter./
*What is happening right now in Latin America seems to have a lot in
common with Operation Condor
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Condor>, that aimed to rollback
the revolutionary tide of the 1960s and ‘70s. Today, US imperialism
wants to wipe out the “Pink Tide” that began at the start of the current
century. Do you think the analogy is relevant?*
In the decade of the 1970s Operation Condor was born. There is a lot of
investigation about it and a lot of evidence. An Argentinian
investigator, Stella Calloni, wrote a very good book about the
Operation, and a Paraguayan victim of political persecution found
documents in Paraguay that prove its existence. Intelligence agents of
the Pinochet dictatorship also made declarations that ratify its
existence, and finally there are declassified documents of the CIA that
confirm it too. In effect, there was a coordinated international project
put in place to carry out repression on a continental scale. In other
words, there was a right-wing internationalism, a counter-revolutionary
internationalism.
On a rhetorical level, the counterrevolution traded in nationalist
language. In every country they even talked about defending the
“national self” (/el ser //nacional/). That was their preferred jargon,
but their practice was internationalist, and their combatants and agents
operated in many countries. For instance, the terrorist of
Cuban-American descent Felix Rodriguez not only assassinated Che
Guevara. He later participated in the counterinsurgency in El Salvador.
There are films of Felix Rodriguez on a helicopter shooting at the
troops of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fuerzas_Populares_de_Liberaci%C3%B3n_Farabundo_Mart%C3%AD>
in El Salvador.
Another terrorist of Cuban-American descent, Luis Posada Carriles, put a
bomb in a commercial airplane, killing many civilians. He also operated
in several countries. Many of these terrorists did their work in several
countries. The bomb that killed [Chilean economist] Orlando Letelier
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orlando_Letelier> in the US itself was
set off by agents of the Chilean intelligence. They were, arguably,
internationalists.
The “clandestine detention centers” – that was the juridical terminology
used in Argentina – also worked on an international level. In Buenos
Aires, there was an extermination camp, a torture camp. (I call it that,
because there’s no reason to use the juridical terminology, let’s speak
without euphemisms.) Well, one of those camps for torturing and
“disappearing” people was called “Automotores Orletti,” because it was
run from an auto repair shop. They gathered there the foreigners they
had kidnapped from countries nearby Argentina (Chileans, Uruguayans,
Paraguayans), and they sent them back to their respective dictatorships.
In other words, Operation Condor worked on a continental scale. Who
directed it? The United States. One of its main heads was Henry
Kissinger. That is a well-known fact.
So where did Operation Condor come from? The National Security Doctrine,
that is how they called it, which was nothing other than a
counterinsurgency doctrine, imported from the French torturers in
Algeria. The United States applied it in Vietnam… The practice used by
the US in Vietnam, for instance, of throwing prisoners alive from
airplanes, which was part of the Phoenix Program
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phoenix_Program>. Well, that same
practice was used in Argentina. They threw the revolutionaries captured
by the military and the navy from airplanes into the Rio de la Plata.
And they also combined it with the same form of massive torture that was
used in Algerian torture camps – including the systematic rape of men
and women – during the French occupation.
So those were the two doctrines, French and North American, that were
taught in the counterinsurgency schools in Panama (run by the US
military’s SOUTHCOM), and in the war school in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil,
after the 1964 coup, and in Buenos Aires too.
So what was Operation Condor trying to do in the broad sense? It was
[imperialism’s] reaction to three things. First, to the huge
revolutionary insurgency, the huge “social rebellion” of the 1960s,
which went from the Vietnamese Revolution to the Algerian Revolution and
the Cuban Revolution. It also included the youth rebellions that took
place in Mexico, Tokyo, Rome, Berlin, Berkeley and Paris (which was the
most famous one). So Operation Condor was a response to the 1960s social
rebellion. It was a response, as well, to the emergence of Third-World
national liberation movements, because many countries, nations and
communities that had been French, English, Dutch, US, or Japanese
colonies, gained independence between the end of World War II and the
late 1960s, or even the end of 1970s, if we consider the case of Angola.
So this counterinsurgency doctrine that expressed itself in Operation
Condor (but not only in it) was an organized response. First, it was a
reaction to the “social rebellion” of the 1960s and the global emergence
of Third World national liberation movements. Second, it was a response
to the declining profit rate which was felt especially sharply with the
oil crisis, or “petrodollar crisis,” of 1973 and 1974. That economic
crisis was itself the outcome of the rebelliousness in the workforce. In
effect, counterinsurgency tries to curb the consequences of the falling
profit rate. Thirdly, there was the overall aim of disciplining the
workforce, imposing mechanisms of super-exploitation on Third World
workers, and finishing off with the welfare state (the so-called “golden
age of capitalism” that had lasted little more than 30 years in Western
Europe: from the end of World War II through the crisis of the early
70s). The aim was to be able to make a capitalism-in-crisis function again.
In sum, Operation Condor was imperialism’s political reaction to these
three issues… It was a project that produced a strong social response
and a lot of conflict. In other words, imperialism did not have an easy
time implementing it.
*Are we seeing the same thing today then? Is there an Operation Condor
of the twenty-first century?*
Today, the counterinsurgency project continues. There is some continuity
and some discontinuity. I believe that we are seeing a new attempt to
apply the [old] counterinsurgency doctrine in different conditions. Why
does this happen? Because rebellions reemerged, as responses to
neoliberalism, which was applied at the end of the 1970s. The rebellions
emerged after twenty or so years of neoliberalism.
First, there was the Zapatista rebellion in 1994. Then came Chavez’s
emergence in Venezuela. There was also the ongoing political-military
insurgency in Colombia and the survival of non-capitalist relations in
Cuba. That wave of rebelliousness against neoliberalism extended to the
World Social Forums in the early twenty-first century. And it got more
radical when Chavez declared the Bolivarian Revolution to be
socialist...To the Zapatista’s question, ”Is there a world where all
other worlds fit?,” the World Social Forum responded: “Another world is
possible.” Then Chavez raised the stakes. He said that other possible
world must be a socialist one. And he added, it’s “Twenty-First Century
Socialism.”
So what is “Twenty-First Century Socialism”? The question was an open
one. In my opinion, it is a weakness of the progressive movements to not
have defined Twenty-First Century Socialism, to have stopped short.
However, I think we should be cautious in our answers, because from my
point of view there are no pre-established models about to how to make
the transition from capitalism to socialism, of how to initiate the
transition to socialism. There are no models.
Many paths were proposed to Chavez. Some people suggested that using
self-managed industries was the right path, as was done in Yugoslavia.
Others proposed to follow the path of market socialism, as Deng Xiaoping
had done in China. Still others, including me, suggested working with
Che Guevara’s project and his Budgetary Finance System
<https://www.marxists.org/subject/economy/authors/yaffeh/che-critic.htm>.
In other words, a transition to socialism based on Popular Power, on
participative democracy, but also with a centralized economy. Venezuela
has an apparatus that offers certain advantages when it comes to
applying this system. Its situation is more favorable than Cuba’s, where
the economy was based only on sugar.
Venezuela has nothing less than [state oil company] PDVSA, which could,
with its oil resources, coordinate a series of activities – not only
those relating to the oil profits – but of collective, centralized
socialist production, with a centralized banking system and a
nationalizing [network of] large enterprises. But that had to be done
not only in one isolated country, Venezuela. The proposal was that from
ALBA <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ALBA>, the Budgetary Finance System
could be put in practice on a continental scale. If not in all of the
countries, at least in a great many of them.
Hence I believe that President Chavez and Bolivarian Venezuela only went
halfway, not because they were lukewarm or didn’t understand Marxism, or
there was a shallow reading of it. They did so because there was and
there continues to be an open debate. The debate is about the transition
to socialism. It is not a new discussion. There have been at least three
stages.
The first stage took place in the 1920s in Bolshevik Russia, where not
everybody was in agreement as to how to move forward. On the one hand,
Nicolai Buharin <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikolai_Bukharin>
proposed market socialism. On the other side was Yevgeni Preobrazhensky
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yevgeni_Preobrazhensky>, who proposed an
economy with centralized planning. Meanwhile, Lenin tried to find a
political solution, reconciling the two.
That very rich debate [about the transition to socialism] from the 1920s
reemerges in the decade of the 1960s in Cuba, where Charles Bettleheim
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Bettelheim> proposes market
socialism together with Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, who had a somewhat more
pro-Soviet attitude. On the other hand, Che Guevara, supported by Ernest
Mandel <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernest_Mandel>, proposes the
Budgetary Finance System. As Lenin had done before, Fidel opts for a
political solution that tries to maintain the alliance between the two
tendencies as Lenin had done in the Bolshevik Russia of the 1920s… He
tried to keep the pro-market current and the central planning current
both within the revolution’s sweep.
The third phase of this debate is the one that exists now. It’s the one
that has been going on in Venezuela and I think in the Bolivian process
too. It’s a debate that is going to happen in any Third World or
peripheral country that wants to leave capitalism behind. It is an open
debate. It’s not a failing or a problem that the debate is there. The
progressive governments in Latin America – in the Venezuelan case it’s a
government that stands out for it socialist intentions – have raised
this debate. It is still an open one and has not been resolved.
*Following up on that, let’s look critically at our movements and
political process in Latin America, which are all in crisis now. Would
it be fair to say that these progressive movements are in trouble
because of their failure to connect with the Latin American
revolutionary tradition and with the practices that derive from Marxist
theory?*
Are you asking whether Marxism guarantees that we will have successes
and triumphs? Is that what we are talking about? I believe that Marxism
is a political identity, a conception of the world and of life. It is a
multilinear and materialist conception of history, a philosophy of
praxis, and a dialectical method, but in itself it does not assure [that
we are on a] revolutionary path.
Marxism is a tremendous tool that allows us to understand how capitalism
works and understand what are the elements that bring it into crisis. It
allows us to understand the mechanisms of exploitation, domination,
dependency, and imperialism. Yet merely appealing to Marxist texts does
not guarantee a revolutionary outcome.
As an Argentinian, I know a tremendous number of Marxist intellectuals
who can quote from classical Marxist works, but in practice they have
reformist positions! And as far as Venezuela is concerned, they have
very ambiguous positions! Some don’t know if they should support the
Bolivarian Process. Or they don’t want to admit it because they are
embarrassed by their own positions, but they support the imperialist
offensive using quotes taken with tweezers from Marx’s texts. They don’t
define themselves clearly against imperialism, and yet they employ
apparently Marxist rhetoric. For that reason, appealing to Marxist texts
is not sufficient to confirm that you’re going in a revolutionary direction.
I believe that revolutionary Marxism must be accompanied by a firm
revolutionary project and not just a reading of the texts. In that
sense, I believe that Bolivarianism is an emancipatory continental
project that could [fill that role]. That is what Chavez tried and it
what the Colombian insurgency tried to do (along with a lot of other
people in the continent). I believe that the synthesis of Marxism and
Bolivarianism is the best assurance that we can have a leftist solution
to the crisis, one that questions capitalism. In other words, confront
imperialism and not make any concessions. And that is not going to be
achieved only by quoting the classical works of Marxism.
It is necessary to study Marxism, but it’s not enough. Marxism is needed
because it makes things clear. It is necessary because it is a
theoretical and scientific tool and critical method, but it must go hand
on hand with clear political positions. Again, in Argentina there are
political currents that quote Marxist texts, but when imperialism
attacked Syria and Libya and now Venezuela, they have very ambiguous
positions. They declare Maduro to be a tyrant. They declare Gaddafi to
be a tyrant, whom they lynched! They say Saddam Hussein was a tyrant! In
other words, in the name of Marxism they end up being the shock troops
of imperialism. So studying Marxism is necessary, but it has to go hand
on hand with revolutionary positions.
--
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