[News] "Our Demands Are Now Political:" an Interview on Peru

[Anti-Imperialist News]

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"Our Demands Are Now Political:" an Interview on Peru With Lourdes Huanca
Atencio
Elisa Fuenzalida - February 3, 2023
------------------------------

Image: Jero González (Cuzco, Perú).

The peasant uprising in Peru has achieved what seemed impossible: the left
and academia have been left speechless. Or at least it seems so, since
their analyses have been silenced under the popular Indigenous clamor,
which has organized delegations from the four “*suyos*” (1) of Peru in “The
Taking of Lima,” as the march to the capital has been called.

Few suspected that the removal of Pedro Castillo was more than a political
crisis in partisan terms.  Rather, it was the beginning of a symbolic and
historical cataclysm, threatening the very foundations of the colonial pact
still in force in the country that is seen abroad as the land of electronic
cumbia, magical villages, and Ayahuasca retreats.

The story begins with an electoral campaign strongly marked by racist
violence directed at Castillo, a peasant and rural teacher originally from
the Northern Andes. Insults such as “donkey,” “brute,” “illiterate,” and
“beast,” among others, have a genealogy clearly located in the tradition of
the *haciendas*, authentic fiefdoms under the control of a white oligarchy
until their expropriation during the Agrarian Reform in 1969. Since then,
colonial-racist interests have been busy maintaining the narrative of the
dumb, at best naïve, Indigenous person, who wastes the capitalist potential
of the land and does not know what to do with freedom.

Lourdes Huanca Atencio, President of the Federation of Peasant, Artisan,
Indigenous, Native and Salaried Women of Peru (FENMUCARINAP), is currently
in Europe, asking for the support and solidarity of the international
community.

*E.F.: What motivates this tour?*

L.H.A.: I have come to denounce the militarization of our country, because
they are killing us one by one. Our right to protest is being brutally
violated. It has reached a point where we can no longer even walk freely.
To speak of peasant or Indigenous people in Peru under this dictatorial
regime of terror is tantamount to being considered a terrorist. All of the
government agencies are colluding, and we have no one to protect us or
guarantee our rights. The police and the army shoot us at point-blank
range; the legislature and the executive give orders together. The church’s
pronouncements are lukewarm.

*What is the human rights situation? *

This began before the president was elected when, during the campaign, the
press called him all kinds of racist insults. We, rural men and women, felt
those insults as if they were also for us—because they were! Since
Castillo’s dismissal, the response to our peaceful protest has been
bloodthirsty. Sixty dead and rising, more than a thousand wounded,
arbitrary arrests, missing persons, sexual violence and torture. In
addition, we have evidence that the army infiltrates agents in the
demonstrations to generate all kinds of disturbances and, thus, criminalize
us. We have Congressmen demanding: “Shoot the terrorists.” The police are
shouting at us: “Shut up, Indian!” We are in the hands of a genocidal and
racist government. There are no guarantees for Indigenous lives.

*What interests are behind these actions?*

Those of the big transnational corporations, the mining companies, the
oligopolies. This year is crucial for them in terms of renewing the
concession contracts on the extractive exploitation of our territories. In
the Puno region there is lithium, what they call white gold. Before this
massacre took place, the U.S. Ambassador spoke with the executive branch
and Dina Boluarte. Immediately after this meeting, a state of emergency was
declared.

They want us as a tourist attraction, as decorative objects, as “the *cholita
*with her llama” for their photos, not as people conscious of the knowledge
they safeguard and as political agents. We know that while they poison the
Earth, we cool the planet and guarantee food sovereignty. We know that
cities do not feed on gold, silver, and copper, that they depend on us for
food. We know that our worldview is invaluable for the survival of life on
this planet. And today we have risen up against racism, against the
contempt for Indigenous blood.

They thought that since Pedro Castillo was of peasant origin, it would not
be difficult to get him out of the way. They believe that the impoverished
education reserved for us has made us submissive, but they have been
mistaken. We are not going to back down. The only thing they have left is
to kill us.

*What are the demands?*

They are clear: dismissal of Dina Boluarte, freedom for Pedro Castillo,
justice for the more than 60 murdered protesters, closure of Congress and
installation of the Plurinational and Parity Constituent Assembly. Previous
governments have tried to silence our demands for justice with schools and
roads. It is not enough. Our demands are now political.

*What does a Plurinational Parity Assembly mean?*

There is an abysmal difference between what we consider “*buen vivir*”
(good living) and what is considered development in the capital. For us,
the most important things are land, seeds, and water. The Plurinational
Assembly is about respect; about participating in the processes of
political deliberation based on the full recognition of our value and
political legitimacy. Regarding the parity aspect, we want women to be
considered as agents within this construction.

*What is the status of the articulation process between the different
peasant and Indigenous communities, unions, associations, and collectives? *

We entered into this dialogue a year and a half ago—since President
Castillo took office—always with the aim of working on a new constitution.
Articulation is a process and a project. It is not easy, but we are getting
closer and closer to reaching consensus. It’s not only with them, though:
we also need the support of the academy; the intellectuals.

Many in these communities, both academics and leftist activists might be
tempted to want to intervene in the peasant deliberation processes. Some,
to this day, still think their role is to guide them. It has happened
before…

We will defend our rights and demand respect. There are times when we will
be open and receptive and times when we will raise our voice, as we are
doing now. I respect intellectuals if they respect me, but many have to
shake off the need for prominence. They don’t have the answers to
everything. But we do not lose hope. We have great allies like Héctor Bejar
and within some sectors of feminism.

*What tasks arise from all this? *

When there is an earthquake, the walls fall down. The roof falls down. But
then comes the calm, and from there, an opportunity to build something
better; to lay very strong foundations so that the new house is resilient.
The most difficult thing will be to abandon the legacy of the neoliberal
right-wing, which always puts the individual before everything. We have to
unlearn a lot and turn our gaze towards the collective.

*Are we at the beginning of an anti-colonial revolution? *

Absolutely. Fear is over.

*Notes.*

1. The suyos (in Quechua: suyu, “nation, partiality, region”) were the four
great territorial divisions of the Inca Empire, in which its various
provinces, or huamanis (in Quechua: wamani) were grouped. The group of the
four suyos was known as Tahuantinsuyo (Tawantinsuyu), which means the four
suyos together, or the four Nations. Migrants are now considered the fifth
suyo.

*This interview originally appeared in Arts of the Working Class.
<https://artsoftheworkingclass.org/text/our-demands-are-now-political?mibextid=Zxz2cZ>*

*Elisa Fuenzalida is a researcher and cultural worker.*
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