[News] Puerto Rico: The Invisible and Recurring Social Struggles in the Oldest Colony in the World
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Jun 21 12:56:43 EDT 2010
Puerto Rico: The Invisible and Recurring Social
Struggles in the Oldest Colony in the World
by Victor M. Rodriguez Domínguez / June 21st, 2010
http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/06/puerto-rico-the-invisible-and-recurring-social-struggles-in-the-oldest-colony-in-the-world/
Then, all the men of the land surrounded him;
the sad corpse saw them, excited; stood up slowly,
embraced the first man; and walked
César Vallejo (1937)
For more than fifty-six days, students at the
University of Puerto Rico system, have peacefully
occupied ten of the 11 universities in support of
a series of measures that could challenge efforts
to privatize this public university. Student
struggles in Puerto Rico historically have
repercussions in the broader society and are
woven with the major economic, political and
social issues in this United States colonial
possession. While some social analysts saw this
millennial generation as somewhat less militant
and political, these events have surpassed any
previous social struggles in creativity, strategy
and in its use of participatory democratic
processes since the founding of the university
107 years ago. Given Puerto Ricos peculiar
colonial status, in a world where colonies are
almost extinct, every social struggle becomes, an
anti-colonial process. But in this case, this
process also becomes a struggle against the
neo-liberal policies which have again resurfaced
in the policies of the current colonial
government to address the extreme economic
precariousness of the United States colonial
project in Puerto Rico. This student struggle
exists within the historical context of an
anti-colonial struggle in Puerto Rico. When
people thought social movements were dead, they somehow stood up and walked.
Origins of the Oldest Colony
Since the Spanish-American War of 1898, Puerto
Rico has performed a hidden but strategic role in
United States foreign policy. One of the
outcomes of the war that for the first time in
U.S. history, lands that were conquered or
annexed did not become a territory on its way to
incorporation as a state as was suggested by the
1787 Northwest Ordinance. Instead, the United
States Supreme Court in the early twentieth
century, in a series of decisions called the
Insular Cases carved a special legal space
which formally transformed Puerto Rico into a
colony and the United States into an empire. This
contradictory legal space also gave the U.S.
total control of Puerto Ricos economic,
political, and social dynamics. In this new
political status, an unincorporated territory
of the United States, Puerto Rico became a
testing ground, a laboratory for medical,
military and social and economic policies that
were later implemented as part of U.S. foreign policy around the world.
The first two years of U.S. control over the
island (1898-1900), a military government
implemented economic policies which coupled with
the natural devastation caused by tropical
hurricane San Ciriaco in 1900, led to the
collapse of what had been the most dynamic sector
of Puerto Ricos economy, the coffee industry.
This industry had well-developed markets in
Europe and Cuba, whose populations preferred the
high quality coffee produced in Puerto Ricos
highlands. The economic policies of the military
government, the incorporation of Puerto Rico into
the United States tariff structure closed access
to European and Cuban markets. In turn, the
United States market was already controlled by
Brazilian coffee. The devastating effects of the
hurricane contributed to the islands social,
economic and political crisis. The thousands of
displaced peasants then became entrants into the
global labor market when labor brokers from the
Hawaii sugar industry began to recruit thousands
of Puerto Rican peasants. One of the strategies
of Hawaiis sugar elite was to create an
ethnically divided labor force to avoid the
consolidation of unions in the sugar fields.
Unwillingly, the displaced Puerto Rican peasants,
most of whom had no experience in sugar cane
agriculture, became pawns in the sugar elites drive to control labor.
In the following decades, population planning
policies (some led by U.S. groups connected to
Eugenics ideology), assembly plant industrial
development policies (maquiladora model),
militarization of the island, the testing of
napalm and Agent Orange in various parts of the
island, the use of depleted uranium shells in the
island of Vieques all were facilitated because of
Puerto Ricos inability to protect itself. These
policies and practices were later promoted in
other countries around the world. Colonial
governors were appointed by the president of the
United States until 1947. Puerto Ricos only
voice in congress, was and still is a sole
resident commissioner who only has voice but
has not been a voting member of congress which
has complete control over policies to shape the
islands political, social and economic dynamics.
In addition, congress and its colonial
representatives implemented a cultural policy of
assimilation, which given the islands colonial
nature, had an imperialistic effect while also
furthered a Puerto Rican national identity and
culture of resistance. In 1903, the University of
Puerto Rico was founded as a school to prepare
teachers for the public educational system. The
use of English as the medium of instruction was
imposed throughout the developing educational
system being developed by colonial authorities.
The universitys role would be to create the
cadres for the process of assimilation that was
promoted among the islands one million
inhabitants. Instead, Puerto Ricos national
identity, which under Spain was created in
tension with Spain, now began to be centered on
the Spanish language and Puerto Rican culture.
Ironically, United States policies contributed to
the development of a more clearly defined Puerto
Rican national identity, this time vis-a-vis the
United States. This tension with the United
States at times led to a nationalism that
romanticized the Spanish past, at the same time,
with all its contradictions became the core of a
culture of resistance against U.S. colonialism in Puerto Rico.
During the 1930s and until the 1950s, the
pro-independence movement was the second largest
political force in the island. But its influence
was also strong within the dominant political
party, the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), who
later on went to win the elections and created in
1952 the Estado Libre Asociado (Commonwealth).
This is the present political system that defines
the relationship between Puerto Rico and the
United States. Not much of the colonial
relationship was changed by the new political
facade, and Congress still holds control over all
aspects of the island. But the dominant party,
most of whom were former pro-independence
politicians, used the symbols of Puerto Rican
nationalism to get the consensus of the Puerto
Rican population for their political project. The
flag of the new political entity, became the
nationalist flag, the Commonwealths national
hymn had also been the nationalist hymn and the
rhetoric used by the Popular Democratic leaders
continued to, in contradictory ways, echo the nationalist discourse.
Because of student and faculty struggles, Spanish
was reintroduced as the medium of instruction in
the public educational system in the 1940s and
the University of Puerto Rico, instead of
becoming the uncontested site for the
assimilation of the emerging professional class
became the battle ground for a national culture
of resistance. In 1948, pro-independence students
led a strike at the University of Puerto Rico
which led to the closure of the university and to
the expulsion of many of the student leaders.
Many of these leaders would finish their higher
education elsewhere and later become political
leaders in island pro-independence politics. With
this strike, the University of Puerto Rico
became, not only an ideological battleground
between hegemonic forces and anti-colonial
forces, it also became a launching ground for
national resistance to imperial policies. The
colonial government efforts, under the control of
the Popular Democratic Party, to steer the
university after the defeated student strike
toward the formation of a technocratic apolitical
professional class for the emerging program of
industrialization failed. While the
pro-independence forces lost its influence on the
electoral arena, they maintained their influence
in the islands social struggles and the
university. The anti-imperialist struggles in the
Third World and the Cuban revolution (1959)
became catalysts for another stage of anti-imperialist struggles.
Student Struggles at the University of Puerto Rico
During the 1960s, the Vietnam War and the
presence of the Reserve Officers Training Corp
(ROTC) at the University of Puerto became the
issues that sparked social movements, not only on
the campuses but also throughout the island. The
University of Puerto Rico, especially the main
campus in Rio Piedras, was the site of much
conflict including violent confrontations between
anti-colonial and pro-establishment forces.
Political repression, emigration and economic
transformation led to the decline of the
electoral strength of pro-independence forces.
The university then became a major site of
struggle for those who contested colonial
policies in Puerto Rico. In some way, struggles
at the university of Puerto Rico served as the
spark for Puerto Rican national struggles.
While in the United States draft-dodging was
the principal means of challenging the Vietnam
era draft, in Puerto Rico resistance to induction
became the main tactic. In fact, the refusal of
thousands of Puerto Rican youth to be drafted,
especially of university youth, led to the
collapse of the Selective Service System in
Puerto Rico. While some early resisters were
arrested and a few served time in prison, the
majority did not. The massive nature of the
protest made the incarceration of thousands a
political impossibility for United States colonial authorities.
Also, the University of Puerto Rico, following
the Latin American autonomous university model
begun at the University of Cordoba, Argentina in
1918, has a veneer of autonomy. In 1966, the
University Reform law created a space for an
autonomous university and limited co-government
of the university. The university would later
receive a fixed percent (9.6 per cent) of public
funds in order to prevent it from falling prey to
the vagaries of island politics. This precarious
autonomy did not have its full intended effect,
since the dominant parties gave their supporters
positions in the university administration as
part of the political spoils, however, its
ideological effect on students and faculty was
quite distinct. Students, particularly, took
seriously the autonomy of the university and
defended it through their struggles. In the Fall
of 1967, after a protracted struggle for the
elimination of the ROTC from the University of
Puerto Rico campus, Puerto Ricos police
intervened in a struggle between pro-statehood
students and pro-independence students. The
pro-independence students, who stayed within the
confines of the university, tried to impede the
entrance of the police into the campus as a way
of protecting the autonomy of the university. In
the battle between police and students, Adrian
Rodriguez Fernandez, a taxi driver who was
looking for his daughter, a student at the
university, was killed by the police.
The conflicts at the university intensified and
in 1970s, a university student, Antonia Martinez
Lagares, was killed while standing on a balcony
in the Santa Rita neighborhood where many
students lived. She had been denouncing the
police as murderers because of their attacks of
students protesters in the street facing her
apartment. One of the officers proceeded to kill
her. Today, the transmission booth of the
University of Puerto Rico striking students low
watt radio station, Radio Huelga is named
Antonia Martinez Lagares in her honor. Also, in
many of the demonstrations her name is raised in banners.
The continued intensification of the conflict at
the university continued and on March 11, 1971,
as students attacked the ROTC building,
Chancellor Pedro Rivera called for the riot squad
to enter the University of Puerto Rico, Rio
Piedras campus. The entrance of the riot squad so
incensed the students, that at the end of the
day, one ROTC cadet Jacinto Gutierrez had died, a
police officer and the commander of the riot
squad Juan B. Mercado had been killed by snipers.
In recent years, another large student strike
occurred in 1981-82, this process precedes the
current strike in terms of the issues and the
characteristics of the social movement. Issues
related to the national question were not as
salient as in previous decades. The main issues
were of an economic nature. The raising of
tuition fees would make the university less
accessible to many Puerto Rican students. The
role of Christian groups and the visible role of
women as leaders was also a characteristic of
that process. The student leaders were also
broader in ideological terms although the role of
pro-independence and socialist was crucial. The
repression of the student strikers by the police
was intense and was followed by the summary
suspension of a significant number of the student
leaders. These measures left this process of
struggle as an unfinished social conflict.
Despite the massive nature of the student
movement, the strong external support and the
broad basis of the leadership the process ended
in a short-term defeat of the movement. But in
many ways as a response to the lessons of the
1981-82 period the university adopted a formal
policy of no confrontation that has helped the
university avoid the level of violence experienced during the previous era.
Today: The Political, Economic and Educational Crisis Converge
Today, partially hidden from the mainstream
United States media, a long (56 days June 15),
and creative process of social struggle to
preserve higher education began on April 13, in
San Juan Puerto Rico. Echoing in diverse ways the
1968 San Francisco State strike and the National
Autonomous University of Mexico strike in 1999,
this is a clear and eloquent counter attack on
neo-liberal thinking about the role of the public
university in a capitalist society. But also,
this social struggle has revealed, again, the
precarious nature of the colonial model in Puerto
Rico and the impeding need for its transcendence.
The University of Puerto Rico system, with its
65,000 students and more than 5,000 faculty
members is the largest public system in higher
education in this island. More than 33 per cent
of Puerto Ricos 25 years and older population
has some post-secondary and/or university
education. This is higher than more developed
nations like Finland and New Zealand. Puerto
Rico, with a population close to four million has
developed a philosophy about the need to have an
accessible system of public higher education.
Ironically, this is also a contradictory outcome
of some of the early colonial reformers who were
members of the Popular Democratic Party. They
developed policies, some reflected in the
islands constitution that in some respects are
more advanced than in the United States.
Education, at least from k-12, is established as
a right in the constitution. Access to higher
education, while not enshrined in the
constitution is also considered a right and not a
privilege by most Puerto Ricans. The state
support and relatively low tuition attest to that philosophy.
This has enabled Puerto Rico to have a higher
bachelor degree rate than three states,
Mississippi, Arkansas and West Virginia, despite
having a lower high school degree completion rate
than any state. At the same time, according to a
study by Cruz Rivera (2008) the University of
Puerto Rico produces 95 per cent of the research
carried out in Puerto Rico and produces 10,000
new professionals every year. Just one of its
universities, the University of Puerto Rico in
Mayaguez produces 606 engineers every year which
is more than Texas A & M, Florida International
University of Texas, Austin and California State
University, Pomona combined. With limited
resources its six year persistence and graduation
rates are higher than the University of
Wisconsin, Texas A & M, University of Washington
and the University of Minnesota. It also has
increased the percentage of its faculty with
doctorates from 66.5 per cent in the 1999-00
academic year to 79.4 per cent in 2007.
Unfortunately, part of its success has to do with
the changing demographics of its students, from
1998 until 2007, the percentage of students
entering the University of Puerto Rico from the
public school system has decreased from 50 per
cent to 41 per cent. While still 57 per cent of
the students still qualify for federal aid,
increasingly, the new entrants are from middle
and upper-middle class families, while
ironically, private universities are the ones who
increasingly are providing a university education
to lower income families. The persistence and
graduation rates of these private institutions
are dramatically lower than those for the University of Puerto Rico system.
Its tuition, comparatively speaking, is lower
than most universities in the United States and
the colonial state support is also comparatively
higher than for public institutions in the U.S.
For example, while only six per cent of the
budget of the University of Puerto Rico depends
on tuition, at similar public universities in the
United States, 31 per cent of their operating
budgets are derived from tuition. On the other
hand, state appropriations provide 65 per cent of
the operating budget for the university of Puerto
Rico while for public universities in the United
States the corresponding share is 41 per cent.
But gradually, after the defeat of the student
strike in 1981-82, the share of the operating
budget derived from tuition has gradually
increased. According to the office of the vice
president of academic affairs report, from
1981-2001, the state appropriations were reduced
from 45.6 per cent to 35.6 per cent while the
share of income from tuition increased from 12.9 per cent to 18.1 per cent.
In a nation with a median family income of
$20,425, a third of the United States median
family income ($58,526), every tuition increase
excludes working and middle class students to the
most important social mobility tool the state
provides, a university education. The poverty
rate in Puerto Rico in 2008 was 45.4 per cent
which is three times as high as the rate of the
United States overall. Any state policy that
limits access to students from lower
socioeconomic levels will increase the social and
economic inequality in a country that already is extremely unequal.
In 2008, the new colonial government elected was
the New Progressive Party, a political party that
is neither new nor progressive and which
represents the most conservative strata of the
island social and economic elite. This party
supports statehood for Puerto Rico and through a
platform which promised to solve the economic
crisis that has been revealing itself in the
colonial model since at least the 1970s, was able
to get massive support. The previous Governor
Anibal Acevedo Vila, was indicted on more than 20
counts of fraud by the Federal Court in Puerto
Rico during the electoral year. Some have argued
that it was punishment for the timid efforts of
its government in investigating the FBI
assassination of a prominent leader of the
Ejercito Popular Boricua-Macheteros, a guerrilla
organization that had remained relatively dormant
during the previous 15 years. Filiberto Ojeda
Rios, was shot by an FBI Hostage Rescue Team
sniper. He bled to death because the FBI did not
allow medical teams to provide medical
assistance. Surprisingly, while most Puerto
Ricans do not support independence there was a
strong national response to the assassination and
his funeral was attended by thousands of
mourners. The electoral weakness of the Popular
Democratic Party led it to take timid steps to
keep the support of those pro-independence voters
who in order to stop the electoral advance of the
proponents of statehood were voting for the
colonial party. Ironically, Acevedo Vila lost the
election and Luis Fortuño won the elections in a
landslide. Surprisingly, soon after Governor
Fortuño took office in 2009 all the federal
charges against former Governor Acevedo Vila were dropped.
The new governor was active in Republican Party
politics in the United States. Contrary to most
of the other recent New Progressive Party
governors, like former governors Pedro Rosselló
and Carlos Romero Barceló, who were members of
the Liberal wing of the Democrat Party, Governor
Fortuño is closely linked to the islands social
and economic elite and to the conservative wing
of the Republican Party in the United States.
While there is no Republican Party in Puerto
Rico, there is a political structure that
participates in the primaries and sends delegates
to represent Puerto Ricos Republicans in the
Republican National convention.
The Collapsing Colonial Economy
Puerto Rico has been in a recession for more than
four years. The Gross National Product has
declined by more than 10 per cent (Lara, 2009).
Governor Fortuño surprised many when in response
to the grave economic recession and the large
budget deficit facing the island he gathered a
group of the financial elite to develop a plan to
address the economy. Partially in response to the
plan, legislation was approved (Law 7, March
2009) which allows the state to eliminate more
than 20,000 public sector jobs, privatize public
sectors of the state, through a gimmick called
Public-Private Alliances. Law 7 also allows the
state to bypass collective bargaining agreements,
create the private public partnerships and enable
the state to institute cuts in government
operational costs of more than $2 billion. These
partnerships would allow the private sector to
take over the most profitable segments of the
public sector and run them as profit-making
enterprises. Every previous efforts to privatize
public sectors of the state have ended up in
disaster. The Telephone company of Puerto Rico,
one of the most profitable and modern public
enterprises in the island was privatized by the
administration of Governor Pedro Rosselló in
1998, this led to a general strike that was
unable to stop the process. The phone service
today is worse than it was before and the stream
of income that was used to finance education was
lost and the income from the sale was used to
poorly finance a very expensive health care
system that has dragged down the economy of the
island. The Autoridad de Acueductos y
Alcantarillados (AAA), a public agency with
manages water and sewers, also experienced
privatization as have many formerly public
services. Scandalous frauds and inefficiencies
have marked all these privatization efforts.
Puerto Rico today has one of the highest private
and public debts in the world and an
infrastructure that is in need to a major
investment. The murder rate is one of the highest
in the world and the drug trafficking related
violence forces working and middle folks to live
inside of home with gates and security.
Contradictorily, United States corporations
operating in the island, from pharmaceuticals to
enterprises making medical instruments have
benefitted from Puerto Ricos highly skilled
labor force transferred $33,330 billions in
profit to their main headquarters in the United
States and only paid $27.4 millions in taxes. The
island has one of the lowest corporate taxes in the world.
It is in this context that the administration of
the University of Puerto Rico decides to place
the burden of a $280 million deficit on the backs
of the students by proposing a tuition increase.
This deficit is in part due to the effect of Law
7 and the elimination of funding streams that
previously had gone to the university and the
fact that close to $300 million in debts owed to
the system have not been collected. The students,
who already had been participating in the social
movement against the neo-liberal cuts and the
firing of thousands of public workers joined the
labor movement in a national general strike on
October 15, 2009. The university of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras was closed on that day of protest.
Given the political and social context it is not
surprising that the students decided in one of
the largest student assemblies ever gathered at
the UPR to strike. Initially for 48 hours and
later, if no response was received from the
administration, an indefinite strike would begin.
The administration, did not take the students
seriously and the students began an indefinite
strike. Through a careful process of organizing
the strike spread through the 11 campus system
and a national negotiating committee was selected
to represent all the universities in the system.
The only campus that did not close was the
Medical School although they held a number of
limited strikes. The role of medical students in
teaching hospitals and clinics led many to limit their role in the strike.
Contrary to the 1960s and building on the
strategies used by UPR strikers in the 1981-82
process, a policy of no confrontation was
strictly adhered to, forms of participatory
democracy were utilized. The students created
social networks in Facebook, Twitter, My Space
and also created a low watt radio station (Radio
Huelga) which transmits across the world on US
STREAM. This station rapidly became the best
source of music and news developing in the course
of the strike. The role of culture as a way of
promoting the strike and enabling the spirit of
struggle to be maintained was also strategic.
Performance art, guerrilla theater, musical
concerts, and a broad array of international and
national support reached levels never experienced
in previous struggles. For the first time LGBT
organizations were visible participants in the
strike and the clear and visible role of women
leadership was clear and important. Parents of
the students organized, the Bar Association,
labor unions, religious organizations organized
events supporting the students. The faculty union
and the clerical workers union decided to not
cross student picket lines. The faculty of all
the 11 universities gathered in the campus of the
University of Puerto Rico, Cayey and voted to
strike if violence was used against the students.
While violence was used at various time against
the strikers it was not as systematic as it was in previous decades.
In recent days, Governor Fortuño ordered police
forces out of the university confines (intense
use of the police at the university gates led to
increase in crime rates), the governing party,
New Progressive Party Resident Commissioner in
Washington, D.C. publicly disagreed with
university authorities and called for
negotiations and no sanctions for the students.
The negotiations between students and the
university are advanced, a mediator agreeable to
both parties was named and it is expected that
one of the longest strikes that has challenged
neo-liberalism in Puerto Rico will soon end with
a student victory. Neo-liberalism experienced a
defeat, but the struggle is not over. Contrary to
ivory tower social analysts who had argued that
the national identity of Puerto Ricans had
diminished in its strategic role in Puerto Rico
or that students should be pragmatic and bend to
the necessity of the present times, this strike
showed that what seemed dead was resting for a new day.
Victor M. Rodriguez Domínguez is a professor of
sociology of race and ethnicity in the Department
of Chicano and Latino Studies, California State
University, Long Beach, his most recent book is
Latino Politics in the United States: Race,
Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the Mexican
American and Puerto Rican Experience (Kendall
Hunt, 2005).
<http://dissidentvoice.org/author/VictorRodriguezDominguez/>Read
other articles by Victor.
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