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<h1 class="gmail-reader-title">Hamas negotiator talks to The Grayzone about new barriers to Palestinian freedom</h1>
<div class="gmail-credits gmail-reader-credits">The Grayzone</div>
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<div class="gmail-reader-estimated-time">December 25, 2025</div>
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<div class="gmail-moz-reader-content gmail-reader-show-element"><div id="gmail-readability-page-1" class="gmail-page"><div dir="auto"><p><strong>By Aaron Mate</strong></p><p>This
December in Doha, Qatar, The Grayzone\u2019s Aaron Mate sat down with senior
Hamas negotiator and former Minister of Health in the Gaza Strip Dr.
Bassem Naim to discuss the fractured ceasefire in Gaza, the prospects
for a second phase, and Hamas\u2019s political and military positions amid
ongoing Israeli siege. Dr. Naim argues that the so-called ceasefire has
largely failed due to Israeli violations and that any meaningful
progress toward peace is impossible without addressing the roots of the
crisis: the lack of Palestinian self-determination and ongoing military
occupation.</p><p>Dr. Naim contends that Hamas has fully complied with
its obligations under the first phase of the ceasefire agreement,
including the release of Israeli prisoners and bodies, while Israel has
failed to uphold its commitments. More than 350 Palestinians have been
killed and hundreds wounded since the ceasefire began, with frequent
Israeli attacks continuing daily. Israel has restricted humanitarian
aid, blocked essential supplies, limited entry of heavy machinery needed
for rubble removal and reconstruction, and kept the Rafah crossing
largely closed, preventing wounded civilians, students, and families
from traveling. Dr. Naim explains how these systematic violations were
reported to mediators without consequence.</p><p>Because the first phase
has not been implemented as agreed, Dr. Naim argues that discussion of a
second phase is premature and problematic. He rejects the framing that
Hamas alone would determine the next phase, stating that decisions about
Gaza\u2019s future, resistance, and governance must involve all factions
inside the Palestinian polity. He slams international proposals that
marginalize Palestinians from decision-making structures, including a
proposed international \u201cboards of peace,\u201d which he likens to an
occupation imposed from outside.</p><p>Asked about the role of the
international community, Dr. Naim says Hamas would accept a limited
international role strictly confined to supervising the ceasefire,
facilitating aid, and supporting reconstruction. He supports the
deployment of an international stabilization force only along Gaza\u2019s
borders to separate Israeli forces from Palestinians, not inside
Palestinian cities or in daily governance, noting the consensus among
Arab and Muslim countries for this position.</p><p>Asked about demands
that Hamas unilaterally give up its weapons, Dr. Naim strongly rejects
unconditional disarmament, arguing that Palestinians remain under
occupation and retain the right under international law to resist,
including through armed struggle. History did not begin on October 7, he
argues, explaining how Palestinians have endured decades of killings,
dispossession, and siege. While rejecting disarmament, he leaves open
the possibility of long-term ceasefires lasting five to ten years,
during which weapons could be frozen or stored \u2013 but only if tied to a
credible political process leading to a sovereign Palestinian state with
clear timelines and guarantees against renewed Israeli attacks.</p><p>Dr.
Naim blasts the UN resolution for being vague, selectively enforced,
and lacking enforceable commitments to Palestinian self-determination.
He argues that international law and UN resolutions must be treated as a
package, not selectively applied to serve Israeli interests while
ignoring Palestinian rights such as statehood and the right of return.</p><p>Asked
by Mate about Hamas\u2019 support for a two-state solution, Dr. Naim
restates the Movement\u2019s longstanding position that Hamas would cooperate
with a consensus Palestinian position supporting a fully sovereign
state on the 1967 borders, provided it includes East Jerusalem and
guarantees the right of return for refugees. He emphasizes that this
would represent a historic compromise and insists that such a state is
not a concession from Israel, but a Palestinian right under
international law. Recognition of Israel, he argues, would be a decision
for a future Palestinian state and society, not one imposed amid
ongoing violence.</p><p>On the issue of continuing Palestinian
divisions, Dr. Naim acknowledges deep fragmentation between Hamas and
the Palestinian Authority, describing decades of failed reconciliation
efforts despite repeated agreements. He argues that the Oslo process has
failed catastrophically, citing massive settlement expansion and
annexation. He attributes continued division partly to external pressure
from Israel and the United States, which he says have conditioned
Palestinian leadership choices.</p><p>He explains Hamas\u2019s efforts to
secure the release of prisoners from all factions, particularly Marwan
Barghouti, a Fatah-aligned longtime political prisoner with street
credibility across Palestine. According to Dr. Naim, Hamas views
Barghouti as one of the only figures capable of reshaping Palestinian
politics and advancing unity. </p><p>Dr. Naim closes by addressing
Palestinian criticism of Hamas and its October 7 operation, particularly
those who argue that the unbelievable levels of civilian suffering were
not worth it. While acknowledging dissent, he argues that Palestinians
faced no viable alternative under siege and occupation. He frames
Hamas\u2019s actions as resistance born of desperation and insists that the
root problem is the \u201cprison\u201d of occupation itself, and that resistance
is inevitable under such unjust conditions.</p></div></div></div>
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