[News] ‘No Heaven without Gaza’: A Palestine Chronicle Exclusive Interview with Lebanese Revolutionary Georges Abdallah

[Anti-Imperialist News]

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‘No Heaven without Gaza’: A Palestine Chronicle Exclusive Interview with
Lebanese Revolutionary Georges AbdallahAugust 13, 2025
------------------------------
Georges Abdallah with Samaa Abu Sharar from the Palestine Chronicle.
(Photo: Dalal Sharour, supplied)

*By Samaa Abu Sharar
<https://www.palestinechronicle.com/writers/samaa-abu-sharar>*

A legendary political prisoner, recently freed after 41 years in French
prison, Georges Abdallah offers a revolutionary manifesto where he speaks
about his unwavering views on Palestine, resistance, liberation, and the
future of the Arab world.

Our meeting with the legendary Georges Abdallah was scheduled for four
o’clock on a Wednesday afternoon. We left Beirut around 11:30 a.m. to
arrive on time at his home in Koubeiyat, in the north of the country. In
Tripoli, Dalal Shahrour and Nazira El Hajj, two women activists from the
Beddawi and Naher El Bared Palestinian refugee camps, joined us, as eager
as we were to meet one of our remaining heroes.

We arrived at 3:30, and were welcomed by Abdallah’s niece, his brother
Robert, and his sister. We joined them on the balcony of their warm family
home and were greeted with a cold drink and sweets, a custom in Arab
culture for joyous occasions. We congratulated the family on Abdallah’s
release and inquired about the time allocated for the interview. Robert
told us we would have half an hour, and we tried to bargain for more.

A bit later, we were allowed inside the house where Georges was sitting. He
stood up and greeted us warmly, as if we had known each other for years.
His presence was so powerful even before he uttered a word. We briefly
introduced ourselves and The Palestine Chronicle and presented him with a
copy of a book by another revolutionary before diving into our countless
questions.

In our one-hour conversation, we touched on Georges’ life in prison and
after his liberation, before moving on to issues like Palestine, Lebanon,
the future of Zionism as embodied in the Israeli entity, the crisis of the
Palestinian national project, the relationship between socialism and
Islamic resistance, and more. Georges’s iron will and solid principles are
intact and present in every breath he takes and every word he utters. He is
convinced that the resistance in Palestine and Lebanon is the answer to the
ongoing Israeli occupation and that Israel, which embodies the Western
imperialist project, has reached the final chapter of its existence.
*Read more in the full interview.* *‘Prison Does Not Change Fighters’*

*Samaa Abu Sharar (The Palestine Chronicle): *We all know George Abdallah
as an international activist who dedicated his life to just causes, most
notably the Palestinian cause and the fight against colonialism in all its
forms. How would you present yourself?

*Georges Abdallah:* (I am) a fighter amongst our Arab fighters, a fighter
of the Palestinian revolution, and a fighter of the Lebanese resistance
against imperialist and Zionist oppression. Our activism stems from our
assessment that the Zionist entity is an organic extension of Western
imperialism. We consider that this entity has currently reached the final
chapter of its existence, and, therefore, it will unleash all its barbaric
and murderous reserves on our people. The masses of our people must prepare
for this stage, keeping in mind that they will prevail over this entity.

What you say is completely in line with how many people view you: as an
icon of resistance who represents the correct compass of our great
struggle. So there is no difference between how Georges Abdallah sees
himself and how people see him.

Our people have great confidence in the Palestinian resistance, so any
expression of resistance is highly esteemed. Our people are prepared to
provide a lot of support and facilitate the struggle. What is happening in
Gaza and the West Bank today confirms this. As an ordinary fighter in the
ranks of the resistance, historically, I see that our people are steadfast.
There are loopholes, as always happens in revolutions, but this does not
stop us. The masses in Gaza embrace their emaciated children, continue to
resist, and refuse to raise the white flag. Thus, we can say that the
resistance is in great shape despite all the subjective and objective
problems.

*Palestine Chronicle: Did prison change you?*

*Georges Abdallah: *Prison does not change fighters. In reality, prison
helps shape sound positions if the required solidarity from resistance
forces is available, and this is what happened with me.

*Palestine Chronicle: This means that Georges Abdallah, who was imprisoned
41 years ago, came out of prison the same man?*

*Georges Abdallah: *An older fighter, with more experience and more
willingness to give.

*Palestine Chronicle: How did you relate to time while in prison?*

*Georges Abdallah: *In fact, time in prison for fighters and activists is a
framework within which life’s priorities are organized. If the activist has
found solidarity—in other words, if he has a group of people who make
solidarity a practical expression within the daily struggle of our nation’s
masses—then the imprisoned activist is simply a fighter doing what he must
under exceptional circumstances.

Time becomes tight, as he doesn’t have enough time to do whatever he deems
appropriate to support the struggle, whether in terms of reading,
interventions, or other things. This applied to me.

*Palestine Chronicle: So, time was tight for you in prison?*

*Georges Abdallah: *Time was not sufficient to do what is required of
fighters and activists. I did all I could within my modest capabilities.

*Palestine Chronicle: You said in your interview with Al Mayadeen that your
day in prison was very organized and that you had a daily schedule that
involved much reading of the mail you received. With whom did you
correspond while in prison?*

*Georges Abdallah: *With fighters and activists who were in prison or
remained in prison, with my family, and with friends. This is normal,
considering there were facilities that were secured through the struggle of
the masses in this country or that. In French prisons, a telephone was made
available to call whomever you wish, provided you gave the number to the
relevant authorities. Accordingly, you could contact anyone you wished.

Books were provided by comrades, so you had ample opportunities for reading
and doing other things. However, it takes a lot of time to read everything
that needs to be read and to participate in the ongoing debate on these
matters.

*Palestine Chronicle: Were you one of the people who made many phone calls?*

*Georges Abdallah: *One of the people who did what he had to do.

*Palestine Chronicle: Were the phone calls more with friends or family
members?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The family was certainly within the circle of
communication. There is a continuum, so to speak, that extends from home to
the arena of struggle. The concerns of the homeland are an essential part
of my life, so communication is constant through family, friends, loved
ones, and all other expressions of struggle present in our country and
abroad. I did not feel alienated in this regard.

*Palestine Chronicle: Were you subjected to any psychological or physical
violations while in prison?*

*Georges Abdallah: *I was subjected to everything fighters and activists
are subjected to. I can say that all the procedures didn’t constitute a
problem for me. In other words, from a personal perspective, I wasn’t
subjected to any particular pressure, and from an objective perspective, I
had plenty of resources that were made available by my numerous comrades.

There were a large number of comrades, and they alternated so they could
all come to see me in prison. Therefore, I never experienced the feeling of
alienation or isolation. The solidarity movement is part of the daily
struggle; therefore, there was no personal anguish in that sense. There is
a struggle with time. I wanted to use all of this time to enhance my
readings and interventions for as long as possible. However, there are
limits to this time because of life’s priorities.

*Palestine Chronicle: What did you miss most while in prison, besides
freedom, of course?*

*Georges Abdallah: *In reality, I missed all aspects of life and all its
expressions.

*Palestine Chronicle: Such as?*

*Georges Abdallah: *Everything. It’s not easy to say what I missed most:
family, loved ones, the stars, the trees, and the animals. You miss the
comrades, you miss your discussions with them; there is no set priority.

*Palestine Chronicle: If you could go back in time, is there anything you
would have done differently in your struggle?*

*Georges Abdallah: *I am not currently engaging in self-criticism of my
struggle. Throughout my struggle, I have done everything I consider
appropriate for the path of struggle. Certainly, as with everyone else,
there are successes and failures, and there is the possibility to improve
this or that.

However, overall, I am satisfied with my path of struggle. Despite its
modesty, it is acceptable as any other fighter or activist of our people
within the framework of the available popular base.
*‘The Resistance is in Great Shape’*

*Palestine Chronicle: Let’s talk about Palestine and Lebanon. You said in
more than one interview that solidarity with Georges Abdallah was equal to,
or part of, solidarity with Palestine.*

*Georges Abdallah: *Solidarity with Georges Abdallah only takes on meaning
when it falls within the framework of the struggle against the war of
genocide in Gaza. This is within the path of struggle that falls under the
issues of solidarity, not outside this framework or parallel to it. It
falls within this framework, and I think it was very effective.

*Palestine Chronicle: In your opinion, if it weren’t for the “Al Aqsa
Flood” operation, would you be among us today?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The “Al Aqsa Flood” is a very important operation.
However, my case does not fall within this framework without going into
details of the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation. The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation is
very good in terms of its timing and effectiveness. Although we may find a
loophole here or there, we are not in a position to beat ourselves up; we
are in a position to evaluate the operation itself.

This operation came at the right time, is very appropriate, and has moved
the struggle forward, placing new responsibilities on the shoulders of
those who carried it out and lived it. I hope that the comrades within the
framework of the Palestinian revolution will succeed in examining the
national program of the Palestinian revolution. We know that there is a
historical impasse facing the Palestinian national program.

Certainly, the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation has a role to play in clarifying
some aspects and correcting some deviations. However, without resolving the
crisis of the Palestinian national project, we will remain stuck and pay a
heavy price. It is the responsibility of all forces in the Palestinian
arena to work on overcoming this crisis because it is a crisis, not a
matter of national or non-national unity. The crisis is deeper than that,
and it is the responsibility of all active forces to do what they must to
deserve to be part of the Palestinian national liberation movement.

*Palestine Chronicle: What is this crisis?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The crisis affects all aspects of the entire
Palestinian national project. Israel is an organic extension of Western
imperialism. Israel is not a colony or merely a settlement. It is an
organic extension of this imperialist West. Therefore, confronting this
imperialist West requires confronting the crisis of the imperialist system
in its capitalist form. Those who confront this organic extension must
stand on a ground hostile to capitalism.

Therefore, the leadership of the Palestinian bourgeoisie, in its various
expressions—Islamic, nationalist, semi-nationalist, state-oriented,
etc.—faces a problem in this regard. And the Palestinian left is in a very
embarrassing situation, having so far been unable to build a national unity
to confront this organic extension and failed to affirm national unity. Of
course, these are great responsibilities that fall on everyone’s shoulders.

Nevertheless, the resistance is in great shape. The masses of our people
continue to confront the Zionist enemy with great and advanced
effectiveness, although the children of Gaza are emaciated and in dire need
of a glass of milk. However, Gaza will not raise the white flag, and this
is a very important issue. As for how we move forward, that is a matter for
the Palestinian leadership to determine.

*Palestine Chronicle: But we are keen to hear what you have to say in this
regard!*

*Georges Abdallah: *Everyone is concerned, but the actual leaders of the
Palestinian revolution know best and are required to answer a number of
questions. They are required to provide an answer on the crisis of this
national project, the Oslo crisis, the crisis of the Palestinian Authority,
the crisis of the division between Fatah and Hamas, the crisis of the
dispersion of Palestinian forces, the crisis of the retirement of entire
organizations that have been transformed into names without titles, the
crisis of the mother of the Palestinian revolution, Fatah.

Where is Fatah and what is Fatah now? Where is Fatah and where is Hamas?
What are they both doing? The crisis is complex and has numerous aspects.
The Palestinian people have the intellectual, organizational, and
resistance abilities to address this crisis, but a lot is required on all
levels. It is not acceptable that there are around 60,000 full-time
fighters with the Palestinian Authority whose task is limited to security
coordination with Israel. And when we speak of national unity, which
national unity are we talking about? A unity in which 60,000 fighters chase
the Fedayeen (freedom fighters-PC) and hand them over to Israel, versus
those who see their children dying of hunger and are still holding the
flag! We all certainly know the dangers of a civil war, but the dilemma of
the national project remains.

The leaders of all Palestinian organizations agreed on something at the
Beijing conference, but what was its result? The result was the
assassination of Ismail Haniyeh. Why assassinate Haniyeh? Because he was
part of the wing in Hamas who called for unity. This does not mean that the
Palestinian Authority welcomed the call. This is the crisis of the national
project. Those who bear the responsibility are those in Palestine and
outside of Palestine; they are the resistance fighters in Gaza and the West
Bank, and even those who are part of the Palestinian Authority and inside
the Israeli prisons. It is certainly a major crisis, but I am sure that the
active members of Palestinian society will be able to overcome it.

*‘No Heaven without Gaza’*

*Palestine Chronicle: You spoke briefly about the “Al Aqsa Flood”
operation. Were you surprised when you first heard about it?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation surprised everyone, and
that in itself is an issue and falls within the scope of the crisis of the
national project. This certainly does not undermine its value. “Al Aqsa
Flood” marked a turning point in the history of the conflict with Israel,
but it also imposes enormous responsibilities on everyone. The enemy is
well aware that it is now in the final chapter of its existence; it is not
a matter of a military setback. The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation is the first
step in determining the priorities of this final chapter.

Everyone must rise to this responsibility, especially those in charge of
the priorities of the struggle in Palestine and outside Palestine. The Arab
street also bears a responsibility, and those in charge of the national
project must ask the question: why this abandonment on the part of the Arab
street?

The Palestinian leadership is no stranger to this abandonment. When Egypt
and the UAE are playing the roles of mediators, how can we expect the
Egyptian masses to apologize for not being at the forefront of the
struggle? This is a tremendous crisis. The value of the Palestinian
revolution lies in its role as a lever of the Arab revolution. It is the
historical lever of the Arab revolution, but it is no longer playing its
role for several reasons. The Palestinian leadership must answer why it
abandoned this role.

I see Qatar, which hosts the main base of American imperialism, as a
mediator. The question is: a mediator between whom and whom? I also see
Egypt, with a population of 120 million Arabs, as a mediator. The same
question applies. Egypt is Al Azhar (considered the largest Islamic
institution in the Arab World-PC), and Al Azhar is not a tourist agency; it
is a civilized institution that encompasses all the values of this nation
with people of different colors. Eighty million people consider Al Azhar
their (moral) authority. Where are the eighty million? Who is responsible
for their inaction? Al Azhar is the one responsible for them. What has it
done, and what is the role of the Palestinian revolution in this context?

It suffices that one of the eighty million, meaning one million, move
toward Rafah and perform prayers there. They are not required to carry a
gun and offer it to Hamas or the Popular Front (for the Liberation of
Palestine – a socialist organization-PC) or any other faction; all they
have to do is offer a cup of water or a cup of milk to the children of
Gaza. Al Azhar is responsible for this inaction. It must know that its
prayers are not accepted if they are not held at the crossing to Gaza. It
must also be known that there is no path to heaven for all believers in
Egypt because the children of Palestine have occupied all the roads while
they are ascending to heaven. Those who wish to enter heaven must come to
Gaza; otherwise, there is no heaven for them.

Al Azhar, along with the Sheikhs of Palestine and the leaders of the
Islamic movements, know this all too well. They are the ones to determine
whether Egypt is a mediator or a partner in this genocide. They also know
whether Saudi Arabia and Mohammad Bin Abdallah are playing their role or
not. The Kaaba of Mohammad Bin Abdallah is not an antique vessel; it
embodies everything this nation has. Where is it in all this?

*Palestine Chronicle: Do you agree with those who say that the Arab people
are powerless, ruled by dictators and agents of the Israeli entity?*

*Georges Abdallah: *This is utterly unacceptable. The Arab regimes are not
agents; they are actually participating in the ongoing genocide, and this
is certainly not up for discussion. What I see, however, is that not a
single person in Egypt was killed in the street while demonstrating, simply
because they did not demonstrate. Where are they from young Greta, who came
all the way from Sweden to raise a glass of water in solidarity with Gaza?
Where are they from Rima Al Hassan, who came from Belgium and raised a
glass of milk in solidarity with Gaza?

Where are the sailors of Egypt? These activists came in a boat not even fit
to carry fish, and the sailors of Egypt watch like “monkeys.” Where is the
Palestinian revolution in all this? Betrayal is in the entire Arab world; a
demonstration in Yemen or in other Arab cities is not enough. Where is
Jordan? Where are the masses of Jordan? Where are the 60% of the people of
Amman who are originally Palestinians? Certainly, all this falls within the
crisis of the national project, because these forces are responsible for
national action. The Palestinian national action either works to elevate
Palestine as a revolutionary lever for the entire Arab nation or works to
shield these regimes.

*Palestine Chronicle: Following the atrocities in Gaza, many who were
believers in the resistance project have stopped being so. What do you say
to that?*

*Georges Abdallah: *I don’t see such people. I see parents in Gaza watching
their children trembling as skeletons and still raising the red flag, not
the white flag. Gaza has not yet raised the white flag, and the masses of
Gaza will not leave Gaza. There is no time to self-flagellate or claim that
morale has collapsed.

In Gaza, there are heroes. There are no people on this planet like those in
Gaza. Gaza has been hit three times more than what hit Hiroshima was.
17,000 tons of explosives in Gaza, while Dresden in Germany was hit with
5,000 tons. Gaza did not surrender while Dresden fell. Today, there isn’t a
single city in Europe that does not raise the Palestinian keffiyeh, the
symbol of freedom.

The Palestinian revolution has historically never been as prominent on the
global stage as it is now. The problem remains in our national project, in
our national leadership. The masses of the world, all over the planet,
stand with Gaza. Do our leaders really stand with Gaza? When 30 to 35
percent of the Jewish youth in America raise the Palestinian keffiyeh and
the Palestinian flag and declare that this Zionist entity is the enemy of
the Jewish people and of Palestine, what does this mean? It means that the
countdown to Israel’s existence has started. Where are our leaders in all
this? It’s not enough for leaders to be martyred or chased after. They need
to pinpoint the energy of the masses and be able to invest in it. Again,
this is not happening because this is part of the crisis we spoke about.

Let us not forget that over 50 percent of the prisoners of the Palestinian
revolution in Israeli jails are from Fatah, but it is also Fatah that
brokered the Oslo Accords, and it is the one that caused the crisis of the
national project. Nonetheless, Fatah remains the mother of martyrs, the
mother of the revolution, and the mother of prisoners. This is the dilemma
of the national project. How do we explain that over 50 percent of Fatah
members are in Israeli captivity, while there are 60,000 Fatah fighters who
are mercenaries under the command of (PA President Mahmoud) Abbas and
others? This embodies the national project crisis.

These issues need to be addressed by the leadership of the Fatah movement.
It is a reality we must confront. How will they confront it? The forces
that lead the Palestinian struggle everywhere must answer these questions.
They should also provide an answer regarding the status of our camps
outside of Palestine and their fate. The Palestinian revolution is a
revolution of camps. The Palestinian people are a people of camps. There
are no Palestinian people without camps. Camps are the Palestinian
identity. Where are our camps today? What is Sabra and Shatila today? What
is the percentage of Palestinians inside the camp? What is their future?
The relevant leaders must answer.

These places are semi-liberated in principle and are not places of security
chaos as we are told. They are semi-liberated because they bear all the
characteristics of the liberation of Palestine; they are not hubs that bear
the characteristics of prostitution, drug smuggling, etc. Who bears the
responsibility for the camps? Again, this is the crisis of the national
project.

*Palestine Chronicle: What will the scene in Palestine be like after the
genocide in Gaza?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The genocide in Gaza will not continue. The genocide
will not succeed, and Gaza and the West Bank will triumph as Israel
witnesses the last chapter of its existence, and this is not a poetic
speech.

*Palestine Chronicle: You have repeated this in more than one interview.*

*Georges Abdallah: *I am not the only one to repeat it. We have to
understand that Israel has never been through what it is currently going
through; this is why it will use its entire barbaric stockpile on us. This
will translate into intensifying its killing machine to the maximum. Israel
will throw all its unexploited barbarism at our masses in the coming days,
weeks, and months. What are the leaders of the national project going to do
in light of this? How will those who planned the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation
face this? These are questions that require answers from all factions.

When a leader like Yehya Sinwar falls as a martyr and not a fugitive in a
shelter in Qatar or somewhere else, his resistance is bound to triumph. Our
people’s resistance will triumph. It will triumph because of people like
Sinwar and Haniyeh who neither fled nor sought ‘peace’. These leaders and
their resistance cannot be defeated. Our people are aware of this and will
not raise the white flag, neither in Gaza nor anywhere else. Accordingly,
the responsibility of the current leaders is immense to find solutions for
the national crisis. These solutions will inevitably come, although we
surely regret that they are delayed because the human cost is immense.
*Resolving the Left-Islamic Dilemma *

*Palestine Chronicle: Could the Gaza genocide kick-start a world
revolution?*

*Georges Abdallah: *It is bound to happen, if not today, then tomorrow. The
greatest responsibility falls on the shoulders of the leaders of the
revolution; they are the ones to anticipate the next stage, not me.

*Palestine Chronicle: How do you view the Islamic revolutions in the Arab
world? Your approach seems to be different from many leftists. We have the
impression that you view the issue from an operational perspective rather
than an ideological one. Is this accurate?*

*Georges Abdallah: *We are not engaged in an ideological competition; we
have Arab masses, the majority of whom are Muslim. This is the organic
makeup of our nation. This is not an ideological choice. These people
resist with whatever is at their disposal, be it the Quran, a scientific
analysis, or a missile. It is the responsibility of those in charge of the
struggle to determine what is at the disposal of the Arab masses.

When the Egyptian plays the mediator and the Qatari hosts the biggest
American base, what message am I giving to the Arab masses? Do I expect
that meeting with Egyptian intelligence, so they can coordinate with Qatari
and American intelligence, will find me a way out of the revolution crisis
or the national project crisis? I doubt it. All these actions contribute to
the impasse we find ourselves in, including the inaction of the Arab masses.

*Palestine Chronicle: Do you think there can be a meeting point between the
left and the current Islamic revolutions?*

*Georges Abdallah: *All liberation movements have established a national
project within which all societal actors work. Wherever a revolution
triumphs, it does so through national unity. But that unity is not that of
one person meeting with another; it actually entails the meeting of the
entire popular bloc together to champion a project.

Let’s take Al Azhar again. As any Arab or activist connected to Palestine,
I don’t view it in light of the relationship between Marxist ideology and
Islamic ideology, but rather in view of its objective position within the
framework of our people’s movement. The same applies to Mecca. I don’t look
at it from an ideological perspective but rather from its significance to
Muslims around the world. What have those in charge of the national project
done with their ‘Qiblah’ to incite the masses of the world to move toward
Palestine? I don’t say this because I’m a communist or because I’m a
believer; I say this as any person with the slightest connection to the
conflict who looks at this matter and says, this is simply inconceivable.
*Lebanon: Resisting vs ‘Watching’*

*Palestine Chronicle: Moving to Lebanon, away from slogans, how do you see
the situation there?*

*Georges Abdallah: *The situation is delicate, but it is also good. The
resistance has sacrificed the best of its leaders as martyrs.

*Palestine Chronicle: But there is a deep division in the country.*

*Georges Abdallah: *What we have in Lebanon is not different from any other
country in the world. In all the resistance movements of the world, you
will find people who will sacrifice themselves in defense of their country
and cowards who simply watch. In the entire world, there isn’t a country
where the resistance enjoys the support of all the people. Sectarian
affiliation is another issue, but I ask: who is behind the project that
defends Lebanon’s identity and dignity? The resistance. There is an
occupation; thus, the resistance is the initial response. Outside of the
resistance, there is no solution with a national character.

You can say all you want about this resistance—that it needs to represent
all the Lebanese people, or it needs to be this or that. However, for you
to have the right to speak, you must be on the side of the resistance, not
the occupation. If you are on the side of the occupation, then you have no
right to speak or even exist. When your country is under occupation,
whoever stands with the enemy, regardless of their status or
justifications, has no right to even exist.

*Palestine Chronicle: So, what do we do with these people?*

*Georges Abdallah: *This is the responsibility of the resistance and the
resistance masses: to figure out how to isolate the forces that cooperate
with the enemy and open up to the masses of these forces. I did not spend a
lifetime in captivity, nor did the martyr who sacrificed his life for the
country, just to be labeled in the end as not representing the sovereignty
of this country. Those who defend the homeland are the sovereignty of this
country, not those who are ready to welcome Israel.

To say that there is a contradiction between the army and the resistance is
wrong. In my opinion, as with any resistance fighter, our duty is to build
a very strong national army to eliminate the justification for the
existence of any resistance. This is our ambition. Our ambition is for a
soldier to receive a decent salary—not twenty dollars per month—to be able
to support his or her family and defend the country.

The leadership of the resistance should have the courage and clarity to
open up to everyone with all its capabilities to build a national state
that isolates all those who fail to fulfill their responsibility of
sovereignty and defending the homeland for us all. A homeland in which we
are all safe; otherwise, we will all lose, and no party will triumph over
the other.

*Palestine Chronicle: So, until we build such an army, do you believe that
the resistance should remain?*

*Georges Abdallah: *Certainly, what do we do otherwise? All over the world,
resistance is the first response to any aggression. I hope we succeed at
building a strong army able to defend us and one that replaces all
resistance. But until this happens, do I remain naked in the face of
Israel? Do I face Israel with a statement here and a statement there? I
want an army that considers Israel the enemy.

Our soldiers are honorable; they are not members of a mafia. They are from
all over Lebanon but they need to be well-trained and equipped to be able
to defend the country and us. They tell us the US, France, and Britain are
our friends. Brilliant, let them provide our army with weapons. But to come
and tell me the US is our friend while it comes and asks us to surrender
our weapons and recognize Israel, or otherwise Israel will slap you—this is
unacceptable. I will continue to resist with all the means I have. The
resistance should not have allowed itself to welcome the American envoy or
anyone else. We, the people of this country, should meet and determine how
to resist the enemy, not how to submit to the enemy. We meet to determine
how to confront, not how to normalize.

Everyone is well aware of what is required of Lebanon today. Lebanon is
asked to abandon its Arab identity, and particularly to abandon the issue
of Palestine, and live in peace with the Zionist enemy. There will be no
coexistence with this enemy, not today, not tomorrow, and not the day
after. If someone stands with this normalization, the resistance will fight
him. If a party stands with this normalization, it will also fight it. If a
sect stands with normalization, the resistance will also fight it. Whoever
wants to gamble can do so, but normalization will not happen because our
people will not accept it, and our people are a resistant people.

The existing resistance might have certain flaws, and we might have certain
reservations towards it. Go ahead and get me a better resistance. But to
come and tell me this resistance is not good and that you’ll bring me an
Israeli soldier instead—then I will fight you and the Israeli soldier. It
is as simple as that, despite the complexities of the situation in Lebanon.

We have a model meters away from us in Damascus, where the resistance
project is being struck, and so is the state and society. They want Lebanon
to turn into sects and tribes! They want to strike the state and the army
and turn us into fighting militias, before America and Israel come to the
rescue and tell each sect, “I will protect you from the other.”

What is being proposed in Lebanon is the same as what is happening in
Syria. This will be fought by our masses of the resistance. You want better
resistance? Work on building a better one. But to come and tell me that you
have to submit to Israel for the sake of the sovereignty of Lebanon—this is
absurd. Sovereignty is not a suit; sovereignty is operational measures to
protect the country. Israel occupies part of the Lebanese soil; what should
I do? Some say you have to submit to it and you will live in peace. I tell
them no, our people have historically offered millions of martyrs and have
not and will not accept an alliance with this entity.

*Palestine Chronicle: Finally, do you fear for your life?*

*Georges Abdallah: *No, I do not fear anything. Georges Abdallah is an
ordinary citizen like all others and is not courageous, by the way.

*Palestine Chronicle: How do you spend your time nowadays?*

*Georges Abdallah: *As you can see, I spend it between interviews and
welcoming friends. Later on, I want to visit the camps and see my friends
and find out the whereabouts of my people.

*(All Photos: Dalal Sharour)*

*(The Palestine Chronicle)*
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