[News] Hamas negotiator talks to The Grayzone about new barriers to Palestinian freedom

[Anti-Imperialist News]

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Hamas negotiator talks to The Grayzone about new barriers to Palestinian
freedom
The Grayzone
December 25, 2025
------------------------------

*By Aaron Mate*

This December in Doha, Qatar, The Grayzone’s Aaron Mate sat down with
senior Hamas negotiator and former Minister of Health in the Gaza Strip Dr.
Bassem Naim to discuss the fractured ceasefire in Gaza, the prospects for a
second phase, and Hamas’s political and military positions amid ongoing
Israeli siege. Dr. Naim argues that the so-called ceasefire has largely
failed due to Israeli violations and that any meaningful progress toward
peace is impossible without addressing the roots of the crisis: the lack of
Palestinian self-determination and ongoing military occupation.

Dr. Naim contends that Hamas has fully complied with its obligations under
the first phase of the ceasefire agreement, including the release of
Israeli prisoners and bodies, while Israel has failed to uphold its
commitments. More than 350 Palestinians have been killed and hundreds
wounded since the ceasefire began, with frequent Israeli attacks continuing
daily. Israel has restricted humanitarian aid, blocked essential supplies,
limited entry of heavy machinery needed for rubble removal and
reconstruction, and kept the Rafah crossing largely closed, preventing
wounded civilians, students, and families from traveling. Dr. Naim explains
how these systematic violations were reported to mediators without
consequence.

Because the first phase has not been implemented as agreed, Dr. Naim argues
that discussion of a second phase is premature and problematic. He rejects
the framing that Hamas alone would determine the next phase, stating that
decisions about Gaza’s future, resistance, and governance must involve all
factions inside the Palestinian polity. He slams international proposals
that marginalize Palestinians from decision-making structures, including a
proposed international “boards of peace,” which he likens to an occupation
imposed from outside.

Asked about the role of the international community, Dr. Naim says Hamas
would accept a limited international role strictly confined to supervising
the ceasefire, facilitating aid, and supporting reconstruction. He supports
the deployment of an international stabilization force only along Gaza’s
borders to separate Israeli forces from Palestinians, not inside
Palestinian cities or in daily governance, noting the consensus among Arab
and Muslim countries for this position.

Asked about demands that Hamas unilaterally give up its weapons, Dr. Naim
strongly rejects unconditional disarmament, arguing that Palestinians
remain under occupation and retain the right under international law to
resist, including through armed struggle. History did not begin on October
7, he argues, explaining how Palestinians have endured decades of killings,
dispossession, and siege. While rejecting disarmament, he leaves open the
possibility of long-term ceasefires lasting five to ten years, during which
weapons could be frozen or stored – but only if tied to a credible
political process leading to a sovereign Palestinian state with clear
timelines and guarantees against renewed Israeli attacks.

Dr. Naim blasts the UN resolution for being vague, selectively enforced,
and lacking enforceable commitments to Palestinian self-determination. He
argues that international law and UN resolutions must be treated as a
package, not selectively applied to serve Israeli interests while ignoring
Palestinian rights such as statehood and the right of return.

Asked by Mate about Hamas’ support for a two-state solution, Dr. Naim
restates the Movement’s longstanding position that Hamas would cooperate
with a consensus Palestinian position supporting a fully sovereign state on
the 1967 borders, provided it includes East Jerusalem and guarantees the
right of return for refugees. He emphasizes that this would represent a
historic compromise and insists that such a state is not a concession from
Israel, but a Palestinian right under international law. Recognition of
Israel, he argues, would be a decision for a future Palestinian state and
society, not one imposed amid ongoing violence.

On the issue of continuing Palestinian divisions, Dr. Naim acknowledges
deep fragmentation between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, describing
decades of failed reconciliation efforts despite repeated agreements. He
argues that the Oslo process has failed catastrophically, citing massive
settlement expansion and annexation. He attributes continued division
partly to external pressure from Israel and the United States, which he
says have conditioned Palestinian leadership choices.

He explains Hamas’s efforts to secure the release of prisoners from all
factions, particularly Marwan Barghouti, a Fatah-aligned longtime political
prisoner with street credibility across Palestine. According to Dr. Naim,
Hamas views Barghouti as one of the only figures capable of reshaping
Palestinian politics and advancing unity.

Dr. Naim closes by addressing Palestinian criticism of Hamas and its
October 7 operation, particularly those who argue that the unbelievable
levels of civilian suffering were not worth it. While acknowledging
dissent, he argues that Palestinians faced no viable alternative under
siege and occupation. He frames Hamas’s actions as resistance born of
desperation and insists that the root problem is the “prison” of occupation
itself, and that resistance is inevitable under such unjust conditions.
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