[News] What Can South Africa Teach Palestinians: Reflections on our Palestinian Youth Organizer Delegation to Johannesburg
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Fri Jun 7 11:53:47 EDT 2019
http://www.palestinechronicle.com/what-can-south-africa-teach-palestinians-reflections-on-our-palestinian-youth-organizer-delegation-to-johannesburg/
What Can South Africa Teach Palestinians: Reflections on our
Palestinian Youth Organizer Delegation to Johannesburg
June 6, 2019
------------------------------------------------------------------------
*By The Palestinian Youth Movement
<http://www.palestinechronicle.com/writers/the-palestinian-youth-movement>*
From April 1 to April 11, 2019, the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM)
<https://www.pymusa.com/>, in partnership with the Afro-Middle East
Center (AMEC) <https://www.amec.org.za/>, hosted a delegation of 20
Palestinian youth organizers
<http://www.pymusa.com/southafricadelegation> in Johannesburg, South
Africa.
The delegation was driven by three goals: first, to deepen relations of
joint-struggle between Palestinians and South Africans; second, to study
how we, as Palestinians, can learn from the historic achievements of the
South African struggle; and third, to strengthen working relationships
among a new generation of Palestinian youths from various geographic and
ideological backgrounds toward a unified national liberation project.
The intensive study program featured lectures, seminar discussions,
visits to landmark sites of historic struggle, and meetings with South
African political figures, community leaders and youth activists.
Our delegation was comprised of Palestinians from the homeland, both
from 1948 historic Palestine and the West Bank and Gaza Strip;
Palestinian refugees from Lebanon and Syria; and Palestinians living in
exile in the United States, in Europe, and the Arab region. In addition
to their geographic diversity, the delegates also represented various
sociocultural backgrounds, political ideologies, and organizational
experiences that exist within Palestinian political and social life
globally.
Bringing together Palestinian youth from such different backgrounds has
become a critical feature of PYM’s programming
<http://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/p2y_27.pdf> over the last decade
as we attempt to overcome the fragmentation affecting our role as a new
generation in our national struggle. The delegation in South Africa was
yet another example of how PYM’s political principles are deeply
embedded in our practice.
The timeliness of the delegation cannot be overstated. The delegation
came at the heels of over a decade of global campaigning for justice in
Palestine with the South African struggle’s appeal for boycott,
divestment, and sanctions against apartheid as its blueprint. We note
that boycott efforts have long been a part of the Palestinian and Third
World traditions, even as far back as the 1936 Arab General Strikes.
However, the last decade has seen major BDS victories as it has been
modeled on the South African case. The delegation also coincided with
the South African government’s decision to downgrade its embassy
<https://www.palestinechronicle.com/south-africa-anc-backs-minister-on-israeli-embassy-downgrade/>
in Tel Aviv.
Just three years ago, Palestinians in Ramallah unveiled a six-meter
statue of the late South African leader, Nelson Mandela, gifted by the
city of Johannesburg. During the statue honorary ceremony, mayor of
Ramallah, Musa Hadid stated
<https://www.africanews.com/2016/04/26/johannesburg-presents-mandela-statue-to-ramallah-in-palestine/>
that with the statue, Ramallah would send a “clear message to the
colonizer and occupier, Israel: we are much closer to freedom than you
think.” The emerging parallels and linkages between Palestine and South
Africa in many ways informed the purpose of the delegation as an
investigative, fact-finding study tour.
The delegation took place nearly a quarter century since both the Oslo
Accords and South Africa’s transition out of Apartheid. This period
behind us provides us with adequate distance to assess
<https://www.pymusa.com/southafricadelegation> the current Palestinian
national condition against the backdrop of a country whose history and
ongoing struggles parallel the Palestinian struggle in many ways. We
examined why the Palestinian and South African struggles resulted in
dramatically different scenarios since the early 1990s.
Further, the delegation allowed for deep and critical reflections on the
ethics of solidarity and mechanisms of revitalizing a national frame
/and/ internationalist trajectory among Palestinians ourselves. The
delegation bore rich discussion amongst its participants and a
commitment to building on the experience.
*Why South Africa? *
PYM chose South Africa for three reasons: first, because of the
prominence of the apartheid framework in driving the global Palestine
solidarity movement and the use of other frameworks of oppression
including settler-colonialism and racial capitalism; second, because of
the longstanding histories of joint struggle between the two struggles;
and third, because of the parallels and divergent outcomes of the 1990’s
negotiations processes in both contexts.
*Apartheid Framework: *Over the past 10 years, activists and scholars
have increasingly assessed the conditions in Palestine through a
comparative lens with South Africa, drawing parallels
<https://al-shabaka.org/focuses/focus-on-when-does-it-become-apartheid/>
between the Zionist occupation of Palestine and the apartheid system in
South Africa. Since its start in 2005, the BDS movement
<https://bdsmovement.net/> has effectively mobilized the apartheid
analogy to further the movement for Palestinian rights and modeled its
tactics after those employed by global anti-apartheid struggle:
boycotts, corporate disinvestment, and sanctions of Israel.
In addition, the use of international law and human rights law as tools
for advocacy for justice in Palestine have grown, as part, and alongside
efforts for BDS. The 2002 Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court, which made apartheid an internationally condemned crime, is one
example of this.
*Dimensions Beyond Apartheid: *Beyond examining the apartheid framework,
the delegation discussed other dimensions of South Africa’s history and
struggle, during both the colonial and Apartheid period and after. We
explored the South African struggle through the framework of
settler-colonialism — by which land confiscation and the dispossession
and elimination of the indigenous people shapes the driving logic of the
oppressive order.
We also explored the struggle as one against racial colonialism and
racial capitalism, which operates through the extraction of natural
resources and the exploitation of native labor.
If we, as Palestinians, are to attempt to envision and implement
relevant liberation strategies in our own context, we must understand
these systems, how they have taken form historically in South Africa,
and the remnants of these legacies today. By visiting sites of struggle
and meeting with South Africans, we began to see the differences between
the Palestinian context and South African context, which are vital to
accounting for in devising our liberation strategy. We specifically
asked questions about how and why the Zionist colonization does not rely
on Palestinian labor and how this presents challenges for us as
Palestinians. In the anti-apartheid struggle, South Africans could
leverage their labor to make the Apartheid system economically unfeasible.
*Joint Struggle: *In addition to studying similarities and differences
between the two struggles, our delegation sought to better understand
the history of Palestinian-South African solidarity, empathy, and joint
struggle. Both causes had reciprocal forms of support for one another.
During his rise to leadership in the post-Apartheid government, Nelson
Mandela made it a point to maintain his commitment and friendship with
Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), as he
once had recognized Arafat as a comrade in arms and articulated that the
Palestinian struggle was similar to the South Africa struggle for they
both sought to achieve self-determination. These histories of joint
struggle warranted further attention that our delegates engaged
immensely in conversations with South African strugglers. Realizing how
deep senses of loyalty and shared principles bound the two struggles
with another, we also realized how robust the relationship was between
Israel and the South African Apartheid government.
*1990’s Negotiations Processes:* Most critical, we wanted to explore the
success and limitations of South Africa’s negotiations process and the
establishment and effectiveness of the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. We wanted to understand the conditions of possibility that
led to the negotiations, the material reality it had resulted in, and to
verify if the negotiations, indeed, had brought about true liberation
for the people and land in ending the Apartheid regime.
The youth necessarily asked what differences existed between South
African and Palestinian conditions on the eve of negotiations and how
the two processes resulted quite differently. We learned that the
leadership of the African National Congress came to the negotiating
table, not because of a decisive victory, but because of a shift in the
international configuration of power with the fall of the Soviet Union,
coupled with dwindling resources available to the resistance movement.
Both of those reasons are causes for why the PLO also entered the
negotiations process at around the same time. As Dr. Salim Valley, of
the Palestine Solidarity Committee, summarized, “We did not have a
revolution. We had a negotiated settlement.”
However, a few distinctions exist between the two cases including the
mounting international pressures on the Apartheid regime in South
Africa, which the Palestinians did not enjoy in the same tenacity at the
time. Further, it became clear to us that Mandela effectively negotiated
a release of all the political prisoners and return of all exiled
leaders before they sat at the official negotiations table.
*Lessons Learned about South Africa*
One of our greatest realizations was the way the apartheid narrative as
a single-story, eclipses South Africa’s extensive history of racial
colonialism, settler-colonialism, and racial capitalism. The history
book start of Apartheid is marked as 1948 when the South African
National Party (the Afrikaner ethnic nationalist party) came to power in
government. This largely overlooks that the apartheid system was
actually a consolidation of laws implemented by British and Dutch
colonial powers.
These laws were aimed at subjugating the country’s majority Black
population as a cheap labor reserve: dispossessing them of their land,
enslaving and exploiting them for production and profit, and sectioning
them off to certain racial areas (later referred to as /Bantustans/) in
order to control their movement. This history of colonization dates back
to 1652 and 1806 when Dutch and British colonialism created the social,
political, and economic conditions of exploitation that shaped what we
now refer to as the Apartheid era beginning in 1948.
We also learned about the ways colonialism inflicted gender violence and
shaped gender roles and familial relations throughout South Africa’s
history. In the interest of controlling and subjugating cheap labor, the
Apartheid regime’s policies operated to restrict the movement of Black
South African men, systematically keeping them away from their families.
Black South African men faced brutalization and degradation by colonial
and apartheid state forces in mines, labor hostels, and prisons, which
translated into violent exertion of power over those more vulnerable
than them through a system of patriarchy: South African women.
Similarly, the state-imposed various methods of sexual and gendered
violence upon women’s bodies, which we examined more deeply at the
women’s jail at Constitutional Hill.
We heard from women in the anti-apartheid struggle about their
experiences navigating patriarchal movement spaces. The persistence of
gender violence until today — demonstrated by Johannesburg’s record
rates of gender violence — is a direct consequence of a colonial legacy
that has gone without redress as part of the national liberation
movement. This was a powerful lesson in the indivisibility of social
liberation and national liberation for us as Palestinians and makes us
take more seriously this relation as we revitalize our own struggle.
After seeing the conditions in Johannesburg and speaking with local
community organizations, it became apparent that the 1994 negotiations
to end Apartheid in South Africa failed to ensure land and wealth
redistribution. They did not account for the inequities that had been in
the making through three centuries of colonialism and five decades of de
jure apartheid. In effect, power remained largely undistributed which is
why, in the “post-Apartheid” period, Whites maintain their historic
power in South Africa despite a growing Black political and economic
elite and a growing Black middle-class.
Though the South African struggle was comprised of varying ideologies,
most prominently reflected in the Pan-African Congress, the African
National Congress, and the South African Communist Party, the dominant
strands within the movement centered ending Apartheid over ending the
racial capitalist order. Where the apartheid framework acknowledges the
segregated political, economic, and social conditions of South Africa,
it also, by default, naturalizes the presence of White settlers.
It works to eradicate a system of racial segregation without paying
complete attention to racial capitalism and colonial settlement. By
addressing primarily the system of discrimination in favor of a “Rainbow
Nation,” the process to end apartheid neglected to address the colonial
history and capitalist order behind those apartheid laws. The process to
end Apartheid was driven by a strong commitment to democratic freedoms,
human rights, and an end to state violence.
However, it did not redress the violence of labor and land dispossession
and in effect, maintained many of the forms of segregation and
inequality from the colonial and apartheid periods, similar to the
ongoing struggles for racial justice in a so-called post-Jim Crow United
States. We witnessed the ongoing implications of this in the intense
security and surveillance systems throughout Johannesburg, in the severe
inequities and contrasts in wealth between Sandton and Alexandra
Township, and the ongoing movements to reclaim the land.
*What Do These Lessons about South Africa Mean for Palestine?*
Witnessing South Africa’s persistent social, racial, and economic
inequities, that are remnants of colonialism and Apartheid, we
problematized the way we, as Palestinians, understand the apartheid
analysis. While apartheid is a structural component of the Palestinian
colonial condition, it does not comprehensively define it, nor does it
prescribe a political solution for us. We recognized the need for our
struggle to be informed by a de/anti-colonial praxis in order to obtain
full rights and full justice including a redistribution of land, wealth,
and power and the actualization of the refugee return to historic
Palestine.
It is critical to sustaining global Palestine solidarity efforts for BDS
modeled after the South African experience, and the apartheid analogy
may be useful for legal advocacy with South Africa, serving as an
internationally recognized legal precedent. However, it is important not
to allow the apartheid framework to eclipse a fuller understanding of
what happened in South Africa nor limit the extent of liberatory
possibilities for Palestine. For us, understanding the rise of
neoliberal racial capitalist systems
<https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/N/bo25338775.html>
developed post-Oslo, and centering these forms of oppression in our
liberation strategy are also vital.
Through our study and reflection, we resolved that settler-colonialism,
racial colonialism, apartheid, refugeehood, and military occupation are
key systems that work together shaping the respective conditions of
Palestinian people, and therefore our struggle. These dimensions are
what allow for shared principles with other anti-imperialist,
de/anti-colonial, and anti-racist causes and movements historically and
globally.
However, we articulate the particularities of the Palestinian condition
as tied to the ways Zionism has manifested itself. What is sorely needed
is a return to a more robust definition of Zionism that will allow the
movement for Palestine to see all the various facets of the Palestinian
struggle without allowing one framework to overdetermine or limit our
broader understanding.
*Our Assessment of our Conditions*
As Palestinian youth coming from different contexts, reflective of the
Palestinian condition, the delegates realized how rare it was for this
many diverse experiences to be represented in one space and to be in
conversation with one another. For most, it was their first time in a
youth-led space that brought together all these Palestinian experiences.
This rarity is informed by our geographical fragmentation, limitations
in mobility across colonial borders, and the lack of institutional
forums to facilitate these exchanges and gatherings in the aftermath of
the Oslo Accords. Oslo marked a rupture in the transnational Palestinian
body politic and national infrastructure, including**institutional
forums to archive and learn our political organizing history.
As the Palestinian national trajectory sought to prepare for a state on
only a fraction of historic Palestine, the institutional commitment to
preparing the new generation for the revolutionary struggle was
weakened. We acknowledge the acute need to find ways to overcome both
colonial borders and factional tendencies in our society and to
revitalize liberatory knowledge-making and access, communal
accountability, social wellness, and political cooperation across our
pluralism.
We discussed the way the post-1993 neo-liberalization of Palestine, the
development of racial capitalism all while under occupation, has had
severe consequences on Palestinian economy and subsequently resulted in
a social reordering of Palestinian society. We discussed the normalcy
and pervasiveness of the reliance on aid institutions, debt-based
economy, and non-governmental organizational industries; all of which
play a role in hindering grassroots participation in the Palestinian
political project.
We identified the need to develop systems and institutions of
self-reliance and sustainability in our organizational efforts as a way
to limit the political restrictions of neoliberal debt that was
introduced to Palestine exponentially after Oslo and to revitalized
popular revolutionary consciousness and community accountability among
every day Palestinians struggling against both colonial occupation,
displacement and a new Palestinian political and economic elite.
Witnessing the conditions in South Africa and knowing our own history of
internationalism, we recognized the need to foster more reciprocal forms
of joint struggle with other peoples of the world especially with South
Africans themselves who continue to sustain their struggle for an end to
government corruption, for a redistribution of land, wealth and power
and more. We don’t just want to be recipients of solidarity. We believe
we are active agents of history-making. We follow the ethics of
camaraderie and want to extend our solidarity with people and places
that we have shared interest and shared principles with.
Since the Oslo Accords, we have witnessed the collapse of our national
liberation struggle and strategy. Hearing from South African
anti-apartheid strugglers, we learned about the role of civil society
organizations including unions, popular action committees, and other
forums that made up a mass movement of South Africans fighting for
justice and liberation. Learning about the roles of the armed struggle,
mass popular struggle to make South Africa ungovernable, and the global
campaigns to make Apartheid costly, we understand that liberation
movements must be multi-faceted, highly organized and insurgent at all
levels. Our national liberation movement must also center other forms of
social and gender liberation.
*Conclusion*
We honor the historic strugglers of South Africa and the people today
who are still engaging in political work to complete the South African
revolution. Their example has provided many invaluable insights into our
own struggle. The South African peoples’ consistent display of love,
empathy, and solidarity with Palestinians, even and especially when
there are violent repercussions for such an extension of support, is
something we deeply appreciate.
We left South Africa understanding the need to revitalize and
reconstitute a national liberation project that is informed by
anti/decolonial frameworks while also rooted in our lived realities. We
left wanting to combine a serious diagnosis of our conditions with a
revolutionary theoretical explanation of how we got here and how we can
get ourselves free. Much work remains to be done, but the conversations
and the interactions of the delegation have left us with a great deal to
look forward to, and we commence these next steps inspired by a sense of
revolutionary optimism.
Moving forward, we plan to continue building on our experience in South
Africa through working with the delegates on various campaigns and
initiatives and strengthening our networks. We intend on sharing our
insights and lessons <https://palestinetosouthafrica.wordpress.com/>
gained from the delegation through popular education materials and
community programming.
Now, more than ever, the time is ripe for a revived anti-colonial
framing of the Palestinian cause, and we believe that the various
lessons learned and connections made throughout the delegation can help
bolster such an understanding of our struggle.
/– The Palestinian Youth Movement (“PYM”) is a transnational,
independent, grassroots movement of young Palestinians in Palestine and
in exile worldwide as a result of the ongoing Zionist colonization and
occupation of our homeland. Our belonging to Palestine and our
aspirations for justice and liberation motivate us to assume an active
role as a young generation in our national struggle for the liberation
of our homeland and people. Irrespective of our different political,
cultural and social backgrounds, we strive to revive a tradition of
pluralistic commitment toward our cause to ensure a better future,
characterized by freedom and justice on a social and political level,
for ourselves and subsequent generations./
--
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415
863.9977 https://freedomarchives.org/
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