[News] Iran v. US Imperialism - A Critical Analysis

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Iran v. US Imperialism: An Interview with Navid Farnia & Nina Farnia
Navid Farnia and Nina Farnia
February 11, 2026 - Black Agenda Report -
https://www.blackagendareport.com/iran-v-us-imperialism-interview-navid-farnia-nina-farnia
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Boston Iran War/Peace Protests, 2020.

Responses to questions on the protests in Iran, US imperialism and Iranian
resistance.

Iran has witnessed protests since 28 December 2025. This interview unravels
the various domestic and international factors around the protests, and
resistance against imperialism.

*1. Dynamics of the Situation: Can you historicize a bit the eruption of
recent protests? Are they a continuation of other protests Iran experienced
in recent years? In your answer, can you integrate the local dynamics
(e.g., the gender question; the relevance of the Tudeh - Communist Party of
Iran - if at all) with global factors that are meddling in Iran?*

The protests in Iran began following a severe drop in the value of the
national currency, the rial, of somewhere between 30 and 40 percent.  This
was caused by sanctions and intentional currency manipulation on the part
of US and European-led actors. In fact, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent
announced at Davos the “economic statecraft”
<https://www.tehrantimes.com/news/522979/US-treasury-chief-admits-sanctions-intended-to-fuel-unrest-in>
policy that the US has deployed against Iran, which includes currency
manipulation.

Following the drop in the rial’s value, merchants and shopkeepers,
numbering in the low thousands, protested.  Officials from the government
quickly met with them and with labor unions and created a plan to address
the concerns.  After this resolution to the protestors’ concerns, the
Mossad and the US launched an urban warfare campaign in major cities across
Iran to distort and displace the calls made by Iranians into a
regime-change operation.  Thousands were killed by these foreign agents
with methods that are eerily similar to those of ISIS and the Zionists,
including slit throats, beheadings, etc.

The gender question in Iran is significant because the Western media and
pundit class largely approaches it in a decontextualized and anti-factual
way.  But it is important to arm ourselves with facts, with actual
information.  For example, Iranian women continue to dominate university
student populations, and the STEM fields.  They are active throughout
society, at all levels.  It is only after the 1979 Revolution that this
occurred, and that literacy among women dramatically increased. To the
extent that we want to use women’s clothing as a metric of women’s
liberation, the government no longer enforces hijab restrictions.  Though I
will say that this is a remarkably capitalist, individualistic, and frankly
backward method for assessing liberation, as it recenters the capitalist
gaze on the commodified female body as the primary metric, rather than
women’s actual development and participation in society as full human
beings.

As for the Tudeh Party, it lost much of its membership, influence and power
during the monarchy after experiencing severe repression. Its heyday was
nearly a century ago, after which it was effectively replaced by more
radical left forces.  It continued to be a relatively small political
party, with membership in the low thousands, through the 1979 Revolution
and after.  It came under fire from the Iranian left after the Revolution
because it publicly supported and participated in the establishment of the
Islamic Republic, but clandestinely sought to destabilize it during the
Iran-Iraq War through attempts to organize a military insurrection.  At
that time, most of the Iranian left united to defend the nation’s
sovereignty against the US proxy’s invasion.  The other significant
political party that expressed this type of opportunism was the
Mujahedin-e-Khalq, which is now expressly working with the CIA and the
Mossad. Lacking in modern significance, clear strategy and political
honesty, the Tudeh Party is largely distrusted and dismissed.  It is
notable that the fall of the Islamic Republic of Iran will not be good for
workers, for farmers, for women and the youth and the elderly.  Syria and
Libya are instructive in this regard, as is the fall of the Soviet Union. I
will explain that further, later in the interview.

*2- History of anti-imperialism to the present: Combatting western
mainstream media framings of ‘regime’, ‘authoritarian’ and ‘theocratic’.
How are these framings used to delegitimize the Islamic Republic of Iran’s
staunch anti-imperialist stance? *

First, it should be noted that Iran’s position in support of the oppressed
peoples “anywhere in the world” is enshrined
<https://ecnl.org/sites/default/files/files/2021/IranConstitution.pdf> in
its constitution.  The Islamic Republic has fulfilled this position in
practice throughout its existence, but it is especially evident today in
its alliances.  Iran has important alliances in the West Asia region with
both state and non-state actors that likewise have a commitment to national
liberation and anti-imperialism.  This is why Iran has steadfastly
supported the Palestinian resistance, including Hamas, Palestinian Islamic
Jihad, and other resistance organizations.  In fact, as the late
Palestinian activist Nizar Banat emphasized
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHqSH7Gwc7g>, Iran is the only country in
the world with a permanent clause in its national budget that supports the
Palestinian Revolution.  Iran’s support for anti-imperialist resistance
also permeates across the region.  It supports Hezbollah in Lebanon, Ansar
Allah in Yemen, and the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, all of whom
have resisted foreign domination in their homeland (together, these forces
in Iran, Yemen, Palestine, Iraq, and Lebanon comprise the Axis of
Resistance).  Iran also played a significant role in supporting the Syrian
government against the predations of the United States and Israel until it
was toppled in December 2024.  And beyond the region, Iran has fostered
friendly ties with Venezuela, with whom it collaborates in various
industries
<https://www.anti-imperialists.com/red-papers/aisc-red-paper-1---the-terms-of-struggle-in-venezuela-imperialism-vs-sovereignty/>,
along with Cuba, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Alliance of
Sahel States, and of course, China and Russia.  The common denominator
among all these countries is their resistance to U.S. imperialism.
Imperialism targets each country in various ways, be it sanctions,
blockades, proxy wars, terror attacks, bombing campaigns, and outright
invasions and military occupations.

Iran presents the greatest threat to Zionist-imperialist interests in the
region, and the U.S. and Israel are running out of options to topple the
Islamic Republic.  It’s therefore not a coincidence that Western media
would depict the Islamic Republic as a “regime” or “authoritarian” because
that is precisely how it characterizes any country which opposes U.S.
domination.  The United States aims to trivialize and criminalize
anti-imperialist resistance and has historically done so in the name of
“freedom” and “democracy.”  The Trump government has mostly dropped these
pretenses, though.  This reality reflects the failure of liberalism to
contain and pacify anti-imperialist resistance.

*3- Development within the imperialist system: Iran’s national sovereign
development is clobbered by sanctions and economic warfare. Some critics
claim that Iran is even a capitalist country. Can you explain how this
framing ignores the role of imperialism and its impact on the working
classes in Iran?*

The defining feature of the age in which we live is US-led imperialism, the
primary contradiction in the world today. Imperialism is characterized by
material relations of exploitation between the Global North and the Global
South. As the central process undergirding imperialism, capitalism is a
world system premised on the accumulation of capital and the movement of
value from Global South nations to the metropole.

Iran is of the Global South.  It is a formerly colonized nation that,
despite great resistance to US imperialism through the 1979 revolution and
its continuing progress toward national liberation from US-led imperialism,
is still victimized and criminalized by it, precisely because of its
resistance.  That criminalization occurs through sanctions and blockades,
designations of its political leadership, military apparatuses and
industries as terrorist, and its isolation in the global economy.  US-led
imperialism steals Iran’s national resources through physical seizure of
its tankers, currency devaluation leading to dramatic inflation, and
devaluation of its resources on the global market.  In sum, Iran does not
extract resources from others and is not a recipient of value transfer.  It
is a victim of drain including wealth drain, brain drain, premature death
of its population, military incursions, etc.

The premise that Iran is capitalist presumes a transnational capitalist
class in which Iran is a beneficiary or participant.  It also presumes a
transnational working class outside of the nation-state system in which
anti-imperialist national liberation is most commonly practiced.  Class is
then abstracted outside of geographic, global economic, racial, and
political dynamics.  In point of fact, the wealth gap between the North and
South has increased, not decreased since at least the 1970s.  The
wealthiest in the world—the possessors of capital—continue to be located
overwhelmingly in the North, in the regions of the world racialized as
white, while the overwhelming majority of the exploited continue to be in
the South, the darkened regions of the world.

I read the claim of a capitalist Iran as a discursive move to shift
attention away from US-led imperialism and its violence against Iran.  This
move has the effect of reinforcing the imperialist position that Iran is
terrorist or authoritarian by virtually sidelining imperialism as an
abstracted and non-primary force in Iran and the world today. It is
anti-internationalist, anti-dialectical, anti-materialist, and incorrect.

I’ll end by adding that Iran’s national resources are largely controlled by
Iranian government institutions.  It is in effect a nationalist economy.
The wealth acquired through government control of those resources is then
used to subsidize social development
<https://www.statista.com/chart/16900/key-economic-social-data-about-iran/>
programs that since the 1979 Revolution have improved literacy, infant
mortality, life expectancy, and decreased poverty, alongside the
development of an excellent national healthcare system informed by
collaboration with and knowledge gained from Cuba.  This has all been done
in spite of the US, European and UN imposition of one of the most severe
sanctions regimes in world history.

*4. Oil and sanctions: The U.S. has a history of using control over oil
resources as a weapon of empire, as recently seen in Venezuela. Iran's
economy is being strangled by sanctions that are a form of economic
warfare. How does the struggle over Iran's oil and the use of sanctions
reflect a broader neo-colonial strategy of resource control and punishment
for sovereignty?*

Here, we see how resistance exposes the contradictions of imperialism and
renders them irreconcilable. On the one hand, yes, sanctions do reflect an
imperialist strategy of resource control and punishment for sovereignty.
On the other hand, the imposition of sanctions indicates how the U.S. has
been unable to truly eradicate Iranian self-determination. This is where
the contradiction is most apparent.  While sanctions intend to cripple the
Iranian economy and produce difficulties in people’s everyday lives, they
have also forced Iran to develop a national culture of self-reliance rooted
in resilience and ingenuity.  Iran’s self-reliance prevents sanctions from
producing their intended effect.  We can speak about Iran’s oil and other
resources, but it’s actually important to start with Iran’s sovereign
defense capacity. Iran possesses robust and world-leading ballistic missile
and UAV programs.  Those capabilities were decades in the making and derived
<https://english.khamenei.ir/news/11803/Imam-Khamenei-s-decisions-changed-the-course-of-our-military>
from a staunch emphasis on self-reliance. Thus, the contradiction of
sanctions stems first and foremost from resistance and self-reliance.

Regarding the oil industry, Iran absolutely remains a constant target of
the U.S.-led imperialism.  As we know, the U.S. attack on Venezuela and the
unlawful and brutally violent kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and
First Combatant Cilia Flores highlights the U.S.’s effort to control
Venezuelan oil.  But it also shows how every other mechanism the U.S. had
used to date has failed, and it remains to be seen whether even the
kidnapping will work in controlling Venezuela’s oil industry.

Beyond this, we should also note that the entire discourse around oil
sometimes obscures the real effects of sanctions. Sanctions intentionally
target everyday people.  People in Iran do not have access
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FAuzbrzht4g> to life-saving medications
because of sanctions, for instance.  Yet, Iran endures, as does Venezuela.

*5. Weaponization of the “diaspora”: While we recognise that some strata of
the population have grievances that you alluded to in your answer to the
first question, western mainstream media focuses largely on the diaspora,
platforms them, and presents them as the sole experts who know the facts on
the ground. Can you speak about the role of the diaspora in the imperial
core in legitimizing imperialist interventions? How is the weaponization of
“let’s hear from an Iranian to speak about Iran” a shallow use of identity
politics camouflaged in orientalist framing of an alleged subaltern who is
speaking?*

So too does the notion of the diaspora as an abstracted category facilitate
US-led criminalization, isolation and exploitation of Iran.  Iranians both
in Iran and around the world are diverse and have a range of views on
Iranian politics, but by and large they support the Iranian government
against US-led imperialism.  This support was showcased during the 12-Day
War when Iranians around the world defended the state’s sovereignty against
the US-sponsored attack by Israel.  It was showcased again in January when
millions of people in Iran marched through the streets of multiple cities
in protest against the urban warfare of the Zionists and the US.

What is understood to be the “Iranian diaspora” includes a small group of
organizations created and/or funded by the CIA’s National Endowment for
Democracy. It also includes opinion leaders who seek a sort of Perestroika
in Iran, similar to that imposed on the USSR, which ultimately enabled the
western pillaging of the Russian and Eastern European economies, led to
civil war, balkanization, and the estimated death of 17 million, as argued
in the article, “Neoliberal Holocaust” <https://www.iskrabooks.org/plb6> by
Paweł Wargan.

In this context, “Let’s hear from an Iranian” and “two things can be true
at once” are platitudes designed to advance US imperialism’s aims against
Iran. They erase context, contingency, history, dialectical processes, and
material relations.  They replace political and economic analysis with
identity and vibes.

*6. The triad of Imperialism, Zionism and Reactionism: Why are the
Zionists, the reactionary Iranian diaspora, and the US benefit from the
destabilisation of Iran? Can you speak about the documented cases of CIA,
Mossad and their local functionaries (paid agents or individual actors
acting on behalf of imperial-zionist interests) exacerbating the loss of
life and property? *

The story of the CIA’s involvement in Iran begins with the lead-up to the
1953 coup d’etat that ousted the democratically elected Prime Minister
Muhammad Mossadeq. The oil issue is again relevant here because Mossadeq
sought to nationalize Iran’s oil industry at the expense of the
Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, a British company.  Oil nationalization had
widespread popular support across Iran.  Conversely, the British initially
sought to oust Mossadeq without the U.S.’s help, but they were only
successful with the CIA orchestrating the operation in August 1953 (it
should also be noted that the U.S.’s initial coup attempt failed as well).
Part of this operation included the CIA paying local functionaries to
engage in rioting as a diversion while military personnel positioned
themselves to besiege Mossadeq. So, the “riots” we have seen in 2026 have
historical precedent.

With the reinstatement of the shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi after the coup,
the U.S. essentially took control of Iran’s oil industry.  The shah
meanwhile developed an expansive police state, undergirded by his secret
police force, SAVAK.  Both the CIA and Mossad had a close relationship with
SAVAK, including by training Iranian agents.  It’s therefore no surprise
that the former shah’s son, Reza Pahlavi, is likewise cozying up to the
U.S. and Israel.  When the Mossad-orchestrated urban war (riots) began, it
was Reza Pahlavi who beat the war drums and even called on the U.S. to bomb
Iran.  These monarchist counterrevolutionaries are directly responsible for
the violence and death that occurred in Iran during the urban war. And we
should be clear that they are complete opportunists who are willing to hand
Iran over to the United States and Israel if it means they can serve as
loyal puppets to imperialism.

*7. Opposition to foreign intervention: What are the specific dangers of
this "US-Zionist meddling" in Iran today, and how might it seek to
transform Iran from a pole of regional resistance into a client state,
particularly regarding control of its oil? How can solidarity networks
abroad articulate a clear, unambiguous opposition to foreign military
intervention, sanctions, and hybrid warfare?*

The primary goal of US-led imperialism in Iran is to end its support of the
Palestinian resistance and its participation in the Axis of Resistance, and
to wrench control of Iranian resources away from the Iranian government and
into the hands of Global North oil majors, commonly called “Big Oil.” It’s
as simple as that. This would lead to massive underdevelopment across all
aspects of social and political life not just in Iran, but across the
region.  I encourage everyone to read Walter Rodney to understand this
process.

Thus, the answer to this question is also quite simple.  Just say no
sanctions on Iran, no war on Iran, call for an end to US meddling and
imperialism, for a Free Palestine from the River to the Sea. Otherwise, we
risk the end of the last independent and sovereign state in West Asia, the
only state that has a budget for supporting the Palestinian resistance and
the regional resistance. We risk US imperialism’s complete takeover of West
Asia and its many resources. We risk the expansion of zionist genocide
across the whole region.  The Palestine, Syria and Libya examples have
unfortunately proven that if we do not resist US imperialism, we risk the
continuity of life itself.

*8. Iran, Axis of Resistance, and Multipolarity: Why is Iran framed as a
“terrorist state”? What role does it have in combatting imperialism in
Western Asia (and much of the world)? How is Iran integral to the decline
of US imperialism and the rise of multipolarity?*

The 12-Day War has proven Iran’s pivotal role in challenging and ultimately
defeating Israel.  We should be clear that even despite the unprovoked
attack against Iran in June of last year, the Islamic Republic swiftly
recovered and dealt the Zionists a strategic defeat over the ensuing twelve
days.  By the end of that war, Israel called upon the U.S. to intervene by
hitting Iran’s nuclear facilities and then to call for a ceasefire.  And
now, as we wait to see whether the U.S. will again strike Iran, reports
from Israeli media are surfacing that Netanyahu told Trump Israel is not
ready to defend itself should Iran respond.  These reports may be part of
the psychological war but the point remains that Iran did significant
damage to the Zionist entity.

All of this to say, if Israel collapses, U.S. imperialism stands no chance
in the West Asia region. These are the stakes of an Iranian victory over
the U.S. and Israel.  The world now knows who the actual terrorist states
are even despite all the resources allocated by the Zionist-imperialists to
spread propaganda about the Palestinian resistance, Iran, and the rest of
the Axis of Resistance.  The imperialists have already lost the narrative
war, and we must be clear on this.

Lastly, Iran absolutely reflects the rise of multipolarity, both in the
region and the world.  However, Iran also shows that multipolarity cannot
be achieved without national liberation. During the 1960s, the Soviet Union
aligned with national liberation movements across the globe.  In doing so,
it also undermined U.S. imperial hegemony. We are witnessing a similar
phenomenon now.  The momentum toward national liberation in West Asia, West
Africa, and I’d say other parts of the world very soon, fuel
multipolarity.  Conversely, multipolarity gives space to national
liberation movements. For instance, Russia’s defensive war against NATO in
Ukraine helped create the conditions which led to Operation Al Aqsa Flood.
Russia and China’s support for the Alliance of Sahel States have helped
those countries to withstand attacks by counterrevolutionary forces to
date.  In short, we can’t talk about multipolarity without equally
uplifting national liberation in the struggle against imperialism.

*Navid Farnia* is a scholar of African American Studies. His research
broadly explores the relationship between racial oppression in the United
States and U.S. imperialism with a focus on revolutionary movements and
counterrevolutionary responses. Navid’s book manuscript, National
Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race, Counterrevolution, and the United
States, traces the U.S. national security state’s evolution by examining
how U.S. officials responded to national liberation movements at home and
abroad from the 1950s to 1980. Navid has also written on the impact of
economic sanctions imposed by the United States on Third World countries,
the emergence of a multipolar world order, the South African liberation
leader Chris Hani, and the regional dynamics of the ongoing Palestinian
liberation struggle. Navid is a member of the Anti-Imperialist Scholars
Collective.

*Nina Farnia* is a law professor and legal historian whose scholarship
exposes the role of imperialism in US law and politics. Her forthcoming
book is entitled Imperialism and Resistance (Stanford University Press
2026), and is based on her dissertation, Imperialism in the Making of U.S.
Law, 1940-2008, which won the 2023 Julien Mezey Dissertation Award from the
Association for the Study of Law, Culture, and the Humanities. Nina is a
member of the Anti-Imperialist Scholars Collective.
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