[News] Decepción in Bolivia - contradictions in the Morales Movimiento al Socialismo
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Fri Jun 10 16:11:51 EDT 2011
http://www.counterpunch.org/glendinning06102011.html
June 10 - 12, 2011
The Clutches of Guernica
Decepción in Bolivia
By CHELLIS GLENDINNING
Cochabamba.
A poster of Guernica was bursting from the
wall, and the umpteenth Latin American rendition
of My Way was booming from the record
player. I was sharing a hand-carved table in a
Cochabamba cantina with a cowboy from the
Chapare, an anti-capitalist immigration officer,
an anarchist surgeon, and a
barbacoa-restaurateur. All had been supporters
of President Evo Morales Movimiento al
Socialismo (MAS). The conversation was fiery
and, as is normal here in the Andes, its topic was politics.
Despite this particular crowds claim to the
middle-class, the agreement among them echoed a
truth of Bolivian culture: a tendency to view
things from the perspective of the collective,
rather than solely from ones perceived interests.
And indeed, this conversation echoed other
charlas Id had with campesinos, taxi-trufi
drivers, and union members and I need to be
straight with you: things are not going well for
the government of Bolivias first indigenous
leader in 500 years. It was only a matter of
filling in the details and, in between gulps of
Auténtico beer and Cuban mixed drinks, said
details were pouring forth at the cantina.
Then the question was put to me. What did
citizens of the United States think? I had to
admit two answers: 1) if my daily dip into the
New York Times provides any indication, people in
the US are basically uninformed about goings-on
in Bolivia; and 2) for US leftists,
environmentalists, and climate-change activists,
the aura of hope unleashed by the 2005 election
of Evo Morales lingers like perfume from a Cochabamba jasmine bush.
I offer, then, a sweep of an overview of whats
happening and what some cowboys and campesinos,
taxi drivers and rank-and-file, are thinking.
Forked Tongue I: Madre Tierra
Out of one tine of what has become the Morales
administrations two-sided tongue come
blood-stirring proclamations like the presidents
empassioned grito ¡Planeta o Muerte! at the
2010 Cancun climate change
talks. Brilliant. Then there is the stark
refusal, that not even Cuba or Venezuela would
match, to sign on to the watered-down agreement
at said talks. And now comes the nations new
law proclaiming the rights of Madre Tierra to
some minds, a legal-philosophic leap forward
that, a few decades ago, only bioregionalists,
primitive-anarchists, and traditional Native peoples could imagine.
But, sorry to say, the other spine of the eco-fork must be noted:
* the launch of genetically-modified
agriculture into a countryside presently free of GMOs;
* two under-construction hydro-electric dams
300% bigger than the USs Hoover Dam at a cost of
$13 billion, slated to channel water to Brazil in
exchange for monies to boost Bolivias petro and
plastic industries this, in a country where
many communities have no potable water and water-borne illnesses are rampant;
* in a nation uncontaminated by nuclear
radiation: uranium mining, with future plans for
nuclear power plants -- aided by Iran;
* blankets of electromagnetic radiation in
the form of WiMAX over urban landscapes with
the state telecommunications corporation bragging
of 1350 radiobases in an area the size of Texas
and California combined, with many more to come;
* commodity-transporting highways bulldozing
through protected nature reserves whose
treasures, in the case of the Villa Tunari-San
Ignacio de Moxos road, include eleven endangered
species and three Native groups in 60 communities
living their traditional hunter-gatherer-fishing lifeways;
* new oil excavations;
* new gas excavations;
* in partnership with Mitubishi, Sumitomo,
South Korea, and Iran: massive lithium
development -- threatening leeching, leaks,
emissions, and spills in the world-treasure salt flats;
* Bolivias own Made-in-China satellite;
* with the help of India, the construction of
humankinds largest iron mine;
* 900 miles of pipeline slated to transport natural gas to Argentina; and
* an explosion of airport and high-rise construction.
In other words: full-tilt, high-tech,
colossal-scale, high-capital modernization -- on
a Madre Tierra in which such expansion has
already been shown to be The Problem.
Forked Tongue II: Democracy
Regarding governance, from one side of Bolivias
forked tongue is spoken the legal language of
plurinationalismo. After centuries of
dictatorships, neoliberal governments, and
military juntas, the 2009 Morales-initiated
Constitution legitimizes a form of decentralized
federalism: a reinstatement of decision-making to
local communities, whether defined by place,
indigenous heritage, or worker identity.
But, from the other tine of the fork, we
encounter unabashed state centralism and the
stringency of an
If-Youre-Not-With-Us-Youre-Against-Us mentality
to reinforce its dominion. A blazing example of
such top-down musculature is the 2010 Christmas
Time Gasolinazo: Decreto Supremo #748 in which
Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera abruptly
announced that gasoline and diesel prices had
been jacked up by as much as 83%. (Joy to the
World notwithstanding, the violent uprisings
that followed rerouted the governments hurry to a slower pace of inflation.)
But the truth remains: ever since the immediate
threat from the right wing subsided following
Morales 2009 re-election by 62%, a chronic
refusal to listen to the very social movements
the president promised to follow has posed a
disturbing blow to adherents of participatory democracy.
When indigenous groups protest the bulldozing of
their lands for the construction of freeways;
when state workers call for increases in salaries
against the reality of galloping food prices;
when media workers fight for freedom of the press
against regulations threatening fines and license
suspensions, state control of 20% of the media,
and state ownership of all of it the administrations reaction is knee-jerk.
Whether by the vice president or the president
himself, citizens questioning the governments
dictates are received with neither concern for
their suffering nor gratitude for their
participation; they are bold-facedly dismissed as
instruments of US imperialism, middle-class
whiners, out of touch, and/or dupes of the right wing.
The Whos famed rock n roll declaration, Meet
the New Boss, Same as the Old Boss, comes to
mind, and the long-standing trade union congress
Centro Obrera Boliviana (COB) is now seeking to
unseat the vice president for just such a pronouncement aimed at workers.
Meet the New Problems, Same as the Old Problems
At the same time, Bolivia is rife with chronic
problems that, according to some street-level
opinion, the government has failed to address.
Corruption within government is an age-old
theme. During the Morales administration, the
most spectacular example occurred in February
2011: the US-Chile-aided arrest of the national
jefe of police, former head of the Fuerza
Especial de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico, and
founder of the Centro de Inteligencia y
Generación de Información, General René Sarabria
Oropeza -- caught in the act of opening up
cocaine routes to Miami. His accomplices
included a mayor, a military colonel, and a captain.
Another revelation of corruption, moreso perhaps
for spiritual interest, was the June 2010 arrest
of Valentín Mejillones, the amauta-priest who had
led the purification ritual of Evo Morales
inauguration at Tiawanaku in 2006 for hosting a
cocaine purification factory in his El Alto home.
According to Diego Rada Cuadros, a lawyer whose
family was forced to flee the country during the
1980s dictatorships, in the nation-state boasting
the severest poverty in South America and -- save
Haiti all of Latin America, a position in
government that may last but six years (or, most
probably, less) is a one-shot chance to amass some longer-lasting plata.
Too, while Bolivian coca has been sold for
cocaine manufacture since Vietnam War days, the
country is fast becoming a global fount of
cocaine and this development also feeds popular
discontent. In the tropical Chapare, where the
leaf used for cocaine is grown, every family has
a tale of relinquishing food crops to grow the
more valuable produce, giving up agriculture all
together to work in a lab, or loaning out a youth
to play lookout at a staggeringly high salary of $200 a month.
According to satellite surveillance reported by
the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and
US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), since
Morales launched his presidency, the number of
hectares commandeered has expanded by fútbol
fields: by 2008 as many as 28,000 hectares were
ponying up some 130 tons of cocaine, and in 2010
the vice president divulged that el narcotráfico
now contributes $700 million a year to the
national economy. To boot, one out of every 20
workers in the country is engaged inthe biz.
In truth, the location of drug production is most
often determined by international events like
droughts, floods, inroads made by drug-war
efforts, and inter-cartel politics yet many
Bolivians contend that Morales is to blame. In
2008 he threw out the DEA; all the while, they
contend, he was ignoring the expansion of cocaine
production as he blithely touted the sacredness
of the coca leaf and pushed for the right of cocaleros to plant it.
Decepción and Protest
Curiously, in Spanish, the word for
disappointment is decepción -- a term that, to
the English-speaking ear, does not merely name a
feeling; it proposes a dynamic between inner and
outer by citing the presence of an impacting source.
In Bolivia popular decepción was measured in a
Radio Fides poll in February 2011. The sample
was conducted in the barrios of La Paz that are
normally a MAS stronghold, and yet a whopping 84%
of respondents reported loss of confidence in the
government of Evo Morales, with 80% saying theyd go for a change.
In other words, the red-blue-white
chompa-sweaters emulating the one Morales wore on
his 2005 foreign-policy tour -- that every Tomás,
Ricardo, and Hari was sporting in 2006 -- are now totally and completely
out.
Also reflecting growing disappointment is the
fact that todays Bolivia exists in a
near-constant state of disruption due to non-stop
huelga-strikes, paro-stoppages, bloqueo-road
blocks, and manifestacion-demonstrations. Such
extreme tactics were honed during the military
dictatorships of the 1960-90s to force demands
by taking the economy hostage -- but they fell
off during the early, hope-for-the-best years of the Morales administration.
As I pen this essay, the post office is closed
down and a road block has halted overland travel
between Cochabamba and Santa Cruz. Before that,
in April, COB threw nationwide marchesand paros
seeking increases in state medical worker,
teacher, and retired incomes to keep up with inflation.
During a (read: peaceful) demonstration by
doctors, nurses, and educators in La Paz, a
university professor nearly lost his eye when a
tear-gas canister shattered his glasses. After
multiple surgeries performed by the on-strike
eye doctor in an act of solidarity he is now
waiting to find out if his sight will
return. His comment about the event: This is
my personal tragedy, yes. But its not
isolated. It shows how really bad things are in Bolivia for all of us.
From December 2010 through March of 2010, during
the worst global-warming-induced storms -- when
for months rain gushed as if being thrown from a
bucket and floods washed over communities like
raging rivers -- the taxi, trufi, and bus
choferes and transportistas shut down what was
left of the water-logged economy with paros,
bloqueos, and manifestaciones in all the major cities of the country.
Earlier, in October 2010, when the government
began to whittle away at guarantees for freedom
of the press via La Ley Anti-Racismo y Toda Forma
de Discriminación -- ostensibly geared to fight
racism and sexism, but also containing two
articles initiating government control over
content -- the nations periodistas hit the
streets with coffins bearing microphones and
reporter tablets, wrote protest placards with
their own blood, hung like Christ figures from
the balconies of buildings, collected thousands
of signatures, and appealed to international press associations.
And in July and August of 2010, the city of
Potosí normally a MAS bastion presented
Morales with demands to be included in the
promised proceso de cambio-process of change,
mounting hunger strikes, bloqueos, and
mobilizations of up to 100,000 protestors.
The Clutches of Guernica
I understand that the information I am laying out
may be difficult to take in and please know
that activists in Bolivia have asked me to tell
their compañeros in the US what is happening here.
In a world laden with fires, tornadoes,
hurricanes, tsunamis, volcanoes, earthquakes, and
technological disasters; unending wars over land,
oil, and water; the unfolding of Peak Oil and,
frankly, of what scholar Richard Heinberg calls
Peak Everything; a refurbishing of nuclear
technologies and fears of nuclear war; swathes of
electromagnetic radiation from consumer and
military installations; increasing corporate
power; decreasing social liberties; out-of-hand
control by drug cartels; cancer epidemics; mass
addictions; and growing social chaos in this world, hope is a precious thing.
When my essay The Techno-Fantasies of Evo
Morales came out in CounterPunch (December
24-26, 2010), the messenger was held guilty by a
few -- to me, revealing the distress at losing,
or at least calling into question, the pure
promise that Evo Morales Bolivia had once offered.
Such distress is not unknown to me. I left an
established life in the US to be part of history
in Bolivia, and when I arrived in April 2010, my
heart clawed at my throat upon encountering the
cynicism and despair that had replaced 2006s enthusiasm.
But now, if I may muster an iota of the
courageous perspective my friend, the injured
professor, has managed: the predicament isnt
isolated. It shows how bad things are for all of us.
Indeed, the politics of the
socio-techno-psycho-economic aggregate known as
empire have had their way. As American scholar
Arab Edward Said has noted, no one in this world
has escaped the impacts of imperialist
conquest. And yet, if we acknowledge that a
better -- and perhaps evolutionally built-in way
of being human -- is possible, we might also
grasp that the conflicts, contradictions, and
conundrum created through centuries of ripping
people from roots in land and community, whether
by force or seduction, have us by toe, throat, and tail.
Yes, ours is a world writhing in the clutches of
Guernica, in which too many are dancing to the
individualism of My Way. In such a world, how
does the beautiful, spirited human being blossom
out of the militaristic politics, oversize scale,
sterile alienation, and brash egoism that have,
in one way or another, infected every one of us
and every institution in our midst -- including
in a mountain land called Bolivia?
I dont ask my question seeking The Answer --
for, after a lifetime of participation in the
political, cultural, and psychological movements
of our times, I am aware of the multitude of
intelligent projects afoot. I ask my question
rather that if only for a moment we may bring
awareness and compassion to the sad reality of our world.
Chellis Glendinning is the author of five books,
including
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0688072828/counterpunchmaga>When
Technology Wounds,
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0865714630/counterpunchmaga>Off
the Map: An Expedition Deep into Empire and the
Global Economyand
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0865715130/counterpunchmaga>Chiva:
A Village Takes on the Global Heroin Trade. She
is Writer-in-Residence at Asociación Jakaña in
Cochabamba and may be contacted via
<http://www.chellisglendinning.org/>www.chellisglendinning.org.
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
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