[News] Memphis Police Spying on Black Lives Matter Runs Deep

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Jul 30 10:57:29 EDT 2018


https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/07/memphis-police-spying-on-activists-is-worse-than-we-thought/566264/ 



  Memphis Police Spying on Black Lives Matter Runs Deep

Brentin Mock - <https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/>Jul 27, 2018
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Demonstrators gather in Memphis, Tennessee, earlier this year to mark 
the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. 
Demonstrators gather in Memphis, Tennessee, earlier this year to mark 
the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. 
Shawn Escoffery

As ACLU lawyers prepare for an upcoming trial with the Memphis Police 
Department, the things they’ve learned about the law enforcement 
agency’s spying habits have “surprised” them.

When the ACLU of Tennessee filed a lawsuit against the Memphis Police 
Department 
<https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/04/the-evolution-of-domestic-spying-since-mlk-in-memphis/557468/> 
in March 2017, its lawyers accused the police department of spying on 
local protesters in violation of a consent decree. The lawsuit was based 
on the existence of a “City Hall Escort List” created by Memphis police, 
at Mayor Jim Strickland’s request, and mostly filled with names of Black 
Lives Matter activists to be flagged by police if ever on City Hall 
grounds. However, after deposing key police officials and collecting 
hundreds of pages of documented evidence, ACLU lawyers learned that this 
was just a fraction of what was going on. Based on court documents 
<http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-02-Statement-of-Undisputed-Facts_Redacted.pdf> 
the ACLU filed this week in the case, they also found out about these 
actions:

  *

    The “City Hall Escort List” not only flagged the names of certain
    Black Lives Matter-affiliated activists, but it also included
    “associates in fact”—people connected to those activists via social
    media, prior arrests, or “often seen at unlawful assemblies with” them.

  *

    Police prepared “joint intelligence briefs,” or JIBs, that initially
    were about protests against police violence in Memphis, but quickly
    became a dossier of any kind of anti-police violence activity
    happening across the nation, namely “any of the organizations that
    arose out of Ferguson” or that were part of the Black Lives Matter
    network, even it had nothing to do with Memphis.

  *

    These intel briefings weren’t just shared within the police
    department; they were also shared with Shelby County sheriff and
    government officials, the county school district, the Tennessee
    Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. Department of Justice, the
    U.S. Military, the Memphis Light, Gas, & Water
    <http://www.mlgw.com/about/> municipal utility company, the
    Tennessee Valley Authority <https://www.tva.gov/About-TVA> (a
    regional electricity utility company), and, curiously, the private
    companies FedEx and Autozone.**

  *

    The police used “social media collator” software, such as Geofeedia
    <https://www.forbes.com/sites/kalevleetaru/2016/10/12/geofeedia-is-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-the-era-of-social-surveillence/>
    and NC4
    <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/fort-myers-police-department-chooses-nc4-street-smart-to-help-fight-crime-300621350.html>,
    to easily search and monitor open-source data and other social media
    “chatter” concerning protest activities.

  *

    Police also set up a dummy social media account under the name “Bob
    Smith” to access information and correspond with people whose social
    media profiles were private and not accessible to the public.**

  *

    Undercover and plain-clothed officers used this intel to monitor
    African American-hosted events and activities even if they weren’t
    protests—like flash mob dance rallies. Among the events the police
    monitored in stealth mode: several black church meetings; a memorial
    service for Darrius Stewart
    <https://www.commercialappeal.com/story/news/2017/07/17/darrius-stewart-memorial/481493001/>,
    a teenager who was shot and killed by a Memphis police officer in
    2015; a black-owned food truck festival
    <https://allevents.in/memphis/soulful-food-truck-sunday-mbrw/1379333275461297>;
    and a gathering at a local park where an organization gave out free
    book bags and school supplies to students. **

The ACLU of Tennessee filed a motion this week 
<http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-Mtn-for-Summary-Judgment_Redacted.pdf> 
asking the judge to render a decision based on all the information 
gathered, instead of going to trial, which is currently scheduled for 
August. These operations are questionable enough on their own, but 
police surveillance of protesters has been forbidden in Memphis since a 
1978 consent decree 
<https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/04/the-evolution-of-domestic-spying-since-mlk-in-memphis/557468/>, 
after the police department was accused of carrying out similar spying 
functions on civil rights activists dating back to 1968, when Martin 
Luther King was in the city advocating on behalf of sanitation workers.

Police also set up a dummy social media account under the name “Bob 
Smith” to access information and correspond with people.

The information unearthed about the police department’s recent 
activities shows that such surveillance operatives have evolved, though. 
Back in King’s day, Memphis police were planting undercover agents in 
activist circles to gather intel—today, they continue to do that, but 
are also going undercover in people’s private social media accounts and 
using the city’s SkyCop cameras 
<https://wreg.com/2012/11/29/police-sky-cams-aim-to-reduce-crime/> to 
discreetly profile and monitor activists throughout the city.

“The information we got about just how the police were monitoring 
protesters both through social media and surveillance, and through 
undercover means, was not something we anticipated when we filed the 
lawsuit,” said ACLU-TN Legal Director Thomas H. Castelli. “We knew they 
were using social media collators, but we didn’t know how they were 
using them. The use of covert social media accounts to friend people [on 
Facebook], or to break through open source barriers to find out more 
information from individuals was somewhat surprising to us.”

The joint intelligence briefings the Memphis police created not only 
included photographs of people involved in protests (or even “those who 
posted about the possibility of protest action,” according to court 
documents 
<http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-01-Memo-in-Support_Redacted.pdf>) 
but also sensitive information such as drivers’ license details, 
juvenile arrest records, and mental health histories. Agents used a tool 
called the i2 Analyst’s Notebook 
<https://securityintelligence.com/news/ibm-i2-qradar-offense-investigator-the-new-i2-cyber-threat-hunting-app/> 
to construct a matrix or “map of associations” between the various 
activists they were watching—basically, a Facebook of protesters used by 
police to track their movements.

Some of the intelligence the police agents collected from social media 
turned out to be wrong, or literally fake news. In one of the briefings, 
exhibited in court documents, police distributed warnings to its law 
enforcement network about a “Day of Rage”—a /Purge 
<https://variety.com/2018/film/reviews/the-first-purge-review-1202863400/>/-like 
revolt that was supposed to occur on July 15, 2016, in several cities 
where violence could be expected. The police said they scooped this 
intel up from Black Lives Matter social accounts. But nothing happened 
on July 15 and Black Lives Matter had publicly disavowed having anything 
to do with the fake event and the rumors promoting it. It turned out to 
be a hoax, as /Al-Jazeera/ reported 
<https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/11/documents-show-monitoring-black-lives-matter-171128110538134.html>.

This is the kind of misfortune that black activists can’t afford in a 
climate where Russian hackers have posed as online provocateurs to stir 
up racial polarization and discord 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/if-russia-can-create-fake-black-lives-matter-accounts-who-will-next/2017/10/15/ffb2e01e-af79-11e7-be94-fabb0f1e9ffb_story.html?noredirect=on> 
to sway elections. Meanwhile, as George Joseph has reported for /The 
Intercept 
<https://theintercept.com/2018/03/19/black-lives-matter-fbi-surveillance/> 
/and /The Appeal 
<https://theappeal.org/memphis-police-collected-black-lives-matter-activists-private-facebook-posts/>/, 
Black Lives Matter groups have been tracked and monitored by the FBI, 
with some possibly identified by state and federal authorities as “black 
identity extremists 
<https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/02/new-jersey-homegrown-terrorism/515163/>.”

While the ACLU’s lawsuit mostly focuses on enforcing the consent decree, 
Castelli says they would challenge the police departments tactics even 
if there was no decree in place.

“If the decree didn’t exist, there may be a different approach to 
calling out this kind of surveillance,” said Castelli. “It’s problematic 
and can have chilling effects on people exercising their constitutional 
rights. Police in general have a tremendous amount of power and they can 
have a coercive effect, so we would be condemning these practices as bad 
for free speech and public policy.”


        About the Author

Brentin Mock


          Brentin Mock <https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/>

Brentin Mock <https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/>is a staff 
writer at CityLab. He was previously the justice editor at /Grist/.

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