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<div class="gmail-domain-border"></div><h1 class="gmail-reader-title">\u2018No Heaven without Gaza\u2019: A Palestine Chronicle Exclusive Interview with Lebanese Revolutionary Georges Abdallah</h1>August 13, 2025</div>
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<img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/GeorgesAbdallah2_Interview_PC-678x455.png" alt="" title="GeorgesAbdallah2_Interview_PC" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" width="437" height="293" style="margin-right: 25px;">
Georges Abdallah with Samaa Abu Sharar from the Palestine Chronicle. (Photo: Dalal Sharour, supplied)
<p><strong>By <a href="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/writers/samaa-abu-sharar" title="Display all articles for Samaa Abu Sharar">Samaa Abu Sharar</a></strong></p>
<blockquote>
<h3>A legendary political prisoner, recently freed after 41 years in
French prison, Georges Abdallah offers a revolutionary manifesto where
he speaks about his unwavering views on Palestine, resistance,
liberation, and the future of the Arab world.</h3>
</blockquote>
<p>Our meeting with the legendary Georges Abdallah was scheduled for
four o\u2019clock on a Wednesday afternoon. We left Beirut around 11:30 a.m.
to arrive on time at his home in Koubeiyat, in the north of the country.
In Tripoli, Dalal Shahrour and Nazira El Hajj, two women activists from
the Beddawi and Naher El Bared Palestinian refugee camps, joined us, as
eager as we were to meet one of our remaining heroes.</p>
<p>We arrived at 3:30, and were welcomed by Abdallah\u2019s niece, his
brother Robert, and his sister. We joined them on the balcony of their
warm family home and were greeted with a cold drink and sweets, a custom
in Arab culture for joyous occasions. We congratulated the family on
Abdallah\u2019s release and inquired about the time allocated for the
interview. Robert told us we would have half an hour, and we tried to
bargain for more.</p>
<p>A bit later, we were allowed inside the house where Georges was
sitting. He stood up and greeted us warmly, as if we had known each
other for years. His presence was so powerful even before he uttered a
word. We briefly introduced ourselves and The Palestine Chronicle and
presented him with a copy of a book by another revolutionary before
diving into our countless questions.</p>
<p>In our one-hour conversation, we touched on Georges\u2019 life in prison
and after his liberation, before moving on to issues like Palestine,
Lebanon, the future of Zionism as embodied in the Israeli entity, the
crisis of the Palestinian national project, the relationship between
socialism and Islamic resistance, and more. Georges\u2019s iron will and
solid principles are intact and present in every breath he takes and
every word he utters. He is convinced that the resistance in Palestine
and Lebanon is the answer to the ongoing Israeli occupation and that
Israel, which embodies the Western imperialist project, has reached the
final chapter of its existence.</p>
<h3><em>Read more in the full interview.</em></h3>
<h4><strong>\u2018Prison Does Not Change Fighters\u2019</strong></h4>
<p><strong>Samaa Abu Sharar (The Palestine Chronicle): </strong>We all
know George Abdallah as an international activist who dedicated his life
to just causes, most notably the Palestinian cause and the fight
against colonialism in all its forms. How would you present yourself?</p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah:</strong> (I am) a fighter amongst our Arab
fighters, a fighter of the Palestinian revolution, and a fighter of the
Lebanese resistance against imperialist and Zionist oppression. Our
activism stems from our assessment that the Zionist entity is an organic
extension of Western imperialism. We consider that this entity has
currently reached the final chapter of its existence, and, therefore, it
will unleash all its barbaric and murderous reserves on our people. The
masses of our people must prepare for this stage, keeping in mind that
they will prevail over this entity.</p>
<p>What you say is completely in line with how many people view you: as
an icon of resistance who represents the correct compass of our great
struggle. So there is no difference between how Georges Abdallah sees
himself and how people see him.</p>
<p>Our people have great confidence in the Palestinian resistance, so
any expression of resistance is highly esteemed. Our people are prepared
to provide a lot of support and facilitate the struggle. What is
happening in Gaza and the West Bank today confirms this. As an ordinary
fighter in the ranks of the resistance, historically, I see that our
people are steadfast. There are loopholes, as always happens in
revolutions, but this does not stop us. The masses in Gaza embrace their
emaciated children, continue to resist, and refuse to raise the white
flag. Thus, we can say that the resistance is in great shape despite all
the subjective and objective problems.</p>
<p></p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Did prison change you?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Prison does not change fighters.
In reality, prison helps shape sound positions if the required
solidarity from resistance forces is available, and this is what
happened with me.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: This means that Georges Abdallah, who was imprisoned 41 years ago, came out of prison the same man?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>An older fighter, with more experience and more willingness to give.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: How did you relate to time while in prison?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>In fact, time in prison for
fighters and activists is a framework within which life\u2019s priorities are
organized. If the activist has found solidarity\u2014in other words, if he
has a group of people who make solidarity a practical expression within
the daily struggle of our nation\u2019s masses\u2014then the imprisoned activist
is simply a fighter doing what he must under exceptional circumstances.</p>
<p>Time becomes tight, as he doesn\u2019t have enough time to do whatever he
deems appropriate to support the struggle, whether in terms of reading,
interventions, or other things. This applied to me.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: So, time was tight for you in prison?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Time was not sufficient to do what is required of fighters and activists. I did all I could within my modest capabilities.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: You said in your interview with Al
Mayadeen that your day in prison was very organized and that you had a
daily schedule that involved much reading of the mail you received. With
whom did you correspond while in prison?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>With fighters and activists who
were in prison or remained in prison, with my family, and with friends.
This is normal, considering there were facilities that were secured
through the struggle of the masses in this country or that. In French
prisons, a telephone was made available to call whomever you wish,
provided you gave the number to the relevant authorities. Accordingly,
you could contact anyone you wished.</p>
<p>Books were provided by comrades, so you had ample opportunities for
reading and doing other things. However, it takes a lot of time to read
everything that needs to be read and to participate in the ongoing
debate on these matters.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Were you one of the people who made many phone calls?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>One of the people who did what he had to do.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Were the phone calls more with friends or family members?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The family was certainly within
the circle of communication. There is a continuum, so to speak, that
extends from home to the arena of struggle. The concerns of the homeland
are an essential part of my life, so communication is constant through
family, friends, loved ones, and all other expressions of struggle
present in our country and abroad. I did not feel alienated in this
regard.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Were you subjected to any psychological or physical violations while in prison?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>I was subjected to everything
fighters and activists are subjected to. I can say that all the
procedures didn\u2019t constitute a problem for me. In other words, from a
personal perspective, I wasn\u2019t subjected to any particular pressure, and
from an objective perspective, I had plenty of resources that were made
available by my numerous comrades.</p>
<p>There were a large number of comrades, and they alternated so they
could all come to see me in prison. Therefore, I never experienced the
feeling of alienation or isolation. The solidarity movement is part of
the daily struggle; therefore, there was no personal anguish in that
sense. There is a struggle with time. I wanted to use all of this time
to enhance my readings and interventions for as long as possible.
However, there are limits to this time because of life\u2019s priorities.</p>
<p><img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/WhatsApp-Image-2025-08-08-at-10.24.46.jpeg" alt="" width="437" height="328" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" style="margin-right: 0px;"></p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: What did you miss most while in prison, besides freedom, of course?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>In reality, I missed all aspects of life and all its expressions.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Such as?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Everything. It\u2019s not easy to say
what I missed most: family, loved ones, the stars, the trees, and the
animals. You miss the comrades, you miss your discussions with them;
there is no set priority.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: If you could go back in time, is there anything you would have done differently in your struggle?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>I am not currently engaging in
self-criticism of my struggle. Throughout my struggle, I have done
everything I consider appropriate for the path of struggle. Certainly,
as with everyone else, there are successes and failures, and there is
the possibility to improve this or that.</p>
<p>However, overall, I am satisfied with my path of struggle. Despite
its modesty, it is acceptable as any other fighter or activist of our
people within the framework of the available popular base.</p>
<h4><strong>\u2018The Resistance is in Great Shape\u2019</strong></h4>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Let\u2019s talk about Palestine and Lebanon.
You said in more than one interview that solidarity with Georges
Abdallah was equal to, or part of, solidarity with Palestine.</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Solidarity with Georges Abdallah
only takes on meaning when it falls within the framework of the struggle
against the war of genocide in Gaza. This is within the path of
struggle that falls under the issues of solidarity, not outside this
framework or parallel to it. It falls within this framework, and I think
it was very effective.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: In your opinion, if it weren\u2019t for the \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation, would you be among us today?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d is a very
important operation. However, my case does not fall within this
framework without going into details of the \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation.
The \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation is very good in terms of its timing and
effectiveness. Although we may find a loophole here or there, we are not
in a position to beat ourselves up; we are in a position to evaluate
the operation itself.</p>
<p>This operation came at the right time, is very appropriate, and has
moved the struggle forward, placing new responsibilities on the
shoulders of those who carried it out and lived it. I hope that the
comrades within the framework of the Palestinian revolution will succeed
in examining the national program of the Palestinian revolution. We
know that there is a historical impasse facing the Palestinian national
program.</p>
<p>Certainly, the \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation has a role to play in
clarifying some aspects and correcting some deviations. However, without
resolving the crisis of the Palestinian national project, we will
remain stuck and pay a heavy price. It is the responsibility of all
forces in the Palestinian arena to work on overcoming this crisis
because it is a crisis, not a matter of national or non-national unity.
The crisis is deeper than that, and it is the responsibility of all
active forces to do what they must to deserve to be part of the
Palestinian national liberation movement.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: What is this crisis?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The crisis affects all aspects of
the entire Palestinian national project. Israel is an organic extension
of Western imperialism. Israel is not a colony or merely a settlement.
It is an organic extension of this imperialist West. Therefore,
confronting this imperialist West requires confronting the crisis of the
imperialist system in its capitalist form. Those who confront this
organic extension must stand on a ground hostile to capitalism.</p>
<p>Therefore, the leadership of the Palestinian bourgeoisie, in its
various expressions\u2014Islamic, nationalist, semi-nationalist,
state-oriented, etc.\u2014faces a problem in this regard. And the Palestinian
left is in a very embarrassing situation, having so far been unable to
build a national unity to confront this organic extension and failed to
affirm national unity. Of course, these are great responsibilities that
fall on everyone\u2019s shoulders.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, the resistance is in great shape. The masses of our
people continue to confront the Zionist enemy with great and advanced
effectiveness, although the children of Gaza are emaciated and in dire
need of a glass of milk. However, Gaza will not raise the white flag,
and this is a very important issue. As for how we move forward, that is a
matter for the Palestinian leadership to determine.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: But we are keen to hear what you have to say in this regard!</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Everyone is concerned, but the
actual leaders of the Palestinian revolution know best and are required
to answer a number of questions. They are required to provide an answer
on the crisis of this national project, the Oslo crisis, the crisis of
the Palestinian Authority, the crisis of the division between Fatah and
Hamas, the crisis of the dispersion of Palestinian forces, the crisis of
the retirement of entire organizations that have been transformed into
names without titles, the crisis of the mother of the Palestinian
revolution, Fatah.</p>
<p>Where is Fatah and what is Fatah now? Where is Fatah and where is
Hamas? What are they both doing? The crisis is complex and has numerous
aspects. The Palestinian people have the intellectual, organizational,
and resistance abilities to address this crisis, but a lot is required
on all levels. It is not acceptable that there are around 60,000
full-time fighters with the Palestinian Authority whose task is limited
to security coordination with Israel. And when we speak of national
unity, which national unity are we talking about? A unity in which
60,000 fighters chase the Fedayeen (freedom fighters-PC) and hand them
over to Israel, versus those who see their children dying of hunger and
are still holding the flag! We all certainly know the dangers of a civil
war, but the dilemma of the national project remains.</p>
<p>The leaders of all Palestinian organizations agreed on something at
the Beijing conference, but what was its result? The result was the
assassination of Ismail Haniyeh. Why assassinate Haniyeh? Because he was
part of the wing in Hamas who called for unity. This does not mean that
the Palestinian Authority welcomed the call. This is the crisis of the
national project. Those who bear the responsibility are those in
Palestine and outside of Palestine; they are the resistance fighters in
Gaza and the West Bank, and even those who are part of the Palestinian
Authority and inside the Israeli prisons. It is certainly a major
crisis, but I am sure that the active members of Palestinian society
will be able to overcome it.</p>
<p><img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/WhatsApp-Image-2025-08-08-at-10.24.45-1.jpeg" alt="" width="328" height="437" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" style="margin-right: 0px;"></p>
<h4><strong>\u2018No Heaven without Gaza\u2019</strong></h4>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: You spoke briefly about the \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation. Were you surprised when you first heard about it?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation
surprised everyone, and that in itself is an issue and falls within the
scope of the crisis of the national project. This certainly does not
undermine its value. \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d marked a turning point in the
history of the conflict with Israel, but it also imposes enormous
responsibilities on everyone. The enemy is well aware that it is now in
the final chapter of its existence; it is not a matter of a military
setback. The \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation is the first step in determining
the priorities of this final chapter.</p>
<p>Everyone must rise to this responsibility, especially those in charge
of the priorities of the struggle in Palestine and outside Palestine.
The Arab street also bears a responsibility, and those in charge of the
national project must ask the question: why this abandonment on the part
of the Arab street?</p>
<p>The Palestinian leadership is no stranger to this abandonment. When
Egypt and the UAE are playing the roles of mediators, how can we expect
the Egyptian masses to apologize for not being at the forefront of the
struggle? This is a tremendous crisis. The value of the Palestinian
revolution lies in its role as a lever of the Arab revolution. It is the
historical lever of the Arab revolution, but it is no longer playing
its role for several reasons. The Palestinian leadership must answer why
it abandoned this role.</p>
<p>I see Qatar, which hosts the main base of American imperialism, as a
mediator. The question is: a mediator between whom and whom? I also see
Egypt, with a population of 120 million Arabs, as a mediator. The same
question applies. Egypt is Al Azhar (considered the largest Islamic
institution in the Arab World-PC), and Al Azhar is not a tourist agency;
it is a civilized institution that encompasses all the values of this
nation with people of different colors. Eighty million people consider
Al Azhar their (moral) authority. Where are the eighty million? Who is
responsible for their inaction? Al Azhar is the one responsible for
them. What has it done, and what is the role of the Palestinian
revolution in this context?</p>
<p>It suffices that one of the eighty million, meaning one million, move
toward Rafah and perform prayers there. They are not required to carry a
gun and offer it to Hamas or the Popular Front (for the Liberation of
Palestine \u2013 a socialist organization-PC) or any other faction; all they
have to do is offer a cup of water or a cup of milk to the children of
Gaza. Al Azhar is responsible for this inaction. It must know that its
prayers are not accepted if they are not held at the crossing to Gaza.
It must also be known that there is no path to heaven for all believers
in Egypt because the children of Palestine have occupied all the roads
while they are ascending to heaven. Those who wish to enter heaven must
come to Gaza; otherwise, there is no heaven for them.</p>
<p>Al Azhar, along with the Sheikhs of Palestine and the leaders of the
Islamic movements, know this all too well. They are the ones to
determine whether Egypt is a mediator or a partner in this genocide.
They also know whether Saudi Arabia and Mohammad Bin Abdallah are
playing their role or not. The Kaaba of Mohammad Bin Abdallah is not an
antique vessel; it embodies everything this nation has. Where is it in
all this?</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Do you agree with those who say that the
Arab people are powerless, ruled by dictators and agents of the Israeli
entity?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>This is utterly unacceptable. The
Arab regimes are not agents; they are actually participating in the
ongoing genocide, and this is certainly not up for discussion. What I
see, however, is that not a single person in Egypt was killed in the
street while demonstrating, simply because they did not demonstrate.
Where are they from young Greta, who came all the way from Sweden to
raise a glass of water in solidarity with Gaza? Where are they from Rima
Al Hassan, who came from Belgium and raised a glass of milk in
solidarity with Gaza?</p>
<p>Where are the sailors of Egypt? These activists came in a boat not
even fit to carry fish, and the sailors of Egypt watch like \u201cmonkeys.\u201d
Where is the Palestinian revolution in all this? Betrayal is in the
entire Arab world; a demonstration in Yemen or in other Arab cities is
not enough. Where is Jordan? Where are the masses of Jordan? Where are
the 60% of the people of Amman who are originally Palestinians?
Certainly, all this falls within the crisis of the national project,
because these forces are responsible for national action. The
Palestinian national action either works to elevate Palestine as a
revolutionary lever for the entire Arab nation or works to shield these
regimes.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Following the atrocities in Gaza, many
who were believers in the resistance project have stopped being so. What
do you say to that?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>I don\u2019t see such people. I see
parents in Gaza watching their children trembling as skeletons and still
raising the red flag, not the white flag. Gaza has not yet raised the
white flag, and the masses of Gaza will not leave Gaza. There is no time
to self-flagellate or claim that morale has collapsed.</p>
<p>In Gaza, there are heroes. There are no people on this planet like
those in Gaza. Gaza has been hit three times more than what hit
Hiroshima was. 17,000 tons of explosives in Gaza, while Dresden in
Germany was hit with 5,000 tons. Gaza did not surrender while Dresden
fell. Today, there isn\u2019t a single city in Europe that does not raise the
Palestinian keffiyeh, the symbol of freedom.</p>
<p><img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/WhatsApp-Image-2025-08-08-at-10.24.46-1-1.jpeg" alt="" width="437" height="328" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" style="margin-right: 0px;"></p>
<p>The Palestinian revolution has historically never been as prominent
on the global stage as it is now. The problem remains in our national
project, in our national leadership. The masses of the world, all over
the planet, stand with Gaza. Do our leaders really stand with Gaza? When
30 to 35 percent of the Jewish youth in America raise the Palestinian
keffiyeh and the Palestinian flag and declare that this Zionist entity
is the enemy of the Jewish people and of Palestine, what does this mean?
It means that the countdown to Israel\u2019s existence has started. Where
are our leaders in all this? It\u2019s not enough for leaders to be martyred
or chased after. They need to pinpoint the energy of the masses and be
able to invest in it. Again, this is not happening because this is part
of the crisis we spoke about.</p>
<p>Let us not forget that over 50 percent of the prisoners of the
Palestinian revolution in Israeli jails are from Fatah, but it is also
Fatah that brokered the Oslo Accords, and it is the one that caused the
crisis of the national project. Nonetheless, Fatah remains the mother of
martyrs, the mother of the revolution, and the mother of prisoners.
This is the dilemma of the national project. How do we explain that over
50 percent of Fatah members are in Israeli captivity, while there are
60,000 Fatah fighters who are mercenaries under the command of (PA
President Mahmoud) Abbas and others? This embodies the national project
crisis.</p>
<p>These issues need to be addressed by the leadership of the Fatah
movement. It is a reality we must confront. How will they confront it?
The forces that lead the Palestinian struggle everywhere must answer
these questions. They should also provide an answer regarding the status
of our camps outside of Palestine and their fate. The Palestinian
revolution is a revolution of camps. The Palestinian people are a people
of camps. There are no Palestinian people without camps. Camps are the
Palestinian identity. Where are our camps today? What is Sabra and
Shatila today? What is the percentage of Palestinians inside the camp?
What is their future? The relevant leaders must answer.</p>
<p>These places are semi-liberated in principle and are not places of
security chaos as we are told. They are semi-liberated because they bear
all the characteristics of the liberation of Palestine; they are not
hubs that bear the characteristics of prostitution, drug smuggling, etc.
Who bears the responsibility for the camps? Again, this is the crisis
of the national project.</p>
<p><img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/WhatsApp-Image-2025-08-08-at-09.57.48.jpeg" alt="" width="437" height="328" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" style="margin-right: 0px;"></p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: What will the scene in Palestine be like after the genocide in Gaza?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The genocide in Gaza will not
continue. The genocide will not succeed, and Gaza and the West Bank will
triumph as Israel witnesses the last chapter of its existence, and this
is not a poetic speech.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: You have repeated this in more than one interview.</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>I am not the only one to repeat
it. We have to understand that Israel has never been through what it is
currently going through; this is why it will use its entire barbaric
stockpile on us. This will translate into intensifying its killing
machine to the maximum. Israel will throw all its unexploited barbarism
at our masses in the coming days, weeks, and months. What are the
leaders of the national project going to do in light of this? How will
those who planned the \u201cAl Aqsa Flood\u201d operation face this? These are
questions that require answers from all factions.</p>
<p>When a leader like Yehya Sinwar falls as a martyr and not a fugitive
in a shelter in Qatar or somewhere else, his resistance is bound to
triumph. Our people\u2019s resistance will triumph. It will triumph because
of people like Sinwar and Haniyeh who neither fled nor sought \u2018peace\u2019.
These leaders and their resistance cannot be defeated. Our people are
aware of this and will not raise the white flag, neither in Gaza nor
anywhere else. Accordingly, the responsibility of the current leaders is
immense to find solutions for the national crisis. These solutions will
inevitably come, although we surely regret that they are delayed
because the human cost is immense.</p>
<h4><strong>Resolving the Left-Islamic Dilemma </strong></h4>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Could the Gaza genocide kick-start a world revolution?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>It is bound to happen, if not
today, then tomorrow. The greatest responsibility falls on the shoulders
of the leaders of the revolution; they are the ones to anticipate the
next stage, not me.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: How do you view the Islamic revolutions
in the Arab world? Your approach seems to be different from many
leftists. We have the impression that you view the issue from an
operational perspective rather than an ideological one. Is this
accurate?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>We are not engaged in an
ideological competition; we have Arab masses, the majority of whom are
Muslim. This is the organic makeup of our nation. This is not an
ideological choice. These people resist with whatever is at their
disposal, be it the Quran, a scientific analysis, or a missile. It is
the responsibility of those in charge of the struggle to determine what
is at the disposal of the Arab masses.</p>
<p>When the Egyptian plays the mediator and the Qatari hosts the biggest
American base, what message am I giving to the Arab masses? Do I expect
that meeting with Egyptian intelligence, so they can coordinate with
Qatari and American intelligence, will find me a way out of the
revolution crisis or the national project crisis? I doubt it. All these
actions contribute to the impasse we find ourselves in, including the
inaction of the Arab masses.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Do you think there can be a meeting point between the left and the current Islamic revolutions?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>All liberation movements have
established a national project within which all societal actors work.
Wherever a revolution triumphs, it does so through national unity. But
that unity is not that of one person meeting with another; it actually
entails the meeting of the entire popular bloc together to champion a
project.</p>
<p>Let\u2019s take Al Azhar again. As any Arab or activist connected to
Palestine, I don\u2019t view it in light of the relationship between Marxist
ideology and Islamic ideology, but rather in view of its objective
position within the framework of our people\u2019s movement. The same applies
to Mecca. I don\u2019t look at it from an ideological perspective but rather
from its significance to Muslims around the world. What have those in
charge of the national project done with their \u2018Qiblah\u2019 to incite the
masses of the world to move toward Palestine? I don\u2019t say this because
I\u2019m a communist or because I\u2019m a believer; I say this as any person with
the slightest connection to the conflict who looks at this matter and
says, this is simply inconceivable.</p>
<h4><strong>Lebanon: Resisting vs \u2018Watching\u2019</strong></h4>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Moving to Lebanon, away from slogans, how do you see the situation there?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>The situation is delicate, but it is also good. The resistance has sacrificed the best of its leaders as martyrs.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: But there is a deep division in the country.</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>What we have in Lebanon is not
different from any other country in the world. In all the resistance
movements of the world, you will find people who will sacrifice
themselves in defense of their country and cowards who simply watch. In
the entire world, there isn\u2019t a country where the resistance enjoys the
support of all the people. Sectarian affiliation is another issue, but I
ask: who is behind the project that defends Lebanon\u2019s identity and
dignity? The resistance. There is an occupation; thus, the resistance is
the initial response. Outside of the resistance, there is no solution
with a national character.</p>
<p>You can say all you want about this resistance\u2014that it needs to
represent all the Lebanese people, or it needs to be this or that.
However, for you to have the right to speak, you must be on the side of
the resistance, not the occupation. If you are on the side of the
occupation, then you have no right to speak or even exist. When your
country is under occupation, whoever stands with the enemy, regardless
of their status or justifications, has no right to even exist.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: So, what do we do with these people?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>This is the responsibility of the
resistance and the resistance masses: to figure out how to isolate the
forces that cooperate with the enemy and open up to the masses of these
forces. I did not spend a lifetime in captivity, nor did the martyr who
sacrificed his life for the country, just to be labeled in the end as
not representing the sovereignty of this country. Those who defend the
homeland are the sovereignty of this country, not those who are ready to
welcome Israel.</p>
<p>To say that there is a contradiction between the army and the
resistance is wrong. In my opinion, as with any resistance fighter, our
duty is to build a very strong national army to eliminate the
justification for the existence of any resistance. This is our ambition.
Our ambition is for a soldier to receive a decent salary\u2014not twenty
dollars per month\u2014to be able to support his or her family and defend the
country.</p>
<p>The leadership of the resistance should have the courage and clarity
to open up to everyone with all its capabilities to build a national
state that isolates all those who fail to fulfill their responsibility
of sovereignty and defending the homeland for us all. A homeland in
which we are all safe; otherwise, we will all lose, and no party will
triumph over the other.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: So, until we build such an army, do you believe that the resistance should remain?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>Certainly, what do we do
otherwise? All over the world, resistance is the first response to any
aggression. I hope we succeed at building a strong army able to defend
us and one that replaces all resistance. But until this happens, do I
remain naked in the face of Israel? Do I face Israel with a statement
here and a statement there? I want an army that considers Israel the
enemy.</p>
<p>Our soldiers are honorable; they are not members of a mafia. They are
from all over Lebanon but they need to be well-trained and equipped to
be able to defend the country and us. They tell us the US, France, and
Britain are our friends. Brilliant, let them provide our army with
weapons. But to come and tell me the US is our friend while it comes and
asks us to surrender our weapons and recognize Israel, or otherwise
Israel will slap you\u2014this is unacceptable. I will continue to resist
with all the means I have. The resistance should not have allowed itself
to welcome the American envoy or anyone else. We, the people of this
country, should meet and determine how to resist the enemy, not how to
submit to the enemy. We meet to determine how to confront, not how to
normalize.</p>
<p>Everyone is well aware of what is required of Lebanon today. Lebanon
is asked to abandon its Arab identity, and particularly to abandon the
issue of Palestine, and live in peace with the Zionist enemy. There will
be no coexistence with this enemy, not today, not tomorrow, and not the
day after. If someone stands with this normalization, the resistance
will fight him. If a party stands with this normalization, it will also
fight it. If a sect stands with normalization, the resistance will also
fight it. Whoever wants to gamble can do so, but normalization will not
happen because our people will not accept it, and our people are a
resistant people.</p>
<p>The existing resistance might have certain flaws, and we might have
certain reservations towards it. Go ahead and get me a better
resistance. But to come and tell me this resistance is not good and that
you\u2019ll bring me an Israeli soldier instead\u2014then I will fight you and
the Israeli soldier. It is as simple as that, despite the complexities
of the situation in Lebanon.</p>
<p>We have a model meters away from us in Damascus, where the resistance
project is being struck, and so is the state and society. They want
Lebanon to turn into sects and tribes! They want to strike the state and
the army and turn us into fighting militias, before America and Israel
come to the rescue and tell each sect, \u201cI will protect you from the
other.\u201d</p>
<p>What is being proposed in Lebanon is the same as what is happening in
Syria. This will be fought by our masses of the resistance. You want
better resistance? Work on building a better one. But to come and tell
me that you have to submit to Israel for the sake of the sovereignty of
Lebanon\u2014this is absurd. Sovereignty is not a suit; sovereignty is
operational measures to protect the country. Israel occupies part of the
Lebanese soil; what should I do? Some say you have to submit to it and
you will live in peace. I tell them no, our people have historically
offered millions of martyrs and have not and will not accept an alliance
with this entity.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: Finally, do you fear for your life?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>No, I do not fear anything. Georges Abdallah is an ordinary citizen like all others and is not courageous, by the way.</p>
<p><strong>Palestine Chronicle: How do you spend your time nowadays?</strong></p>
<p><strong>Georges Abdallah: </strong>As you can see, I spend it between
interviews and welcoming friends. Later on, I want to visit the camps
and see my friends and find out the whereabouts of my people.</p>
<p><em>(All Photos: Dalal Sharour)</em></p>
<p><em>(The Palestine Chronicle)</em></p>
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