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      <div class="header reader-header" style="display: block;"> <font
          size="-2"><a class="domain reader-domain"
href="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/07/memphis-police-spying-on-activists-is-worse-than-we-thought/566264/">https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/07/memphis-police-spying-on-activists-is-worse-than-we-thought/566264/</a></font>
        <h1 class="reader-title">Memphis Police Spying on Black Lives
          Matter Runs Deep</h1>
        <span><a class="c-byline__link c-byline__link--article__hed"
            href="https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/"
            data-omni-click="inherit">Brentin Mock -</a></span><span><time
            class="c-byline__time c-byline__time--article__hed"> Jul 27,
            2018</time></span> </div>
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            <article itemscope="itemscope"
              itemtype="https://schema.org/NewsArticle">
              <figure itemprop="image" itemscope=""
                itemtype="http://schema.org/ImageObject"> <source
                  media="(min-width: 1024px)"> <source
                  media="(min-width: 576px)"> <source
                  media="(max-width: 575px)"><img alt="Demonstrators
                  gather in Memphis, Tennessee, earlier this year to
                  mark the 50th anniversary of the assassination of
                  Martin Luther King, Jr. " itemprop="contentUrl"><figcaption>
                  <span itemprop="caption">Demonstrators gather in
                    Memphis, Tennessee, earlier this year to mark the
                    50th anniversary of the assassination of Martin
                    Luther King, Jr. </span> <span itemprop="creator">Shawn
                    Escoffery</span> </figcaption></figure>
              <p itemprop="description">As ACLU lawyers prepare for an
                upcoming trial with the Memphis Police Department, the
                things they’ve learned about the law enforcement
                agency’s spying habits have “surprised” them.</p>
              <section id="article-section-1">
                <p dir="ltr">When the ACLU of Tennessee <a
href="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/04/the-evolution-of-domestic-spying-since-mlk-in-memphis/557468/">filed
                    a lawsuit against the Memphis Police Department</a>
                  in March 2017, its lawyers accused the police
                  department of spying on local protesters in violation
                  of a consent decree. The lawsuit was based on the
                  existence of a “City Hall Escort List” created by
                  Memphis police, at Mayor Jim Strickland’s request, and
                  mostly filled with names of Black Lives Matter
                  activists to be flagged by police if ever on City Hall
                  grounds. However, after deposing key police officials
                  and collecting hundreds of pages of documented
                  evidence, ACLU lawyers learned that this was just a
                  fraction of what was going on. Based on <a
href="http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-02-Statement-of-Undisputed-Facts_Redacted.pdf">court
                    documents</a> the ACLU filed this week in the case,
                  they also found out about these actions:</p>
                <ul>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">The “City Hall Escort List” not only
                      flagged the names of certain Black Lives
                      Matter-affiliated activists, but it also included
                      “associates in fact”—people connected to those
                      activists via social media, prior arrests, or
                      “often seen at unlawful assemblies with” them.</p>
                  </li>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">Police prepared “joint intelligence
                      briefs,” or JIBs, that initially were about
                      protests against police violence in Memphis, but
                      quickly became a dossier of any kind of
                      anti-police violence activity happening across the
                      nation, namely “any of the organizations that
                      arose out of Ferguson” or that were part of the
                      Black Lives Matter network, even it had nothing to
                      do with Memphis.</p>
                  </li>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">These intel briefings weren’t just
                      shared within the police department; they were
                      also shared with Shelby County sheriff and
                      government officials, the county school district,
                      the Tennessee Department of Homeland Security, the
                      U.S. Department of Justice, the U.S. Military, the
                      <a href="http://www.mlgw.com/about/">Memphis
                        Light, Gas, & Water</a> municipal utility
                      company, the <a
                        href="https://www.tva.gov/About-TVA">Tennessee
                        Valley Authority</a> (a regional electricity
                      utility company), and, curiously, the private
                      companies FedEx and Autozone.<b> </b></p>
                  </li>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">The police used “social media collator”
                      software, such as <a
href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/kalevleetaru/2016/10/12/geofeedia-is-just-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-the-era-of-social-surveillence/">Geofeedia</a>
                      and <a
href="https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/fort-myers-police-department-chooses-nc4-street-smart-to-help-fight-crime-300621350.html">NC4</a>,
                      to easily search and monitor open-source data and
                      other social media “chatter” concerning protest
                      activities.</p>
                  </li>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">Police also set up a dummy social media
                      account under the name “Bob Smith” to access
                      information and correspond with people whose
                      social media profiles were private and not
                      accessible to the public.<b> </b></p>
                  </li>
                  <li dir="ltr">
                    <p dir="ltr">Undercover and plain-clothed officers
                      used this intel to monitor African American-hosted
                      events and activities even if they weren’t
                      protests—like flash mob dance rallies. Among the
                      events the police monitored in stealth mode:
                      several black church meetings; a memorial service
                      for <a
href="https://www.commercialappeal.com/story/news/2017/07/17/darrius-stewart-memorial/481493001/">Darrius
                        Stewart</a>, a teenager who was shot and killed
                      by a Memphis police officer in 2015; a <a
href="https://allevents.in/memphis/soulful-food-truck-sunday-mbrw/1379333275461297">black-owned
                        food truck festival</a>; and a gathering at a
                      local park where an organization gave out free
                      book bags and school supplies to students. <b> </b></p>
                  </li>
                </ul>
                <p>The ACLU of Tennessee <a
href="http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-Mtn-for-Summary-Judgment_Redacted.pdf">filed
                    a motion this week</a> asking the judge to render a
                  decision based on all the information gathered,
                  instead of going to trial, which is currently
                  scheduled for August. These operations are
                  questionable enough on their own, but police
                  surveillance of protesters has been <a
href="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/04/the-evolution-of-domestic-spying-since-mlk-in-memphis/557468/">forbidden
                    in Memphis since a 1978 consent decree</a>, after
                  the police department was accused of carrying out
                  similar spying functions on civil rights activists
                  dating back to 1968, when Martin Luther King was in
                  the city advocating on behalf of sanitation workers.</p>
                <aside>Police also set up a dummy social media account
                  under the name “Bob Smith” to access information and
                  correspond with people.</aside>
                <p dir="ltr">The information unearthed about the police
                  department’s recent activities shows that such
                  surveillance operatives have evolved, though. Back in
                  King’s day, Memphis police were planting undercover
                  agents in activist circles to gather intel—today, they
                  continue to do that, but are also going undercover in
                  people’s private social media accounts and using the
                  city’s <a
                    href="https://wreg.com/2012/11/29/police-sky-cams-aim-to-reduce-crime/">SkyCop
                    cameras</a> to discreetly profile and monitor
                  activists throughout the city.</p>
                <p>“The information we got about just how the police
                  were monitoring protesters both through social media
                  and surveillance, and through undercover means, was
                  not something we anticipated when we filed the
                  lawsuit,” said ACLU-TN Legal Director Thomas H.
                  Castelli. “We knew they were using social media
                  collators, but we didn’t know how they were using
                  them. The use of covert social media accounts to
                  friend people [on Facebook], or to break through open
                  source barriers to find out more information from
                  individuals was somewhat surprising to us.”</p>
              </section>
              <section id="article-section-2">
                <p dir="ltr">The joint intelligence briefings the
                  Memphis police created not only included photographs
                  of people involved in protests (or even “those who
                  posted about the possibility of protest action,”
                  according to <a
href="http://www.aclu-tn.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/107-01-Memo-in-Support_Redacted.pdf">court
                    documents</a>) but also sensitive information such
                  as drivers’ license details, juvenile arrest records,
                  and mental health histories. Agents used a tool called
                  the <a
href="https://securityintelligence.com/news/ibm-i2-qradar-offense-investigator-the-new-i2-cyber-threat-hunting-app/">i2
                    Analyst’s Notebook</a> to construct a matrix or “map
                  of associations” between the various activists they
                  were watching—basically, a Facebook of protesters used
                  by police to track their movements.</p>
              </section>
              <section id="article-section-3">
                <p dir="ltr">Some of the intelligence the police agents
                  collected from social media turned out to be wrong, or
                  literally fake news. In one of the briefings,
                  exhibited in court documents, police distributed
                  warnings to its law enforcement network about a “Day
                  of Rage”—a <em><a
href="https://variety.com/2018/film/reviews/the-first-purge-review-1202863400/">Purge</a></em>-like
                  revolt that was supposed to occur on July 15, 2016, in
                  several cities where violence could be expected. The
                  police said they scooped this intel up from Black
                  Lives Matter social accounts. But nothing happened on
                  July 15 and Black Lives Matter had publicly disavowed
                  having anything to do with the fake event and the
                  rumors promoting it. It turned out to be a hoax, as <a
href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/11/documents-show-monitoring-black-lives-matter-171128110538134.html"><em>Al-Jazeera</em>
                    reported</a>.</p>
                <p dir="ltr">This is the kind of misfortune that black
                  activists can’t afford in a climate where Russian
                  hackers have posed as <a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/if-russia-can-create-fake-black-lives-matter-accounts-who-will-next/2017/10/15/ffb2e01e-af79-11e7-be94-fabb0f1e9ffb_story.html?noredirect=on">online
                    provocateurs to stir up racial polarization and
                    discord</a> to sway elections. Meanwhile, as George
                  Joseph has reported for <em><a
href="https://theintercept.com/2018/03/19/black-lives-matter-fbi-surveillance/">The
                      Intercept</a> </em>and <em><a
href="https://theappeal.org/memphis-police-collected-black-lives-matter-activists-private-facebook-posts/">The
                      Appeal</a></em>, Black Lives Matter groups have
                  been tracked and monitored by the FBI, with some
                  possibly identified by state and federal authorities
                  as “<a
href="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/02/new-jersey-homegrown-terrorism/515163/">black
                    identity extremists</a>.”</p>
                <p dir="ltr">While the ACLU’s lawsuit mostly focuses on
                  enforcing the consent decree, Castelli says they would
                  challenge the police departments tactics even if there
                  was no decree in place.</p>
                <p>“If the decree didn’t exist, there may be a different
                  approach to calling out this kind of surveillance,”
                  said Castelli. “It’s problematic and can have chilling
                  effects on people exercising their constitutional
                  rights. Police in general have a tremendous amount of
                  power and they can have a coercive effect, so we would
                  be condemning these practices as bad for free speech
                  and public policy.”</p>
              </section>
              <section
data-include="css:https://cdn.citylab.com/static/b/frontend/dist/citylab/css/components/author-article.e6996e6bb587.css">
                <h4>About the Author</h4>
                <section itemprop="author" itemscope=""
                  itemtype="http://schema.org/Person"> <img
data-srcset="https://cdn.citylab.com/media/None/original/headshot.jpg?mod=1522336390"
                    alt="Brentin Mock" itemprop="image">
                  <div>
                    <h5 itemprop="name"><a
                        href="https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/"
                        data-omni-click="r'article',r'',d,r'',@href">Brentin
                        Mock</a></h5>
                    <p itemprop="description"><a
                        href="https://www.citylab.com/authors/brentin-mock/"
                        data-omni-click="inherit">Brentin Mock</a><span>
                        is a staff writer at CityLab. He was previously
                        the </span><span>justice editor at <em>Grist</em>.
                      </span></p>
                  </div>
                </section>
              </section>
            </article>
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