[News] Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations of Palestinians in 2020
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Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations in 2020
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26، Feb 2021 Cross-Regional Letter to European Commission on the EU
Human Rights Due Diligence Legislation
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Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations in 2020
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02، Mar 2021
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Image: Wadi Foukin, Bethlehem, 2021. Al-Haq
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*Introduction*
2020 can be said to be a unique year for the Palestinian people. In
addition to ongoing settler colonial policies across the occupied
Palestinian territory (OPT), human rights violations were committed
inside the Green Line. On a daily basis, the Israeli occupying
authorities and settlers launched attacks on and violated Palestinian
rights. The coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic compounded the suffering of
the Palestinian people, who are deprived of resources and capacities.�
Having spread throughout the OPT since March 2020, Palestinians have
been focused on controlling the COVID-19 pandemic. In the meantime,
however, the Israeli occupying power has seized the opportunity to
advance its settler project and intensify repressive measures against
Palestinians in all their places of residence, including inside the
Green Line and in the West Bank, including the� occupied city of
Jerusalem
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The blockade on the� besieged Gaza Strip
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further tightened in 2020.�
In conjunction with the daily Israeli violations throughout Palestine,
the Israeli occupying forces (IOF) continued to confiscate land,
demolish structures, displace Palestinians, and construct settlements.
The IOF also violated the right to freedom of expression, imposed
movement restrictions, and violated the right to health and other
economic rights. A set of draft laws were presented to the Israeli
Parliament (Knesset), reflecting official government approaches towards
Palestinians and the question of Palestine in 2020.�
Several draft laws were introduced to formally annex the Jordan Valley
and Northern Dead Sea, or northern area of the Ma’ale Adumim
settlement. While some legislation proposed annexing all Israeli
settlements across the West Bank, other draft laws envisaged the
annexation of settlements together with Area C. These and other official
legal endeavours sought to illegally annex parts of the West Bank by
force to the territory of the colonial state. More recently, in July
2020, a draft law provided for annexing the Jordan Valley and Jerusalem
Desert. Many similar draft laws were brought forward to enforce
annexation in a way or another. For example, legislative acts were
proposed, vesting Israeli ministries, rather than the Israeli Civil
Administration (ICA), with the power to provide public services to the
Israeli settlements. To this avail, in September 2020,[1] <#_ftn1> a
draft law was proposed to replace the ICA by Israeli ministries to
supervise settlements. Although draft legislation has not yet passed,
these draft laws reflect the current situation and political consensus
within the occupying Power.
Regardless of its form and scope,� /de jure/ annexation has been an
object of general agreement in the occupying state of Israel. In 2020,
annexation was closer than ever. Experience shows that even though it
did not take place in 2020, annexation will likely be implemented in the
coming years. This is evidenced by the Basic Law: “Israel as the
Nation-State of the Jewish People, which was tabled in the Knesset for
the first time in 2011, but was later enacted in 2018.”�
Internally, no positive developments were seen in practices of the
Palestinian Authority (PA) and Gaza-based� /de facto/government towards
Palestinians. In relation to civil, political and economic rights, the
situation only worsened owing to COVID-19 and the measures taken by
Palestinian authorities to limit the spread of the pandemic. In
particular, since the beginning of March 2020, a state of emergency has
been recurrently declared and extended on unlawful grounds. Freedoms,
especially the right to freedom of expression, continued to be
suppressed. Economic rights also deteriorated due to the economic
downturn caused by closures.[2] <#_ftn2> Opportunities for
accomplishing Palestinian national reconciliation, unity, and project
have dwindled.�
This report addresses Israeli violations of Palestinian human rights. It
mainly covers Palestinians killed by the IOF and demolitions of private
and public structures, all of which Al-Haq documents comprehensively.
The report provides a non-exhaustive account of many other Israeli
violations, including raids, arrests, movement restrictions, and
confiscations. Additionally, the report highlights violations committed
by the PA in the West Bank and the� /de facto/authority in the Gaza
Strip. It presents violations documented by Al-Haq, including arbitrary
detention, impingements of the right to humane prison conditions, right
to a fair trial, and right to freedom of expression.�
*Perhaps most remarkable of all Israeli violations in 2020 was the
increasing frequency of demolishing Palestinian private and public
structures, amounting to twice the average number of structures
destroyed on annual basis over the past 10 years*. This reflected
unrestrained Israeli policies during US President Donald Trump’s final
year office. Israel’s impunity was further encouraged by the
international community’s neglect of Israeli colonial policies.�
Below is an account of key human rights violations in 2020 as documented
by Al-Haq.
�
*I. Israeli violations� *
*Killings*
Excluding deaths inside Israeli prisons, in 2020, 32 Palestinians were
killed by the IOF. These included nine� children
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and one woman.�
While IOF soldiers implemented a shoot-to kill-policy with impunity, an
Israeli draft law was proposed in 2020, inhibiting the ability to hold
to account soldiers who killed Palestinians during their military
service.[3] <#_ftn3> The draft law is still in the initial stages of
approval, and has not yet been enacted. However, in addition to
promoting a culture of impunity, the draft law encourages IOF troops to
utilize force, in violation of international law, without any
expectation of accountability. �
Below is a distribution of Palestinians killed by the IOF and related
personnel according to perpetrators:
�
On nine occasions, IOF soldiers prevented Palestinian ambulances from
accessing and providing first aid to Palestinians before they succumbed
to their wounds. In 19 cases, reflecting the majority of Palestinian’s
killed in 2020, IOF soldiers did not offer any first aid to wounded
Palestinians after they had been shot. No ambulances managed to reach
the wounded.�
�
A total of 16 Palestinians who were killed sustained bullet wounds in
the upper part of the body or were hit by multiple injuries, including
in the upper part of the body. Only two Palestinians died of injuries
sustained in the lower part of the body. The injuries of 14 of those
killed were unspecified, including for such reasons as withholding their
bodies. In sum, the vast majority of injuries were sustained in the
upper parts of the body.�
In 2020, the Israeli occupying authorities withheld the bodies of 18
Palestinians. The bodies of 69 Palestinians continue to be withheld
towards the end of 2020. Since the policy was reintroduced following the
October 2015 uprising, a total of 245 bodies of Palestinian’s have
been withheld for various periods before they were released. The
longest-held body was apprehended on 20 April 2016. It should be noted
that a number of bodies belonged to Palestinians who died in Israeli
prisons. The Israeli occupying authorities refuse to release their
bodies until they fully serve their prison sentences regardless of the
fact that they are dead. Most recently, the Israeli authorities withheld
the body of Kamal Abu Wa’ar, who died as a result of illness on 10
November 2020. Arrested in 2003, Abu Wa’ar was sentenced to six terms
of life imprisonment as well as 50 years in prison. The above figures do
not include those bodies held in the so-called Cemetery of Numbers.
According to the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Centre (JLAC), 253
bodies of Palestinian’s have so far been withheld in this cemetery.[4]
<#_ftn4>
In this context, an Israeli draft law was proposed prohibiting the
release of bodies of Palestinian’s who were members of any Palestinian
faction.[5] <#_ftn5> At the same time, the Israeli Cabinet endorsed a
proposal by the Israeli Minister of Defence, Benny Gantz, to prevent
handing over the bodies of Palestinian’s who had carried out
operations against the Israeli occupying authorities regardless of their
political affiliation and nature of the operation. This proposal
superseded a former policy, which prohibited the release of bodies of
Palestinians who had been members of Hamas and carried out operations
against the occupying state of Israel.[6] <#_ftn6>
The following highlights the killing of Iyad al-Hallaq (32), a young,
disabled Palestinian man. On 30 May 2020, Al-Hallaq was killed at the
Lion’s Gate to the Old City of occupied Jerusalem. Addressing the
circumstances of his death, Al-Haq investigations demonstrated that IOF
soldiers extra-judicially killed Al-Hallaq while he was lying on the
ground and trembling with fear.�
In her sworn testimony to Al-Haq, W. A. recounts:�
Before I reached the dumpster on the junction to the Remission Gate, I
heard a voice in Hebrew, which I understood: “Vandal, Vandal”.
Behind me, I saw three Border Police officers of the occupying army. I
also saw Iyad al-Hallaq, one of my students at the Elwyn School, running
away. I shouted at Iyad to stop running. At the same time, I shouted at
the Border Police officers in Hebrew and Arabic: “Disabled. He is
disabled”. However, my calls were not answered. I did not hear any
word of caution addressed to Iyad, telling him to stop. Suddenly, I
heard gunshots, but did not know how many bullets were fired. At that
time, I had reached the municipal dumpster and saw a cleaner there.
“Come and hide here,” he told me. I hid behind a barrel. Meantime,
Iyad was running. I saw him falling on his back in the yard. He was
bleeding from his foot, but I did not know which one in particular.
Three Border Police officers arrived. One of them carried a gun and
shouted at Iyad and me :“Where is the pistol?” I told him I did not
have a gun. I said in Hebrew and Arabic that Iyad was a person with
disability. However, he continued to point the gun at Iayd and me. Iyad
pointed at me and shouted “I’m with her.” This situation continued
for about five minutes. Then, I saw the Israeli Border Police officer
with the gun shooting three live bullets at Iyad from a distance not
exceeding five metres. The Border Policy officer was standing at the
entrance to the yard and did not come close to Iyad. Iyad used to work
with me in the school’s kitchen unit in order to rehabilitate and
integrate him into society. He was 32 years old, but his mental age was
just seven years. On the day of the incident, he did not carry anything
in his hands. He put on a blue mask and black gloves. He dropped them
when he fell on the ground in the yard.[7] <#_ftn7>
�
*Deaths in peculiar circumstances and indirect killings� *
Eleven Palestinians were killed in peculiar circumstances. Of these,
four Palestinian political prisoners died in Israeli prisons. These were
believed to have been killed as a result of medical negligence. Two
Palestinians died of heart attacks while IOF soldiers chased them along
the Separation Wall. One Palestinian died because the Israeli occupying
authorities had not issued him a permit to exit the Gaza Strip for
medical treatment in a hospital in Jerusalem. Another was killed by
Israeli explosive remnants of war (ERW). The man found and attempted to
dismantle an ERW, which exploded and killed him. In two separate
incidents, a young man and woman were also killed in peculiar
circumstances. It has not yet been established that they were killed by
IOF soldiers. Finally, one Palestinian was killed inside an Israeli
settlement, but there has not been any confirmation of who the
perpetrator was.�
�
*Demolitions� *
�
Figure 1: A home demolished in Yatta, Hebron, November 2020�
�
*In 2020, the IOF demolished a total of 535 private and public
structures, marking a significant increase in comparison to the average
of the previous 10 years (2010-2019). During that period, the annual
average of demolitions was close to 325 structures. In 2020, the number
of demolitions was higher by an average of 210 additional structures*.�
� �
Demolitions and displacements are on the rise. According to Peace Now,
in 2020, the Israeli occupying authorities announced tenders for the
construction of 3,512 housing units in Israeli settlements across the
West Bank, including in the occupied city of Jerusalem.[8] <#_ftn8> The
Israeli authorities further expanded settlement activity through draft
laws, which provided for resettlement in four small settlements, which
were evacuated in the context of the 2005 Disengagement Plan. In line
with Al-Haq documentation, however, Israeli settlers did not abandon
some of the evacuated settlements, but remained in the areas surrounding
them. In particular, it has been constantly monitored that Israeli
settlers continued to be present around the evacuated settlement of
Homesh and continue to assault Palestinians.�
According to the Abdullah al-Hourani Centre for Studies and
Documentation, in 2020, the IOF confiscated 20,030� /dunums/ of land
for settlement expansion throughout the OPT.[9] <#_ftn9> At the same
time, draft laws were introduced with the aim of limiting the
possibility of restoring even small areas of Palestinian land in any
future settlement process. Other draft laws provided for the
confiscation of privately owned Palestinian land, on which Israeli
settlements have been constructed.[10] <#_ftn10>
At the same time, the Israeli occupying authorities continued to
demolish Palestinian structures inside the Green Line. The latest
indications suggest that as many as 50,000 Palestinian homes are at risk
of demolition[11] <#_ftn11> under the Chemnitz Law, which was approved
several years ago to restrict Palestinian construction. Thanks to
unrelenting efforts to resist the legislation by Palestinians inside the
Green Line, the law was partly and temporarily suspended.[12] <#_ftn12>
�
*Homes*[13] <#_ftn13>
During the reporting period, the IOF demolished 248 homes, representing
a sharp rise in comparison to 180 homes destroyed in 2019. The vast
majority of affected Palestinian homes (242) were demolished citing the
lack of Israeli-issued building permits. Six homes were demolished on
punitive grounds.�
6-1614669376.png
Seventy-two (72) demolished homes were located in the city of Jerusalem,
169 in Area C, three in Area B, and four in Area A.�
7-1614669388.png
Home demolitions resulted in the displacement of 941 persons, of which
462 are women and girls, 442 are children, 267 are school students, and
124 are Palestinian refugees already displaced from their original homes.�
Palestinians are allowed to file petitions to the Israeli High Court
against Israeli displacement policies. However, these petitions serve
little purpose as the High Court serves to perpetuate the colonial
regime. Additionally, the Israeli occupying authorities have made
unremitting efforts to constrain Palestinians’ ability to access
recourse at the High Court. The last of these was a draft law, which
prevents human rights organisations or any other unaffected party from
submitting petitions to the High Court on behalf of affected
Palestinians,[14] <#_ftn14> rendering difficult recourse to the Court
which overwhelmingly renders judgements in favour of the occupying
Power. However, international law prevents the Israeli occupying
authorities from extending the jurisdiction of its courts to the
occupied territory. In fact, the reason for this Israeli practice is not
attributed to attempts to cripple the ability of Palestinians to go to
Israeli courts. Rather, it lies in Israel’s attempts to prevent
Palestinians from using these formal tools to defend themselves against
Israeli practices.�
�
8-1614669436.png
�
While 55 were under still construction, 193 of the demolished homes were
already completed. The majority of the latter were inhabited. The
Israeli occupying authorities did not allow an opportunity to the home
owners of 69 homes to evacuate their belongings from their homes before
the demolitions were carried out. Having received demolition notices,
the owners of 118 homes lodged objections to official Israeli
authorities to prevent the demolition of their homes. However, these
homes were demolished. Fifty-four (54) families had other homes, which
had also been demolished earlier.�
During home demolitions, members of 27 affected families were violently
harassed, attacked, or physically assaulted. Partial curfews were
imposed during six incidents of home demolitions. At the time of
demolition, three demolished homes were not owned by their inhabitants,
causing loss for both the residents and the homeowners. After their
homes had been demolished, the vast majority of affected families had to
rent residential flats or sought refuge in their relatives, friends or
neighbours’ homes until such time they could rent a shelter.�
Figure 2: A home demolished in Yatta, Hebron, December 2020 – Al-Haq
Self-demolitions are also on the rise,[15] <#_ftn15> particularly in
the occupied city of Jerusalem. In 2020, 49 homes were self-demolished,
marking a dangerous escalation of this practice over the past years.
Self-demolitions are triggered by the pressure placed by the Israeli
occupying authorities. To avoid hefty costs and fines charged by the
Israeli Jerusalem Municipality on structures at risk of demolition, the
owners are coerced into demolishing their homes by themselves.�
�
*Other private structures*[16] <#_ftn16>
Compared to 169 in 2019, a total of 283 private structures were
demolished in 2020.
Of these, 255 structures were located in Area C, so designated by the
Oslo Accords, and 28 within the Israeli municipal borders of
Jerusalem.[17] <#_ftn17>
Of all demolished private structures, 139 structures had been used to
provide a main source of livelihood to affected family members. These
comprised workshops, small factories, animal shelters, poultry farms,
and greenhouses. At the time of demolition, 27 private structures were
under construction; the others were finished buildings. Published in
early 2020, a report by� /Haaretz/ indicated that, out of 1,485
Palestinian applications for construction in Area C in 2016-2018, the
Israeli occupying authorities only approved 21, or approximately 1
percent of all applications.[18] <#_ftn18> Sixty-eight (68) owners of
structures with demolition notices filed challenges against the
demolition of their property. However, the Israeli occupying authorities
rejected these official petitions and demolished all affected
structures. This indicates that recourse to legal mechanisms, which the
occupying state of Israel claims that Palestinians can use, does not
change Israeli policy. It demonstrates that the Israeli legal apparatus
is an institutionalised aspect of the occupation regime.
Figure 3: A wedding hall demolished in Khirbet Jubara, Tulkarem,
September 2020�
Before their private structures had been demolished, 81 affected
families were subject to other human rights abuses and attacks by the
IOF. These violations were not necessarily related to demolitions. For
example, prior to the documented demolition, the IOF had demolished
other structures or killed, arrested, or assaulted members of these
affected families. Of all demolitions, 42 structures were destroyed for
at least the second time after they had been reconstructed and affected
families had recovered from previous demolitions. The owners of 149
structures reported that the Israeli occupying authorities did not allow
them an opportunity to evacuate their possessions before demolitions
were carried out.
�
*Public properties*
The Israeli occupying authorities demolished four public facilities,
including three in Area C and one in Area B, so designated by the Oslo
Accords. Demolished properties included a tent erected for sit-ins in
protest against Israeli practices in the town of Dura, foundations of a
school, a classroom, and a concrete perimeter wall of a football
playground under construction.�
�
*12-1614669529.png*
Three public structures were located in close proximity to settlements
or areas under the threat of settlement construction. The total cost of
all four demolished public structures was nearly NIS 451,000 (136,468
USD). �
The affected public properties covered an area of some 675 square
metres. The cement perimeter wall was 275 metres long. These structures
were demolished by bulldozers produced by Volvo and Hyundai. Al-Haq
could not ascertain the types of machineries used in the rest of
demolitions.�
�
Figure 4: A demolition in Shu’fat refugee camp, June 2020�
All four demolitions were carried out by the ICA with support from the
IOF. While two were under construction, two public structures were
already completed at the time of demolition. Of the four incidents, the
Israeli occupying authorities delivered demolition notices for two
structures. The others did not receive any notices before the decision
on demolition was implemented.�
*Other Israeli violations<#_ftn19>**[19]*
The IOF and Israeli settlers committed hundreds of other violations
throughout 2020. According to Al-Haq documentation, in addition to
killings and demolitions, the IOF perpetrated more than 1,000 other
violations, including arrests, confiscation of property, injuries, house
raids and searches, beatings, physical violence, and torture. The IOF
also assaulted medics, denied access permits or permits to receive
medical treatment, placed restrictions on the rights to freedom of
movement and peaceful assembly, and committed environmental violations.�
Figure 5: Crops damaged by pesticides sprayed by the Israeli occupying
authorities in Khuza’a, January 2020
Of all other Israeli perpetrators, Israeli settlers committed the
greater portion of violations. Most notably, Israeli settlers stoned
Palestinian homes and pedestrians, leaving many Palestinians with
injuries. Settlers also attacked Palestinian communities, sprayed racist
graffiti on walls and vehicles, and damaged wheel tyres. They made
multiple attempts to seize control of Palestinian privately owned land,
and harassed and prevented Palestinians from accessing their land. Of
particular note, Israeli settlers set fire to Palestinian trees and
crops, cut down and uprooted trees, and stole harvest.�
A major portion of Israeli settler attacks targeted Palestinian villages
in the Nablus governorate, particularly those in the area surrounding
the settlement of Yitzhar. Israeli settler violence affected dozens of
Palestinian communities.�
According to Al-Haq documentation, the most notable Israeli violations
can be categorized as follows:�
*Categories of violations by Isreali duty bearers*
Abducting persons and children�
Flooding agricultural land with water and wastewater �
Arrests�
Forced expulsion�
Arson of planted fields and trees�
House raids�
Assaults on fishers�
House searches�
Attacks on hospitals�
Ill-treatment and torture�
Attacks on universities and schools�
Imposing collective punishment on communities�
Attempting to seize land by creating facts on the ground�
Insults and humiliation�
Ban on travel�
Killing�
Beating and physical violence�
Land confiscation�
Bullet/rubber coated steel bullet wounds�
Levelling lands and trees�
Chasing workers�
Movement restriction/denial between cities�
Closing commercial premises�
Mutilation of dead bodies�
Closing down cultural associations�
Obstructing the work of journalists �
Confiscating agricultural vehicles and tractors�
Opening fire�
Confiscating electronic devices�
Preventing farmers and workers from accessing their workplaces�
Confiscating/looting archaeological artifacts�
Punitive demolitions�
Confiscating/steeling money�
Raiding Palestinian cities and towns�
Confiscation of equipment and machinery�
Running over livestock
Constructing settlement outposts�
Seizing control over water wells and sources�
Cutting down and uprooting trees�
Setting fire to private and public structures�
Damaging agricultural crops�
Setting fire to private vehicles and properties�
Damaging fishing boats
Setting up flying checkpoints�
Damaging homes during search operations �
Settlement expansion�
Damaging vehicles�
Sinking fishing boats�
Deliberate vehicular ramming attacks
Spraying lands with herbicides
Demolishing private structures and homes�
Spraying racist graffiti�
Demolishing public structures�
Stabbing attacks�
Denial of access permits�
Stealing crops�
Denial of access to privately owned land�
Stealing livestock
Denial or delayed approval of permits to receive medical treatment
Stealing olives�
Destroying water pipelines�
Stone throwing at homes and vehicles�
Direct hit by sound/tear gas grenades�
Suppressing peaceful assemblies�
Extortion�
Withholding the bodies of martyrs�
�
While on the ground, Israeli occupying authorities worked towards
legalising these colonial practices at both the legislative and policy
levels within the occupying power. In this context, at least three draft
laws were proposed with the aim of limiting the possibility of releasing
Palestinian detainees. These legislative proposals primarily provided
for releasing one detained Palestinian for every Israeli prisoner. This
is designed to avoid earlier incidents, which involved the release of
thousands of Palestinian prisoners in return for a limited number of
captive IOF soldiers.�
To further tighten Israel’s colonial grip, a draft law was submitted
to suppress the Palestinian right to resistance against the Israeli
colonial occupation. This legislative act sought to legalise expulsion
of the families of Palestinians, so-called “vandals”, who carry out
operations against the Israeli occupying authorities outside Palestine.
This is a more egregious form of collective punishment imposed by the
Israeli occupying authorities on the families of those charged with
carrying out operations against the Israeli occupation.�
In the context of the occupying Power’s unrelenting efforts to
suppress the right to freedom of expression, particularly arguments
against colonial practices, a draft law was presented to the Knesset
with the aim of amending the so-called Anti-Terrorism Law. A provision
would be added, prescribing a five-year imprisonment for any person who
publishes or ‘likes’ a post on social media networks supporting
Palestinian rights and struggle for independence, as enshrined by
international law.�
This report places a special focus on Israeli attacks on Palestinian
fishers in the besieged Gaza Strip. In 2020, Al-Haq monitored over 73
Israeli attacks on Palestinian fishers off the Gaza coast. These
included sinking fishing boats, chasing, arresting and opening fire on
fishers, and seizing fishing equipment and boats.�
Although the Oslo Accords allow Palestinian fishing within 20 nautical
miles (approximately 37 kilometres) off the Gaza Strip coast, over the
years, the Israeli occupying authorities have reduced and prevented
Palestinians from fishing within this area at all. The Israeli
authorities officially have permitted fishing within six and 15 nautical
miles north and south of the Gaza Strip, respectively, over the past
years. However, access to these areas is restricted intermittently, and
without warning, depending on developments on the ground. According to
Al-Haq documentation and monitoring in 2020, the majority of Israeli
attacks on Palestinian fishers took place within the reduced area (six
and 15 nautical miles north and south of Gaza), which is ostensibly
allowed by the occupying state of Israel for Palestinian fishing.�
Figure 6: Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs�
In his sworn statement to Al-Haq, R. S. a fisherman, reports on the
violations fishers are subjected to. R. S. recounts one incident:�
At about 3:30 pm, we were done fishing. We headed north in order to
return to the Gaza port. When we were off the Deir al-Balah beach,
Central Gaza governorate, and at a distance of seven nautical miles
within the permissible area, I saw three Israeli gunboats (one large
cruiser and two rubber boats) approaching us from the west and north.
The Israeli naval boats surrounded our boat from several directions.
Navy officers on board the boats fired rubber coated steel bullets on us
from a distance of some six metres. I was hit by a rubber coated steel
bullet in the left knee. Majed Miqdad was shot in the right side of the
waist and another in his back. My nephew, Ali, was extremely frightened
of the horrific incident and sought protection under the engine on board
the� /hasaka/ (fishing boat). Then, the navy officers ordered us to
take off our clothes immediately and jump into the cold water. Indeed,
Majed and I jumped into the water, but Ali remained on board the boat
because he was so scared and shocked. Majed and I got on board a small
rubber boat. The officers on the second rubber boat arrested and put Ali
on their boat. They tied the fishing boat with a rope to the rear part
of the boat. They seized our boat from us, including fishing nets and
equipment. Later, the officers blindfolded us and tied our hands with
plastic handcuffs. The rubber boat sailed for about 10 minutes.
Meanwhile, we were only in our underwear and it was so cold. When the
boat stopped, they removed the blindfolds and handcuffs and moved us to
the large cruiser. Then, they gave us clothes (blue and red pants and
sweaters). After we put on the clothes, they blindfolded and handcuffed
us once again. The cruiser then sailed for almost an hour and 15
minutes. When it stopped, the officers lifted the blindfolds a little
bit and dropped us on the Ashdod wharf. I knew the port because I had
been arrested twice during my fishing activity. When we were off the
cruiser, the officers blindfolded us again and took us to a place inside
the port. They left us sitting on the ground for many hours while we
were blindfolded and handcuffed. They did not bring in any food or
drinks for us. Meantime, we were examined by a doctor while we were also
blindfolded and handcuffed. They doctor did not care about Majed’s and
my injuries despite the pain we felt and the swelling at the place of
injuries. Late at night, they put our hands and feet in iron shackles,
removed the blindfolds, and took us to a bus, which drove to the Beit
Hanun (Erez) crossing, north of the Gaza Strip. There, we were subjected
to an intimate body search and briefly interrogated about the reason of
our arrest and family members. At about 11:30 pm on the same day, we
were released. They confiscated the fishing boat together with the
fishing equipment and nets. The cost of these is nearly US $ 15,000. We
have lost our only source of livelihood and subsistence of our families.
This was despite the fact that we were fishing within the permissible
fishing zone.[20] <#_ftn20>
�
In another statement, M. Z., a fisherman, reported to Al-Haq:�
At about 4:45 pm, I saw the swift Israeli rubber boats chasing fishing
boats to our west and forcing them to head south in order to keep them
away from the area. I was assured because I was working within the
permissible area near to the beach. While the Israeli boats were chasing
fishing boats which managed to escape to the south, a small rubber boat
approached us. Israeli navy officers fired rubber coated steel bullets
on us while I was trying to pull the fishing nets out of the water in
fear that I would lose them. Then, I was hit by a rubber coated steel
bullet in the thigh. My little brother, Maysarah, was too frightened and
panicked by the horrible shooting incident. It was the first time he
came with me on a fishing trip. Meantime, my fishing nets were torn
apart and sank into the sea. A number of fishers also lost their nets as
the Israeli boats chased them and deliberately ripped apart and sank the
nets into the sea. Later, I managed to get back to the beach and
returned home as quickly as possible because I felt immense pain at the
place of injury.[21] <#_ftn21>
�
Fisher Y. A. recounted his experience, stating:�
I was surprised by two Israeli military launches, which had arrived and
surrounded our boat. One launch turned around and stopped at a distance
of almost 15 metres opposite our boat to the east. This was known to us
as the Super Dvora. The other, which was larger and known by the name
cruiser, stopped at a distance of about 15 metres to the west. On board
the two launches, I saw a number of soldiers, including six on the small
boat and nine on the large one. They were in black uniforms and heavily
armed. Over a loudspeaker, I heard a soldier shouting at us in Arabic:
“Stop and don’t move.” A few moments later, the large boat which
stopped to the west pumped water forcefully on our boat. While I held
the boat engine, my brother Ibrahim and brother-in-law Saleem grabbed
the boat and tried to maintain its balance so that it would not sink.
The boat continued to pump water on us for about 25 minutes. Meantime, I
felt that my hand was injured and felt pain due to the strong water
thrust. Still, I did not leave the engine so that I could keep balance
of the boat. At that time, I saw our equipment falling off the boat into
the sea, including fishing nets and 60-litre gas gallons. Water filled
the boat, which was about to sink. Over the loudspeaker, I heard a
soldier shouting: “I will make an example of you to all fishers of the
Gaza Strip.” Both boats moved over after the cruiser pulled and
confiscated the nets. Then, I saw them attacking another fishing boat at
a distance of about 40 metres to the west. Four fishermen who were
residents of the Gaza city were on board that boat. I realised that from
the distinctive yellow colour of the boat. It is known that yellow was
the colour of the Gaza city port. The two boats turned around, attacked,
and started to pump water on the boat for almost five minutes. As a
result, the boat turned over and I saw all four fishermen falling in sea
as well. Immediately, fishermen around us rushed to help and managed to
rescue them. A number of fishermen also arrived and helped us empty the
water from our boat. They tugged my boat to the Khan Yunis port because
the engine had broken down. When we arrived at the beach, I was
transported by a civilian car to the Nasser Governmental Hospital west
of Khan Yunis. After a medical check, it appeared that I sustained a
bone fracture in a finger on my left hand as well as contusions and
muscle rupture in the back. I received treatment for four hours. Doctors
bandaged my hand and I left the hospital. After I came back, I checked
my boat and the damage caused to it. The engine broke down. I also lost
the boat tarp and all fishing tents, including eight cage traps and two
sardine nets, 60 litres of gas, and 60 kilos of fish I had caught. The
estimated cost of my losses was around US$ 3,000. I should note that we
are frequently chased. Although we do not go beyond the permissible
fishing zone, fire is opened around our boats by Israeli military
launches while we are fishing. Almost two months ago, I was chased by an
Israeli military launch, which opened fire around my boat. I was at a
distance of some four nautical miles west of Khan Yunis. I was forced to
leave a 50-metre long fishing net in the sea and leave for the beach in
fear that I get injured or arrested.[22] <#_ftn22>
�
*Violations by the Palestinian Authority and� /de facto/ authority in
the Gaza Strip<#_ftn23>**[23]*
In 2020, Al-Haq documented hundreds of violations committed by the PA
and the� /de facto/ authority in the Gaza Strip. Of particular note,
abuses of the PA and the� /de facto/ authority were perpetrated under
the guise of the state of emergency unlawfully declared and extended by
the PA President, beginning on 5 March 2020 towards the end of the
reporting period.�
Violations were of multiple forms. Most prominent were arbitrary
detention; infringements on the right to a fair trial, right to humane
prison conditions, and right to freedom of expression; ill treatment,
torture; beating; physical violence; and confiscation of devices, funds,
and equipment.�
The table below shows the distribution of violations documented by Al-Haq:�
*Violation� *
*Number of violations� *
Arbitrary detention�
100
Violation of the right to a fair trial�
71
Violation of the right to humane prison conditions�
145
Violation of the right to freedom of expression�
37
Ill-treatment and torture�
52
Beating and physical violence�
49
Confiscation of devices, funds, and equipment
30
�
A. D. recounts his experience during arbitrary detention:�
At about 2:00 pm on Sunday, 13 December 2020, I received a call on my
mobile telephone. The caller identified himself as a Palestinian
Preventive Security officer in the city of Nablus and told me that I
would have an interview on Tuesday, 15 December 2020… In the evening
on Monday, 14 December 2020, I fell ill due to tendon rupture in the
left foot… As a result, I stayed at home and did not go to the
Preventive Security on Tuesday… I decided to go to the interview with
and report to the Preventive Security as per their summons in fear that
they would raid my home and arrest me from there. At about 11 am on
Wednesday, 16 December 2020, I went to the Preventive Security
Directorate in Nablus… I was brought into a room, in which there was
an officer who did not introduce himself. I sat on a chair and he at a
desk with a computer set as well as papers and files in front of him.
The interrogation session started when the officer asked about my
personal details. He then asked about my detention by the Israeli
occupying authorities as I mentioned earlier. He engaged with me in
discussing the reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, and was of view
that the reconciliation would not be achieved and that it would fail…
About 15 minutes later, he asked me to go back to the waiting room and
said he would call me in. Indeed, I went to the waiting room, where I
stayed for almost 45 minutes. Again, I was summoned to the same
interrogation officer in the same room. He began interrogating me about
the Islamic Bloc activities at the An-Najah National University and
talked to me about the anniversary of the Islamic Resistance Movement
(Hamas), which was marked on 14 December 2020. I said to the officer I
did not have anything to do with these activities or with Hamas. I was
detained by the Israeli occupying authorities, fell behind my university
studies, and had exams that I wished to take. During the interrogation,
the officer was taking notes of my statements that I had nothing to do
with his claims. Then, another interrogator got in and also talked to me
about political issues and the reconciliation. I told them I had nothing
to do with that. “I do not care what you are talking about”, I said.
About 40 minutes of interrogation, I was asked to go to the waiting
room. Almost half an hour later, a jailer arrived, asked for my personal
belongings, and searched me from the top down. “Why?” I asked.
“You are under arrest,” he said… The jailer took me to a solitary
confinement cell, which was 2x1.20 metres wide and 3 metres high. It had
a metal door, with a 15x15 cm. opening. Inside, there was a mattress on
the floor. The cell had a malodorous smell and was dirty. I smelled
cigarette smoke. There was no bathroom or toilet inside. There was a
yellow light that was on all the time. I was held in the cell during the
period of detention, which lasted for six days in a row… Three meals,
breakfast, lunch and dinner, were provided to me. I considered them bad,
insufficient, and unhealthy. At night, although there were blankets, I
was so cold in the cell. These blankets also smelled awful and were
unclean. My left leg hurt due to the extreme cold. Inside the cell, I
suffered from respiratory distress. I asked an interrogator to relocate
me to the rooms, but he refused and said there was not space there.
During the period of my detention by the Preventive Security agency, I
had no contact with my family, neither in person nor by telephone. No
Palestinian lawyer visited me at the Preventive Security headquarters. I
only had a COVID-19 test on Sunday, 20 December 2020; that is, five days
after detention. I had the test at the Zawata COVID-19 testing centre,
west of the city.[24] <#_ftn24>
�
Additionally, Palestinian security agencies attacked and/or banned nine
peaceful assemblies in 2020. These were as follows:�
1. On 15 February 2020, multiple security agencies used force to
disperse a peaceful assembly organised by the� /Hizb
at-Tahrir/ (Liberation Party) in the city of Jenin. The assembly
was held in protest against the Deal of the Century. Some parties
claimed that the demonstration was dispersed because protestors
insulted the PA and that a licence had not been issued to organise
the peaceful assembly.�
2. On 15 March 2020, the Palestinian Police dispersed a peaceful
assembly by force in the city of Rafah. The assembly was set to
protest against using two of the city schools as quarantine centres
in anticipation of the COVID-19 pandemic. Feeling apprehensive, the
city residents protested against this measure. In response, the
authorities dispersed the protest.�
3. On 8 July 2020, the General Investigations Department banned an
information symposium by Fatah in the city of Gaza. The authorities
claimed that the movement had not received a permit to hold the
symposium, so it was banned. The event was scheduled to be organised
indoors, rather than in a public place.
4. On 24 July 2020, the Palestinian Police dispersed a gathering of
worshippers in prayer in the town of Birqin, Jenin. The official
authorities alleged that the gathering was dispersed because it
violated COVID-19 preventive measures, which banned gatherings.
However, the imam claimed he had obtained an authorisation from the
Police to hold the prayers on condition of distancing.�
5. On 18 June 2002, the Palestinian Police dispersed a family protest
in the Al-Bureij refugee camp. The Police attempted to execute a
court decision to remove family encroachments on a street in the
refugee camp. Family members protested in response.�
6. On 5 September 2020, Palestinian Police personnel assaulted a family
gathering in Beit Hanoun allegedly because it violated movement
restrictions in the context of combating the COVID-19 pandemic. As
an ambulance was late to transport a patient in critical condition
to hospital, the family in quarantine gathered at the patient’s
house and took him in a private vehicle to hospital. As a result,
Police personnel physically assaulted the family members.�
7. On 12 June 2020, the Preventive Security agency banned a funeral
wake house of the Secretary General of the Islamic Jihad Movement,
Ramadan Shallah, in the town of Tammun. A number of rights holders
were detained.�
8. On 24 August 2020, in the context of tightening control on Fatah
activities in the Gaza Strip, the Internal Security agency banned a
peaceful event organised by Fatah in the city of Gaza, on the
grounds that no permit had been obtained. The event involved a
ceremonial signature of a memorandum of understanding between the
Journalists and Lawyers branch offices of the Fatah movement.�
9. On 19 July 2020, security agencies banned a sit-in protest against
corruption in the city of Ramallah. Many movements had called for
the protest, but security agencies banned it by force and detained a
number of participants and organisers.�
�
A. A. recounts his experience when security agencies dispersed a
peaceful assembly in Rafah:�
At about 8:00 am on Sunday, 15 March 2020, two cars of the Palestinian
Ministry of Health (MoH) arrived at the Marmarah and Ghassan Kanafani
governmental schools of the Ministry of Education in the town of
Al-Nasser, northeast of the Rafah city. Both schools were to be prepared
as mandatory quarantine centres for persons returning via the Rafah
border crossing. As they informed me, this was a preventive measure
against COVID-19. Upon learning this, at about11:00 pm, hundreds of the
town residents, including youth, men, women and children, gathered in
front of the schools in protest against the MoH decision and measure.
The schools were in close proximity to citizens’ homes. A number of
protestors burned wheel tyres on the Salah ad-Din main road opposite the
schools. They also displayed banners, expressing their rejection of the
MoH decision and measure… At about 3:00 pm, a large Special Police
force arrived on some 16 Police cars… The force was led by Major
General Tawfiq Abu Na’im, Undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior
in Gaza. As soon as they arrived, Major General Abu Na’im ordered me
to keep women out of the place. Police personnel started to disperse
protestors by force. They chased and beat protestors with batons and
rifle butts. Civil Defence teams extinguished the fire and moved the
tyres away by two loaders. Meanwhile, young men threw stones at the
Police personnel. Intermittent protests continued for several hours. The
Police continued to chase and physically assault protestors. In addition
to arresting a number of protestors, Police personnel opened fire in the
air. They also raided a number of homes, including my brother’s, and
beat inhabitants with batons and rifle butts. They assaulted women and
children. I heard them shouting obscenities at citizens. They also
arrested a number of citizens from their homes. At about 11:00 pm, the
Police managed to disperse protestors by force… Police attacks
resulted in the injury of some 12 citizens, including a child, who
sustained bone fractures and contusions all over their bodies. Most of
these were members of my family. They also arrested 54 citizens,
including 15 children. These continue to be detained.[25] <#_ftn25>
�
The majority of human rights violations perpetrated by Palestinian duty
bearers were committed by the police in the West Bank (106) and in the
Gaza Strip (155); Preventive Security forces (159); Internal Security
forces (148); and the General Intelligence (66).�
*Perpetrator� *
*Number of violations� *
West Bank-based Police�
106
Gaza-based Police
155
Preventive Security�
159
Internal Security�
148
General Intelligence�
66
�
Internally, most notable was the� Persons with Disability Movement
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=7d00cd090a&e=08c14cf485>.
Beginning on 3 November 2020, persons with disabilities declared an
open-ended strike inside the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC)
offices, demanding a comprehensive health insurance that would cover
all� their needs
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=7904d8647c&e=08c14cf485>.
The sit-in protest and events continued for more than two months.
Finally, on 14 January 2021, the Palestinian government approved the
Regulation on the Comprehensive Health Insurance for Persons with
Disabilities, marking the end of the sit-in protest.
�
In his sworn statement on the movement to Al-Haq, A. A. reports:�
On 3 November 2020, a group of four men and women with disabilities and
I declared a sit-in protest inside the Palestinian Legislative Council
(PLC) offices in the city of Ramallah. We demanded a comprehensive
government health insurance for persons with disabilities. Currently,
there is no health insurance for persons with disabilities and their
needs. We had already carried out a number of peaceful demonstrations in
this context. These ranged from protests at the PLC offices to attempts
to reach the Palestinian Council of Ministers office, which was far from
the PLC. We held a sit-in protest at a distance of some 400 metres from
the Council of Ministers. On more than 10 occasions, we tried to reach
the Council of Ministers. Each time, the police, including anti-riot
police, personnel blocked our access. They placed iron barricades along
the road leading to the Council of Ministers… On Monday, 21 December
2020, it was time for the Palestinian Council of Ministers to hold a
session. We knew that the Council of Ministers convened every Monday for
decision making. We, protestors inside the PLC, decided to head for the
Council of Ministers in order to officially request that ministers
approve the Draft Regulation on Health Insurance, which we had proposed.
We had already submitted the draft regulation to the Council of
Ministers almost a month earlier. We were surprised that the Palestinian
Ministry of Health (MoH) introduced changes to the draft regulation,
which we had prepared, rendering it meaningless. For example, we
demanded that needed medicines be distributed to persons with
disabilities by the MoH. However, in the amendments it made, the MoH
said: “In case the medicine is not on the list of medicines approved
by the Ministry, the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers
shall establish a committee to examine if such medicine can be
distributed or not.” Also, we proposed that the persons with
disabilities be referred to� medical specialists, who would determine
relevant treatment and needs. However, the MoH did not accept this
request and kept the matter in the hands of the current committee. It
should be noted we have many reservations on that committee. They do not
apply clearly defined criteria to determine the degree of
disability.[26] <#_ftn26>
�
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] See “The Legal Monitor”, Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies
(MADAR), at:� https://bit.ly/3acWH3P
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=bc303c9996&e=08c14cf485>.�
[2] According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS),
in 2020, GDP dropped by 12 percent because of the COVID-19 pandemic. In
various sectors, most economic activities declined in varying
proportions. Approximately 66,000 workers lost their jobs, bringing the
unemployment rate up to 27.8 percent. See� PCBS,� /Dr. Awad Demonstrates
the Performance of the Palestinian Economy during 2020 & the Economic
Forecasts for the Year 2021/, available at:�
http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/post.aspx?lang=en&ItemID=3879
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=efa9b66950&e=08c14cf485>.
[3] MADAR, A Draft Law preventing imprisonment of soldiers who killed
Palestinians during military service, available at:�
https://bit.ly/3nU5VFQ
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=6b297ff32e&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�
[4] JLAC,� /Joint submission to EMRIP and UN experts on the Israeli
policy of withholding the mortal remains of indigenous Palestinians/,
available at:�
https://www.jlac.ps/userfiles/200622%20-%20Joint%20submission%20on%20the%20Israeli%20policy%20of%20withholding%20the%20mortal%20remains%20of%20indigenous%20Palestinians_22%20June%202020_FINAL.pdf
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=12792a587e&e=08c14cf485>(accessed:
18 January 2021).�
[5] MADAR,� /Ban on the release of the bodies of Palestinian fighters/,
available at:� https://bit.ly/3bNOPXH
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=c8b574493f&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�
[6] Ultra Palestine, “The Israeli Cabinet ratifies the total
prohibition on release of the bodies of martyrs”, available at:�
https://bit.ly/3qoumNc
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=649e7ae020&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�
[7] Al-Haq, Affidavit I130/2020.�
[8] Peace Now,� /Construction/, available at:�
https://peacenow.org.il/en/settlements-watch/settlements-data/construction
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=36206817f8&e=08c14cf485> (accessed:
18 January 2021).�
[9] Arab 48, “2020: 43 martyrs and the occupying authorities demolish
almost 1,000 structures and confiscate thousands of� /dunums/”,
available at:� https://bit.ly/39KVUWi
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=368211160a&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�
[10] MADAR,� /Draft law requiring referendum on any government decision
to hand over lands around any settlement in the West Bank to an “alien
entity”/, and� /Draft law on the confiscation of lands on which
settlements are constructed/, available at� https://bit.ly/38POq5g
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=70e8f6aae1&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).
[11] Araby 21, “50,000 Arab homes are under the threat of demolition
in the Palestinian territory occupied in 1948”, available at:�
https://bit.ly/2LXXWdy
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=49313bcfb3&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).
[12] The Arab Centre for Alternative Planning,� /Suspension of “parts
of” Amendment 116 to the Planning and Construction Law (Chemnitz Law)
is a very important step in the right direction, but is not enough/,
available at:� https://bit.ly/39L8YuQ
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=616b257938&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).
[13] In relation to homes, Al-Haq is informed by two primary criteria:
(1) the owner, and (2) status of the home as to whether it is inhabited
or not. Accordingly, if three uninhabited housing units belonging to the
same owner are demolished, Al-Haq considers of all three units as one
home, combining their surface areas as one home. For example, in Wadi
al-Humos, the Israeli occupying authorities demolished more than 70
housing units, with multiple uninhabited units belonging to the same
owners. Hence, the surface areas of these units were combined and
entered as 14 homes only. Likewise, Bedouin homes usually include more
than one residential tent. Al-Haq counts all tents, which serve as rooms
or other facilities such as kitchens or toilets, of the same structure
and household as one home. For instance, if a family live in four tents,
including two as rooms, one used as kitchen and the other as a toilet,
these are all counted as one home.�
[14] MADAR,� /Draft law preventing unaffected persons from filing
petitions to the High Court against official decisions/,�
https://bit.ly/2LIBmp
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=b0da79d7e2&e=08c14cf485> (in
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).
[15] After they receive demolition notices from the Israeli occupying
authorities, many Jerusalemites are forced to demolish their own
structures and homes by themselves to avoid additional fees and fines if
the demolition is executed by the Israeli occupying authorities. �
[16] In many cases, a commercial premise belongs to the same owner, but
consists of, e.g., more than one barracks. This is counted by Al-Haq as
one commercial premise despite the fact that it comprises several
barracks, tents, or structures unless the owner or type of commercial
premise is different. For example, if an animal farm is made up of three
barracks, but are all owned by the same owner, the surface area of this
farm is combined and entered into the Al-Haq databank only once. This is
also the case of storage facilities, which form an integral part of a
home. These are counted as an inseparable part of the home.�
[17] Areas within the Israeli municipal borders of Jerusalem refer to
the territory forcibly and illegally annexed to the Israeli Jerusalem
Municipality. These are not part of Area A, B, or C according to the
Oslo designation. Since 1967, by a Knesset decision, the occupying Power
has appropriated and imposed its sovereignty over this area. In 1980,
unlawful annexation was endorsed by a basic law passed by the Knesset.�
[18] Hagar Shezaf, “Israel Rejects Over 98 Percent of Palestinian
Building Permit Requests in West Bank's Area C,”� /Haaretz/, 21
January 2020.�
https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israel-rejects-98-of-palestinian-building-permit-requests-
in-west-bank-s-area-c-1.8403807
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=949a062f85&e=08c14cf485>(accessed
18 January 2021)
[19] Al-Haq does not provide a full documentation of these violations.
Hundreds of abuses are documented as a representative sample, giving an
indicator of the nature of these abuses. �
[20] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I52/2020.�
[21] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I274/2020.�
[22] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I58/2020.
[23] Al-Haq does not provide a full documentation of these violations.
Hundreds of abuses are documented as a representative sample, giving an
indicator of the nature of these abuses.�
[24] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P185/2020.
[25] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P37/2020.
[26] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P178/2020.
�
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