[News] 30 year anniversary of his murder - Walter Rodney: Prophet of self-emancipation
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Jun 10 15:58:29 EDT 2010
Walter Rodney: Prophet of self-emancipation
(the Freedom Archives has Walter Rodney on Race &
Class in Guyana & on The Jonestown Tragedy both recorded in 1979)
Wazir Mohamed
2010-06-10, Issue <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/485>485
<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/65084>http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/65084
Thirty years after the murder of Guyana-born
scholar and activist Walter Rodney, Wazir Mohamed
considers the role of imperialism and the big
powers in the silencing of a defender of the peoples right to equality.
June 13, 2010 will mark 30 years since Walter
Rodney the prophet of self-emancipation was
murdered in Guyana at the hands of a brutal
dictator acting in cahoots with the agents of
international capital. In commemorating the life
of Walter Rodney, it is our responsibility to
contextualise his killing and to remind ourselves
of the role of imperialism and the pivotal role
of the big powers in his silencing.
It was not the first time in the modern history
of the world that a defender of the peoples
right to equality was silenced, nor would it be
the last time. Walter Rodneys killing can be
compared to that of Patrice Lumumba, the first
elected prime minister of the Congo in 1961. It
could be compared with the murder of Amilcar
Cabral, leader of the African Party for the
Independence and Union of Guinea and Cape Verde
(PAIGC) in 1973 at the hands of Portuguese
agents. It could be compared with the killing in
1983 of Maurice Bishop, prime minister of Free
Grenada, at the hands of overzealous counter
revolutionary agents in his party, the New Jewel
Movement. It could also be compared with the
murder in 1973 of Salvador Allende, prime
minister of Chile, at the hands of Pinochet
acting in collusion with agents of international capital.
These and other leaders committed one single
crime; they had a passion for real change. They
drew their examples for change from the working
people, and created new ways, new approaches for
dealing with the unequal relationship between the
ruling classes and the poor. These were change
agents. They recognised the historical problem of
racial, economic, social, and cultural inequality
between the then called third world and the
first world, and dedicated their lives to
change the status quo in their respective
countries. They exposed the role of local
dictators who benefited from the status quo, and
hence were invested in dictatorial processes that
kept the working people in subjection.
These leaders, among many others, were killed by
agents of foreign and local capital over the
period 19601990 to send a message to the working
people of the former colonial world. That message
being that international capital and their local
agents are not prepared and will not tolerate any
real demands for changes in the economic,
political, social, and cultural status quo of the
former colonies. This accounts in part for
stagnation, retrogression, and continuous
deterioration today of the conditions of ordinary
people in most areas of the former colonial world.
To this day, the dream of self-emancipation and
real independence is still unrealised in every
part of the former colonial world. Working people
across the world today are further than they have
ever been from realising the dream of economic,
political, social, and cultural equality. This is
as true for the Caribbean the birthplace of
Rodney and Bishop as it is in Africa, the
birthplace of Cabral, Lumumba, Machel, Mandela,
and others. Despite majority rule and so-called
political independence in Zimbabwe and South
Africa, these countries are yet to implement
meaningful land reform; which if dealt with
democratically could produce the answer to the
structure of the historical inequality
colonialism created on the continent. Like
Guyana, most of the former colonies in Africa, in
Asia and in Latin America are yet to find
solutions to deal with and turn back the
historical damage of ethnic and racial divisions
that threaten to consume these societies.
The assassination of Walter Rodney must be
contextualised from the confine of the peoples
struggle against foreign domination of mind and
body, against foreign domination of thought and
action. Walter Rodney did not wake up one day,
like so many leader types, and decide that he
wanted to take the reign of power over the land.
He had no such ambition; he was thrust into the
sphere as the recognised leader of the working
people of Guyana because in their estimation, he
came closest to understanding and sharing their
life of pain and suffering. Pain and suffering
which abounded in part because of the shattered
dream of democratic self-emancipation; a dream
snatched away by the unravelling of the
anti-colonial national movement of the 1950s. In
the aftermath of this unravelling, political
forces emerged to represent ethnic interests, and
hence the outgrowth of political parties around
which sections of the population coalesced
because of the perception that they could provide
ethnic security. Today, Guyana continues to
suffer from the nightmare of ethnic politics. The
unravelling of the national movement in Guyana,
while it had important local players, occurred in
the context of the global onslaught against such
movements, a global onslaught against local self
determination which began with colonialism and
slavery, and which has kept independent nations
in subjection for the last 200 years.
Haiti and its poverty is the most striking
example. Since the revolution, the big powers not
only refused to recognise the right of the
Haitian people to self-determination, for over
200 years they also worked to snuff out the
possibility of self-emancipation. In Haiti they,
the big powers lead by the United States, imposed
and supported the Duvalier family dictatorship,
which ruled with an iron fist between 1957 and
1986. To this day Haiti is not free to decide on
its path toward self-determination, its first
freely elected President Bertrand Aristide now
lives in South Africa having been banished into
exile, because, to use his own words, he opposed
privatisation, the imposed prescription for
small countries by the big powers. He was deposed
because he wanted labour laws to regulate the
working of the sweatshops in Haiti, because he
wanted to impose a national minimum wage, because
he wanted to protect local producers and rice
farmers from the onslaught of subsidised food
which the West dumps on small countries, and
furthermore because he wanted to create a
governmental structure to allow ordinary Haitians
to self-organise in order to emancipate themselves.
Like Duvalier in Haiti, Somoza in Nicaragua, the
Shah in Iran, Gairy in Grenada, and the many
countless dictators who stalked and stymied the
spirit of self-emancipation in Latin America,
Asia and Africa, the PNC dictatorship of Guyana
emerged and grew into a position of dominance
with the backing and support of big powers. Big
powers whose interest in the politics of these
countries was firstly about access to control
their economies, especially their mineral and
agricultural production, and secondly about their
political support in the Cold War period at the
international level. As a young scholar, Walter
Rodney who studied the impact of big power
politics on the creation of unequal development
and inequality, and the construction of the First
and Third World was unsettled by the machinations
of local leaders, whether they were in the
Caribbean, Africa, Asia, or the United States of
America. In all these theatres, he was drawn into
debates and discussion on local conditions as
more and more people came into contact with his
scholarship. Inevitably, it was the discussions
and debates which his scholarship opened up that
lead to his banishment from Jamaica by the
Shearer government, and which lead to the denial
of a teaching appointment at the University of
Guyana, and subsequently his assassination in 1980.
There is no separation between Rodneys
scholarship and his activism. His scholarship
calls into question all those who sat on the
fence and all those who would like to continue to
sit on the fence as the divide between rich and
poor grows, and as the ruling classes concretise
their mastery to use race, ethnicity and gender
as a means of imposing varying dimensions of
divide and rule in specific local settings.
Having mastered the history of the Upper Guinea
Coast in his doctoral studies, he explained that
while local African leaders and elites colluded
in slave trading, students of history must come
to grip with the global dimension; that is the
growth of markets for slaves as European trade
and commerce expanded and in this expansion
varying forms of exploitation in specific local
areas emerged.[1] He thus explained that African
agents of the Atlantic Slave Trade must be seen
in a global perspective, that is how the profit
motive which was shaped by the growth of
plantations in the Americas, created the
conditions which lead to internecine warfare,
with the primary aim of capturing the enemy who
were then sold into slavery.[2] This work
establishes his fascination with the methodology
of capital in creating local lackeys, local
agents through whom the tentacles of exploitation
of the working people gets constructed and deepened.
Rodneys scholarship is not idle, it is a call to
action. It is a call to action by the working
people in local settings, be it in Africa where
he was a combatant in the liberation struggle, in
Jamaica where he helped students to recognise the
ills of society, in the USA and Europe where he
implored people on the left to get to grips with
the limitations of vanguard politics and the
hegemonic character of the leading socialist
countries, and in Guyana where he grounded with
the people and helped them to understand and
identify the local agents of foreign capital,
whose wealth and power is derived from their labour and misery.
Walters scholarship calls on people to recognise
that the path to resolution of historical wrongs
have to arise through the understanding of the
past. It was in this context that he wrote the
History of the Upper Guinea Coast, How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa, and the History of the
Guianese Working People. To quote from the
introduction by Vincent Harding, Robert Hill and
William Strickland in Walters How Europe
Undeveloped Africa, his work is imbued with the
spirit, the intellect and the commitment of its
author...with Rodney the life and work were one.[3]
Nowhere is this impassioned commitment more
present, than in his History of the Guianese
Working People. This work, which he completed in
the final couple years of his young life,
represents in his view, a small contribution to
fill a huge gap, the vacuum which exists in the
historiography of Guyana, what he identified as
the profound underdevelopment of the
historiography of the region. Having developed on
the heels of noted Caribbean nationalist
historian, Elsa Goveia, he was passionate about
the task that confronted nationalists scholars,
and new scholars such as him and those to follow.
The task as he identified it is to create an
understanding of how our societies were
constructed through an understanding of the real
history of the struggles of the working people.
He firmly believed and was unwavering in his
commitment that history should be told from the
standpoint of the people. This commitment to the
truth was the hallmark of his scholarship, and
this scholarship was interwoven in his activism.
He believed that real history, if explained, will
eventually help the mass of working people shed
the shackles which divide them against each
other. He exhibited a dispassionate ability to
inject the understanding of history into his
work, whether he was in the classroom, or whether
he was grounding with the working people in their
homes, in their places of work, or in their
communities. He made no effort to hide where he
stood on the issues of inequality and the growing
divide between the haves and the have-nots in the
world; he lived his life in and out of the
classroom as a firm defender of the rights of all
peoples to full equality. It was this resolve
that lead to his banishment from Jamaica.
In responding to the ban placed on him by the
Shearer government of Jamaica in 1968, he said
that all he was doing was grounding with his
brothers, I was trying to contribute something.
I was trying to contribute my experience
I went
out as I said, I would go to the radio if they
wanted me, I would speak on television if they
allowed me
I spoke at the Extra-Mural Centre. I
would go further down into West Kingston and I
would speak wherever there was a possibility of
our getting together. It might be in a sports
club, it might be in a schoolroom, it might be in
a church, it might be in a gully
I have spoken in
what people call dungle, rubbish dumps
that is
where the government puts people to live.[4]
He was a firm believer that the role of the
conscious (he used the word black) intellectual
and academic is to move beyond the university,
that the conscious academic must be able to make
the connection between their scholarship and the
activity of the masses of working people.
Inevitably, it was the commitment to transcend
the university, as he did after his return to
Guyana in 1974, which lead to his banishment from
the University of Guyana. The Burnham government
was of the view that if they starved him through
refusal to sanction his employment at the
University of Guyana, he would be forced to leave
the country. But they could not kick him out of
the country because he was Guyanese.
Walter Rodney was committed to the political
future of the multi-racial masses of Guyana. He
was a firm believer that if the mass of working
people was armed with the historical and
contemporary reasons which create the misery of
their lives, they would be able to emancipate
themselves. He was banished from the university
and subsequently killed because he dared to
engage ordinary people. He was killed because he
dared to bring to the people the tools that could
lead to unity and combined action. He was killed
because he was engaged with the masses, because
he was grounding with bauxite workers, with civil
servants, with sugar workers, with stevedores, with farmers, with villagers.
There is a historical context to the final
assassination of Walter Rodney. Undaunted by the
refusal to employ him, his work and contact with
the mass of working people increased a
hundredfold as he would say his groundings
took on new meaning and had a new purpose. He was
committed to the path of showing the working
people the way forward, the path towards
self-emancipation. He was committed to the path
of helping the working people to sort out the
problems of the country, a working people whose
political, social, cultural, and economic
livelihoods were threatened by a government which
had seized power through rigged elections. A
government, which while masquerading as
socialist, had begun to trample on the rights
of workers to organise, on free speech, on the
right to assemble and mobilise, etc. A minority
government engaged in the process of
consolidating its power. A minority government,
which had begun and was in the process of laying
the foundation for dictatorial rule and state
sponsored corruption. A minority government,
which like other foreign sponsored counterparts
in that period such as Haiti, Grenada, Nicaragua,
Iran and so forth, had begun to lay the basis for
state-sponsored terrorism against its political
opponents and the people through the
reorganisation of the police force and the army
to include special security apparatuses, the most
notorious of these was the death squad, as it
was known at the time. A minority government,
that entered into agreements with the Internal
Monetary Fund, and which imposed strict austerity
measures on the working people, while the elites
freely dipped their hands in the treasury and
dabbled with the wealth of the country.
Walter Rodney was killed because he was
unwavering in his commitment to practice and
teach a new kind of politics, a politics which
abhors the vanguardist top down approach to
decision-making. He was killed because he was a
firm believer in the self-emancipation of the
working, and that this will only come about when
the mass of working people are united, that is
when they act in unison. He was killed because
his efforts to teach the working people the art
of unity led to the multi-racial mobilisation
never before seen in modern Guyana. He was killed
because the enemies of the working people
understood that multi-racial action would lead to
self-emancipation, and a self-emancipated people
would bring about social transformation.
The recipe for ethnic and racial healing in
Guyana and the Third World was Rodneys gift to
the working people. He firmly believed in unity
of the working people, and was committed to the
struggle to find long-term solutions to the
problems of ethnic and racial division that
consumes Guyana and most of the former colonial
world. He was not only committed, but placed his
body and soul in the struggle for a new kind of
popular politics, a new political culture of
respect. He belonged to a new generation of
scholar activists who saw the old political games
for what they were. He did not equate liberation
and development with the mere replacement of
expatriate rulers with local versions. His
determination as a scholar-activist propelled him
to argue that transformation and true human
development can only be achieved through the
common struggle of all peoples to recognise the
necessity for a single humanity. His lifes work
of activism and scholarship stands as an
exceptional example to anyone willing to think
and act outside the box. As a scholar activist he
led the way by showing how easy it was for one to
switch between researching and writing to
activism. This is attested to by his ability to
switch from researching and writing about the
devastation wrought by outside forces on African
societies in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa,
and about the history of the working people of
Guyana to intervening in the Pan-African and
liberation movements in Africa, the movement for
racial unity and democracy in Guyana, and to his
work with Rastafarians in Jamaica.
While he emphasised, promoted and defended the
right of former slaves, the African peoples of
the Americas, the Caribbean and Guyana to
rediscover their ancestral culture, as attested
to in his work Grounding with My Brothers, he
was equally concerned for the East Indian
descendants of indentureship in Guyana. He was
non-sectarian and did not harbour any sectarian attitude.
His non-sectarian attitude and approach to find
solutions for all peoples in Guyana is
established by the equal treatment he gave to
Africans and East Indians in his last published
book, A history of the Guyanese Working People,
1881-1905. In this work he debunked the culture
and popular perception among sections of the
Afro-Guyanese population that East Indians in Guyana are alien to the country.
Through documentary evidence of the suffering and
struggles of East Indians for survival on the
plantations, he demonstrates their contribution
as equal partners with other groups of people,
especially Afro-Guyanese to the history Guyana.
His insights and analysis of the contribution of
Afro and Indo Guyanese to the history of Guyana
is instructive and remains as an instrument for
all of us whose life goal is the creation of a
united multi-racial democracy in Guyana; a Guyana
for all its sons and daughters. All of us who are
imbued with this common goal owe it to our
ancestors, to our and to future generations to
put our shoulders to the wheel and work, through
our scholarship and in our respective communities, to create such a society.
BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
* Wazir Mohamed teaches sociology at
<http://homepages.indiana.edu/>Indiana
University. He grew up in small rice-farming family in rural Guyana.
* Please send comments to
<mailto:editor at pambazuka.org>editor at pambazuka.org
or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>Pambazuka News.
NOTES
[1] Rodney, Walter: A History of the Upper Guinea
Coast (Monthly Review Press, New York 1970), pp. 240-243.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Rodney, Walter: How Europe Underdeveloped
Africa (Howard University Press, Washington, D.C. 1982), see introduction.
[4] Rodney, Walter: Groundings with my Brothers
(Bogle LOverture Publications Ltd, London 1969), pp. 64-65.
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