[News] Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations of Palestinians in 2020

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Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations in 2020

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Al-Haq Field Report on Human Rights Violations in 2020

02، Mar 2021
pdf Download file 

Image: Wadi Foukin, Bethlehem, 2021. Al-Haq 


2020 can be said to be a unique year for the Palestinian people. In 
addition to ongoing settler colonial policies across the occupied 
Palestinian territory (OPT), human rights violations were committed 
inside the Green Line. On a daily basis, the Israeli occupying 
authorities and settlers launched attacks on and violated Palestinian 
rights. The coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic compounded the suffering of 
the Palestinian people, who are deprived of resources and capacities.�

Having spread throughout the OPT since March 2020, Palestinians have 
been focused on controlling the COVID-19 pandemic. In the meantime, 
however, the Israeli occupying power has seized the opportunity to 
advance its settler project and intensify repressive measures against 
Palestinians in all their places of residence, including inside the 
Green Line and in the West Bank, including the� occupied city of 
The blockade on the� besieged Gaza Strip 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=4b3cf66414&e=08c14cf485> was 
further tightened in 2020.�

In conjunction with the daily Israeli violations throughout Palestine, 
the Israeli occupying forces (IOF) continued to confiscate land, 
demolish structures, displace Palestinians, and construct settlements. 
The IOF also violated the right to freedom of expression, imposed 
movement restrictions, and violated the right to health and other 
economic rights. A set of draft laws were presented to the Israeli 
Parliament (Knesset), reflecting official government approaches towards 
Palestinians and the question of Palestine in 2020.�

Several draft laws were introduced to formally annex the Jordan Valley 
and Northern Dead Sea, or northern area of the Ma’ale Adumim 
settlement. While some legislation proposed annexing all Israeli 
settlements across the West Bank, other draft laws envisaged the 
annexation of settlements together with Area C. These and other official 
legal endeavours sought to illegally annex parts of the West Bank by 
force to the territory of the colonial state. More recently, in July 
2020, a draft law provided for annexing the Jordan Valley and Jerusalem 
Desert. Many similar draft laws were brought forward to enforce 
annexation in a way or another. For example, legislative acts were 
proposed, vesting Israeli ministries, rather than the Israeli Civil 
Administration (ICA), with the power to provide public services to the 
Israeli settlements. To this avail, in September 2020,[1] <#_ftn1> a 
draft law was proposed to replace the ICA by Israeli ministries to 
supervise settlements. Although draft legislation has not yet passed, 
these draft laws reflect the current situation and political consensus 
within the occupying Power.

Regardless of its form and scope,� /de jure/ annexation has been an 
object of general agreement in the occupying state of Israel. In 2020, 
annexation was closer than ever. Experience shows that even though it 
did not take place in 2020, annexation will likely be implemented in the 
coming years. This is evidenced by the Basic Law: “Israel as the 
Nation-State of the Jewish People, which was tabled in the Knesset for 
the first time in 2011, but was later enacted in 2018.”�

Internally, no positive developments were seen in practices of the 
Palestinian Authority (PA) and Gaza-based� /de facto/government towards 
Palestinians. In relation to civil, political and economic rights, the 
situation only worsened owing to COVID-19 and the measures taken by 
Palestinian authorities to limit the spread of the pandemic. In 
particular, since the beginning of March 2020, a state of emergency has 
been recurrently declared and extended on unlawful grounds. Freedoms, 
especially the right to freedom of expression, continued to be 
suppressed. Economic rights also deteriorated due to the economic 
downturn caused by closures.[2] <#_ftn2> Opportunities for 
accomplishing Palestinian national reconciliation, unity, and project 
have dwindled.�

This report addresses Israeli violations of Palestinian human rights. It 
mainly covers Palestinians killed by the IOF and demolitions of private 
and public structures, all of which Al-Haq documents comprehensively. 
The report provides a non-exhaustive account of many other Israeli 
violations, including raids, arrests, movement restrictions, and 
confiscations. Additionally, the report highlights violations committed 
by the PA in the West Bank and the� /de facto/authority in the Gaza 
Strip. It presents violations documented by Al-Haq, including arbitrary 
detention, impingements of the right to humane prison conditions, right 
to a fair trial, and right to freedom of expression.�

*Perhaps most remarkable of all Israeli violations in 2020 was the 
increasing frequency of demolishing Palestinian private and public 
structures, amounting to twice the average number of structures 
destroyed on annual basis over the past 10 years*. This reflected 
unrestrained Israeli policies during US President Donald Trump’s final 
year  office. Israel’s impunity was further encouraged by the 
international community’s neglect of Israeli colonial policies.�

Below is an account of key human rights violations in 2020 as documented 
by Al-Haq.


*I. Israeli violations� *


Excluding deaths inside Israeli prisons, in 2020, 32 Palestinians were 
killed by the IOF. These included nine� children 
and one woman.�

While IOF soldiers implemented a shoot-to kill-policy with impunity, an 
Israeli draft law was proposed in 2020, inhibiting the ability to hold 
to account soldiers who killed Palestinians during their military 
service.[3] <#_ftn3> The draft law is still in the initial stages of 
approval, and has not yet been enacted. However, in addition to 
promoting a culture of impunity, the draft law encourages IOF troops to 
utilize force, in violation of international law, without any 
expectation of accountability. �

Below is a distribution of Palestinians killed by the IOF and related 
personnel according to perpetrators:


On nine occasions, IOF soldiers prevented Palestinian ambulances from 
accessing and providing first aid to Palestinians before they succumbed 
to their wounds. In 19 cases, reflecting the majority of Palestinian’s 
killed in 2020, IOF soldiers did not offer any first aid to wounded 
Palestinians after they had been shot. No ambulances managed to reach 
the wounded.�


A total of 16 Palestinians who were killed sustained bullet wounds in 
the upper part of the body or were hit by multiple injuries, including 
in the upper part of the body. Only two Palestinians died of injuries 
sustained in the lower part of the body. The injuries of 14 of those 
killed were unspecified, including for such reasons as withholding their 
bodies. In sum, the vast majority of injuries were sustained in the 
upper parts of the body.�

In 2020, the Israeli occupying authorities withheld the bodies of 18 
Palestinians. The bodies of 69 Palestinians continue to be withheld 
towards the end of 2020. Since the policy was reintroduced following the 
October 2015 uprising, a total of 245 bodies of Palestinian’s have 
been withheld for various periods before they were released. The 
longest-held body was apprehended on 20 April 2016. It should be noted 
that a number of bodies belonged to Palestinians who died in Israeli 
prisons. The Israeli occupying authorities refuse to release their 
bodies until they fully serve their prison sentences regardless of the 
fact that they are dead. Most recently, the Israeli authorities withheld 
the body of Kamal Abu Wa’ar, who died as a result of illness on 10 
November 2020. Arrested in 2003, Abu Wa’ar was sentenced to six terms 
of life imprisonment as well as 50 years in prison. The above figures do 
not include those bodies held in the so-called Cemetery of Numbers. 
According to the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Centre (JLAC), 253 
bodies of Palestinian’s have so far been withheld in this cemetery.[4] 

In this context, an Israeli draft law was proposed prohibiting the 
release of bodies of Palestinian’s who were members of any Palestinian 
faction.[5] <#_ftn5> At the same time, the Israeli Cabinet endorsed a 
proposal by the Israeli Minister of Defence, Benny Gantz, to prevent 
handing over the bodies of Palestinian’s who had carried out 
operations against the Israeli occupying authorities regardless of their 
political affiliation and nature of the operation. This proposal 
superseded a former policy, which prohibited the release of bodies of 
Palestinians who had been members of Hamas and carried out operations 
against the occupying state of Israel.[6] <#_ftn6>

The following highlights the killing of Iyad al-Hallaq (32), a young, 
disabled Palestinian man. On 30 May 2020, Al-Hallaq was killed at the 
Lion’s Gate to the Old City of occupied Jerusalem. Addressing the 
circumstances of his death, Al-Haq investigations demonstrated that IOF 
soldiers extra-judicially killed Al-Hallaq while he was lying on the 
ground and trembling with fear.�

In her sworn testimony to Al-Haq, W. A. recounts:�

Before I reached the dumpster on the junction to the Remission Gate, I 
heard a voice in Hebrew, which I understood: “Vandal, Vandal”. 
Behind me, I saw three Border Police officers of the occupying army. I 
also saw Iyad al-Hallaq, one of my students at the Elwyn School, running 
away. I shouted at Iyad to stop running. At the same time, I shouted at 
the Border Police officers in Hebrew and Arabic: “Disabled. He is 
disabled”. However, my calls were not answered. I did not hear any 
word of caution addressed to Iyad, telling him to stop. Suddenly, I 
heard gunshots, but did not know how many bullets were fired. At that 
time, I had reached the municipal dumpster and saw a cleaner there. 
“Come and hide here,” he told me. I hid behind a barrel. Meantime, 
Iyad was running. I saw him falling on his back in the yard. He was 
bleeding from his foot, but I did not know which one in particular. 
Three Border Police officers arrived. One of them carried a gun and 
shouted at Iyad and me :“Where is the pistol?” I told him I did not 
have a gun. I said in Hebrew and Arabic that Iyad was a person with 
disability. However, he continued to point the gun at Iayd and me. Iyad 
pointed at me and shouted “I’m with her.” This situation continued 
for about five minutes. Then, I saw the Israeli Border Police officer 
with the gun shooting three live bullets at Iyad from a distance not 
exceeding five metres. The Border Policy officer was standing at the 
entrance to the yard and did not come close to Iyad. Iyad used to work 
with me in the school’s kitchen unit in order to rehabilitate and 
integrate him into society. He was 32 years old, but his mental age was 
just seven years. On the day of the incident, he did not carry anything 
in his hands. He put on a blue mask and black gloves. He dropped them 
when he fell on the ground in the yard.[7] <#_ftn7>


*Deaths in peculiar circumstances and indirect killings� *

Eleven Palestinians were killed in peculiar circumstances. Of these, 
four Palestinian political prisoners died in Israeli prisons. These were 
believed to have been killed as a result of medical negligence. Two 
Palestinians died of heart attacks while IOF soldiers chased them along 
the Separation Wall. One Palestinian died because the Israeli occupying 
authorities had not issued him a permit to exit the Gaza Strip for 
medical treatment in a hospital in Jerusalem. Another was killed by 
Israeli explosive remnants of war (ERW). The man found and attempted to 
dismantle an ERW, which exploded and killed him. In two separate 
incidents, a young man and woman were also killed in peculiar 
circumstances. It has not yet been established that they were killed by 
IOF soldiers. Finally, one Palestinian was killed inside an Israeli 
settlement, but there has not been any confirmation of who the 
perpetrator was.�


*Demolitions� *


Figure 1: A home demolished in Yatta, Hebron, November 2020�


*In 2020, the IOF demolished a total of 535 private and public 
structures, marking a significant increase in comparison to the average 
of the previous 10 years (2010-2019). During that period, the annual 
average of demolitions was close to 325 structures. In 2020, the number 
of demolitions was higher by an average of 210 additional structures*.�

� �

Demolitions and displacements are on the rise. According to Peace Now, 
in 2020, the Israeli occupying authorities announced tenders for the 
construction of 3,512 housing units in Israeli settlements across the 
West Bank, including in the occupied city of Jerusalem.[8] <#_ftn8> The 
Israeli authorities further expanded settlement activity through draft 
laws, which provided for resettlement in four small settlements, which 
were evacuated in the context of the 2005 Disengagement Plan. In line 
with Al-Haq documentation, however, Israeli settlers did not abandon 
some of the evacuated settlements, but remained in the areas surrounding 
them. In particular, it has been constantly monitored that Israeli 
settlers continued to be present around the evacuated settlement of 
Homesh and continue to assault Palestinians.�

According to the Abdullah al-Hourani Centre for Studies and 
Documentation, in 2020, the IOF confiscated 20,030� /dunums/ of land 
for settlement expansion throughout the OPT.[9] <#_ftn9> At the same 
time, draft laws were introduced with the aim of limiting the 
possibility of restoring even small areas of Palestinian land in any 
future settlement process. Other draft laws provided for the 
confiscation of privately owned Palestinian land, on which Israeli 
settlements have been constructed.[10] <#_ftn10>

At the same time, the Israeli occupying authorities continued to 
demolish Palestinian structures inside the Green Line. The latest 
indications suggest that as many as 50,000 Palestinian homes are at risk 
of demolition[11] <#_ftn11> under the Chemnitz Law, which was approved 
several years ago to restrict Palestinian construction. Thanks to 
unrelenting efforts to resist the legislation by Palestinians inside the 
Green Line, the law was partly and temporarily suspended.[12] <#_ftn12>


*Homes*[13] <#_ftn13>

During the reporting period, the IOF demolished 248 homes, representing 
a sharp rise in comparison to 180 homes destroyed in 2019. The vast 
majority of affected Palestinian homes (242) were demolished citing the 
lack of Israeli-issued building permits. Six homes were demolished on 
punitive grounds.�


Seventy-two (72) demolished homes were located in the city of Jerusalem, 
169 in Area C, three in Area B, and four in Area A.�


Home demolitions resulted in the displacement of 941 persons, of which 
462 are women and girls, 442 are children, 267 are school students, and 
124 are Palestinian refugees already displaced from their original homes.�

Palestinians are allowed to file petitions to the Israeli High Court 
against Israeli displacement policies. However, these petitions serve 
little purpose as the High Court serves to perpetuate the colonial 
regime. Additionally, the Israeli occupying authorities have made 
unremitting efforts to constrain Palestinians’ ability to access 
recourse at the High Court. The last of these was a draft law, which 
prevents human rights organisations or any other unaffected party from 
submitting petitions to the High Court on behalf of affected 
Palestinians,[14] <#_ftn14> rendering difficult recourse to the Court 
which overwhelmingly renders judgements in favour of the occupying 
Power. However, international law prevents the Israeli occupying 
authorities from extending the jurisdiction of its courts to the 
occupied territory. In fact, the reason for this Israeli practice is not 
attributed to attempts to cripple the ability of Palestinians to go to 
Israeli courts. Rather, it lies in Israel’s attempts to prevent 
Palestinians from using these formal tools to defend themselves against 
Israeli practices.�




While 55 were under still construction, 193 of the demolished homes were 
already completed. The majority of the latter were inhabited. The 
Israeli occupying authorities did not allow an opportunity to the home 
owners of 69 homes to evacuate their belongings from their homes before 
the demolitions were carried out. Having received demolition notices, 
the owners of 118 homes lodged objections to official Israeli 
authorities to prevent the demolition of their homes. However, these 
homes were demolished. Fifty-four (54) families had other homes, which 
had also been demolished earlier.�

During home demolitions, members of 27 affected families were violently 
harassed, attacked, or physically assaulted. Partial curfews were 
imposed during six incidents of home demolitions. At the time of 
demolition, three demolished homes were not owned by their inhabitants, 
causing loss for both the residents and the homeowners. After their 
homes had been demolished, the vast majority of affected families had to 
rent residential flats or sought refuge in their relatives, friends or 
neighbours’ homes until such time they could rent a shelter.�

Figure 2: A home demolished in Yatta, Hebron, December 2020 – Al-Haq

Self-demolitions are also on the rise,[15] <#_ftn15> particularly in 
the occupied city of Jerusalem. In 2020, 49 homes were self-demolished, 
marking a dangerous escalation of this practice over the past years. 
Self-demolitions are triggered by the pressure placed by the Israeli 
occupying authorities. To avoid hefty costs and fines charged by the 
Israeli Jerusalem Municipality on structures at risk of demolition, the 
owners are coerced into demolishing their homes by themselves.�


*Other private structures*[16] <#_ftn16>

Compared to 169 in 2019, a total of 283 private structures were 
demolished in 2020.

Of these, 255 structures were located in Area C, so designated by the 
Oslo Accords, and 28 within the Israeli municipal borders of 
Jerusalem.[17] <#_ftn17>

Of all demolished private structures, 139 structures had been used to 
provide a main source of livelihood to affected family members. These 
comprised workshops, small factories, animal shelters, poultry farms, 
and greenhouses. At the time of demolition, 27 private structures were 
under construction; the others were finished buildings. Published in 
early 2020, a report by� /Haaretz/ indicated that, out of 1,485 
Palestinian applications for construction in Area C in 2016-2018, the 
Israeli occupying authorities only approved 21, or approximately 1 
percent of all applications.[18] <#_ftn18> Sixty-eight (68) owners of 
structures with demolition notices filed challenges against the 
demolition of their property. However, the Israeli occupying authorities 
rejected these official petitions and demolished all affected 
structures. This indicates that recourse to legal mechanisms, which the 
occupying state of Israel claims that Palestinians can use, does not 
change Israeli policy. It demonstrates that the Israeli legal apparatus 
is an institutionalised aspect of the occupation regime.

Figure 3: A wedding hall demolished in Khirbet Jubara, Tulkarem, 
September 2020�

Before their private structures had been demolished, 81 affected 
families were subject to other human rights abuses and attacks by the 
IOF. These violations were not necessarily related to demolitions. For 
example, prior to the documented demolition, the IOF had demolished 
other structures or killed, arrested, or assaulted members of these 
affected families. Of all demolitions, 42 structures were destroyed for 
at least the second time after they had been reconstructed and affected 
families had recovered from previous demolitions. The owners of 149 
structures reported that the Israeli occupying authorities did not allow 
them an opportunity to evacuate their possessions before demolitions 
were carried out.


*Public properties*

The Israeli occupying authorities demolished four public facilities, 
including three in Area C and one in Area B, so designated by the Oslo 
Accords. Demolished properties included a tent erected for sit-ins in 
protest against Israeli practices in the town of Dura, foundations of a 
school, a classroom, and a concrete perimeter wall of a football 
playground under construction.�



Three public structures were located in close proximity to settlements 
or areas under the threat of settlement construction. The total cost of 
all four demolished public structures was nearly NIS 451,000 (136,468 
USD). �

The affected public properties covered an area of some 675 square 
metres. The cement perimeter wall was 275 metres long. These structures 
were demolished by bulldozers produced by Volvo and Hyundai. Al-Haq 
could not ascertain the types of machineries used in the rest of 


Figure 4: A demolition in Shu’fat refugee camp, June 2020�

All four demolitions were carried out by the ICA with support from the 
IOF. While two were under construction, two public structures were 
already completed at the time of demolition. Of the four incidents, the 
Israeli occupying authorities delivered demolition notices for two 
structures. The others did not receive any notices before the decision 
on demolition was implemented.�

*Other Israeli violations<#_ftn19>**[19]*

The IOF and Israeli settlers committed hundreds of other violations 
throughout 2020. According to Al-Haq documentation, in addition to 
killings and demolitions, the IOF perpetrated more than 1,000 other 
violations, including arrests, confiscation of property, injuries, house 
raids and searches, beatings, physical violence, and torture. The IOF 
also assaulted medics, denied access permits or permits to receive 
medical treatment, placed restrictions on the rights to freedom of 
movement and peaceful assembly, and committed environmental violations.�

Figure 5: Crops damaged by pesticides sprayed by the Israeli occupying 
authorities in Khuza’a, January 2020

Of all other Israeli perpetrators, Israeli settlers committed the 
greater portion of violations. Most notably, Israeli settlers stoned 
Palestinian homes and pedestrians, leaving many Palestinians with 
injuries. Settlers also attacked Palestinian communities, sprayed racist 
graffiti on walls and vehicles, and damaged wheel tyres. They made 
multiple attempts to seize control of Palestinian privately owned land, 
and harassed and prevented Palestinians from accessing their land. Of 
particular note, Israeli settlers set fire to Palestinian trees and 
crops, cut down and uprooted trees, and stole harvest.�

A major portion of Israeli settler attacks targeted Palestinian villages 
in the Nablus governorate, particularly those in the area surrounding 
the settlement of Yitzhar. Israeli settler violence affected dozens of 
Palestinian communities.�

According to Al-Haq documentation, the most notable Israeli violations 
can be categorized as follows:�

*Categories of violations by Isreali duty bearers*

Abducting persons and children�


Flooding agricultural land with water and wastewater �



Forced expulsion�

Arson of planted fields and trees�


House raids�

Assaults on fishers�


House searches�

Attacks on hospitals�


Ill-treatment and torture�

Attacks on universities and schools�


Imposing collective punishment on communities�

Attempting to seize land by creating facts on the ground�


Insults and humiliation�

Ban on travel�



Beating and physical violence�


Land confiscation�

Bullet/rubber coated steel bullet wounds�


Levelling lands and trees�

Chasing workers�


Movement restriction/denial between cities�

Closing commercial premises�


Mutilation of dead bodies�

Closing down cultural associations�


Obstructing the work of journalists �

Confiscating agricultural vehicles and tractors�


Opening fire�

Confiscating electronic devices�


Preventing farmers and workers from accessing their workplaces�

Confiscating/looting archaeological artifacts�


Punitive demolitions�

Confiscating/steeling money�


Raiding Palestinian cities and towns�

Confiscation of equipment and machinery�


Running over livestock

Constructing settlement outposts�


Seizing control over water wells and sources�

Cutting down and uprooting trees�


Setting fire to private and public structures�

Damaging agricultural crops�


Setting fire to private vehicles and properties�

Damaging fishing boats


Setting up flying checkpoints�

Damaging homes during search operations �


Settlement expansion�

Damaging vehicles�


Sinking fishing boats�

Deliberate vehicular ramming attacks


Spraying lands with herbicides

Demolishing private structures and homes�


Spraying racist graffiti�

Demolishing public structures�


Stabbing attacks�

Denial of access permits�


Stealing crops�

Denial of access to privately owned land�


Stealing livestock

Denial or delayed approval of permits to receive medical treatment


Stealing olives�

Destroying water pipelines�


Stone throwing at homes and vehicles�

Direct hit by sound/tear gas grenades�


Suppressing peaceful assemblies�



Withholding the bodies of martyrs�


While on the ground, Israeli occupying authorities worked towards 
legalising these colonial practices at both the legislative and policy 
levels within the occupying power. In this context, at least three draft 
laws were proposed with the aim of limiting the possibility of releasing 
Palestinian detainees. These legislative proposals primarily provided 
for releasing one detained Palestinian for every Israeli prisoner. This 
is designed to avoid earlier incidents, which involved the release of 
thousands of Palestinian prisoners in return for a limited number of 
captive IOF soldiers.�

To further tighten Israel’s colonial grip, a draft law was submitted 
to suppress the Palestinian right to resistance against the Israeli 
colonial occupation. This legislative act sought to legalise expulsion 
of the families of Palestinians, so-called “vandals”, who carry out 
operations against the Israeli occupying authorities outside Palestine. 
This is a more egregious form of collective punishment imposed by the 
Israeli occupying authorities on the families of those charged with 
carrying out operations against the Israeli occupation.�

In the context of the occupying Power’s unrelenting efforts to 
suppress the right to freedom of expression, particularly arguments 
against colonial practices, a draft law was presented to the Knesset 
with the aim of amending the so-called Anti-Terrorism Law. A provision 
would be added, prescribing a five-year imprisonment for any person who 
publishes or ‘likes’ a post on social media networks supporting 
Palestinian rights and struggle for independence, as enshrined by 
international law.�

This report places a special focus on Israeli attacks on Palestinian 
fishers in the besieged Gaza Strip. In 2020, Al-Haq monitored over 73 
Israeli attacks on Palestinian fishers off the Gaza coast. These 
included sinking fishing boats, chasing, arresting and opening fire on 
fishers, and seizing fishing equipment and boats.�

Although the Oslo Accords allow Palestinian fishing within 20 nautical 
miles (approximately 37 kilometres) off the Gaza Strip coast, over the 
years, the Israeli occupying authorities have reduced and prevented 
Palestinians from fishing within this area at all. The Israeli 
authorities officially have permitted fishing within six and 15 nautical 
miles north and south of the Gaza Strip, respectively, over the past 
years. However, access to these areas is restricted intermittently, and 
without warning, depending on developments on the ground. According to 
Al-Haq documentation and monitoring in 2020, the majority of Israeli 
attacks on Palestinian fishers took place within the reduced area (six 
and 15 nautical miles north and south of Gaza), which is ostensibly 
allowed by the occupying state of Israel for Palestinian fishing.�

Figure 6: Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of 
Humanitarian Affairs�

In his sworn statement to Al-Haq, R. S. a fisherman, reports on the 
violations fishers are subjected to. R. S. recounts one incident:�

At about 3:30 pm, we were done fishing. We headed north in order to 
return to the Gaza port. When we were off the Deir al-Balah beach, 
Central Gaza governorate, and at a distance of seven nautical miles 
within the permissible area, I saw three Israeli gunboats (one large 
cruiser and two rubber boats) approaching us from the west and north. 
The Israeli naval boats surrounded our boat from several directions. 
Navy officers on board the boats fired rubber coated steel bullets on us 
from a distance of some six metres. I was hit by a rubber coated steel 
bullet in the left knee. Majed Miqdad was shot in the right side of the 
waist and another in his back. My nephew, Ali, was extremely frightened 
of the horrific incident and sought protection under the engine on board 
the� /hasaka/ (fishing boat). Then, the navy officers ordered us to 
take off our clothes immediately and jump into the cold water. Indeed, 
Majed and I jumped into the water, but Ali remained on board the boat 
because he was so scared and shocked. Majed and I got on board a small 
rubber boat. The officers on the second rubber boat arrested and put Ali 
on their boat. They tied the fishing boat with a rope to the rear part 
of the boat. They seized our boat from us, including fishing nets and 
equipment. Later, the officers blindfolded us and tied our hands with 
plastic handcuffs. The rubber boat sailed for about 10 minutes. 
Meanwhile, we were only in our underwear and it was so cold. When the 
boat stopped, they removed the blindfolds and handcuffs and moved us to 
the large cruiser. Then, they gave us clothes (blue and red pants and 
sweaters). After we put on the clothes, they blindfolded and handcuffed 
us once again. The cruiser then sailed for almost an hour and 15 
minutes. When it stopped, the officers lifted the blindfolds a little 
bit and dropped us on the Ashdod wharf. I knew the port because I had 
been arrested twice during my fishing activity. When we were off the 
cruiser, the officers blindfolded us again and took us to a place inside 
the port. They left us sitting on the ground for many hours while we 
were blindfolded and handcuffed. They did not bring in any food or 
drinks for us. Meantime, we were examined by a doctor while we were also 
blindfolded and handcuffed. They doctor did not care about Majed’s and 
my injuries despite the pain we felt and the swelling at the place of 
injuries. Late at night, they put our hands and feet in iron shackles, 
removed the blindfolds, and took us to a bus, which drove to the Beit 
Hanun (Erez) crossing, north of the Gaza Strip. There, we were subjected 
to an intimate body search and briefly interrogated about the reason of 
our arrest and family members. At about 11:30 pm on the same day, we 
were released. They confiscated the fishing boat together with the 
fishing equipment and nets. The cost of these is nearly US $ 15,000. We 
have lost our only source of livelihood and subsistence of our families. 
This was despite the fact that we were fishing within the permissible 
fishing zone.[20] <#_ftn20>


In another statement, M. Z., a fisherman, reported to Al-Haq:�

At about 4:45 pm, I saw the swift Israeli rubber boats chasing fishing 
boats to our west and forcing them to head south in order to keep them 
away from the area. I was assured because I was working within the 
permissible area near to the beach. While the Israeli boats were chasing 
fishing boats which managed to escape to the south, a small rubber boat 
approached us. Israeli navy officers fired rubber coated steel bullets 
on us while I was trying to pull the fishing nets out of the water in 
fear that I would lose them. Then, I was hit by a rubber coated steel 
bullet in the thigh. My little brother, Maysarah, was too frightened and 
panicked by the horrible shooting incident. It was the first time he 
came with me on a fishing trip. Meantime, my fishing nets were torn 
apart and sank into the sea. A number of fishers also lost their nets as 
the Israeli boats chased them and deliberately ripped apart and sank the 
nets into the sea. Later, I managed to get back to the beach and 
returned home as quickly as possible because I felt immense pain at the 
place of injury.[21] <#_ftn21>


Fisher Y. A. recounted his experience, stating:�

I was surprised by two Israeli military launches, which had arrived and 
surrounded our boat. One launch turned around and stopped at a distance 
of almost 15 metres opposite our boat to the east. This was known to us 
as the Super Dvora. The other, which was larger and known by the name 
cruiser, stopped at a distance of about 15 metres to the west. On board 
the two launches, I saw a number of soldiers, including six on the small 
boat and nine on the large one. They were in black uniforms and heavily 
armed. Over a loudspeaker, I heard a soldier shouting at us in Arabic: 
“Stop and don’t move.” A few moments later, the large boat which 
stopped to the west pumped water forcefully on our boat. While I held 
the boat engine, my brother Ibrahim and brother-in-law Saleem grabbed 
the boat and tried to maintain its balance so that it would not sink. 
The boat continued to pump water on us for about 25 minutes. Meantime, I 
felt that my hand was injured and felt pain due to the strong water 
thrust. Still, I did not leave the engine so that I could keep balance 
of the boat. At that time, I saw our equipment falling off the boat into 
the sea, including fishing nets and 60-litre gas gallons. Water filled 
the boat, which was about to sink. Over the loudspeaker, I heard a 
soldier shouting: “I will make an example of you to all fishers of the 
Gaza Strip.” Both boats moved over after the cruiser pulled and 
confiscated the nets. Then, I saw them attacking another fishing boat at 
a distance of about 40 metres to the west. Four fishermen who were 
residents of the Gaza city were on board that boat. I realised that from 
the distinctive yellow colour of the boat. It is known that yellow was 
the colour of the Gaza city port. The two boats turned around, attacked, 
and started to pump water on the boat for almost five minutes. As a 
result, the boat turned over and I saw all four fishermen falling in sea 
as well. Immediately, fishermen around us rushed to help and managed to 
rescue them. A number of fishermen also arrived and helped us empty the 
water from our boat. They tugged my boat to the Khan Yunis port because 
the engine had broken down. When we arrived at the beach, I was 
transported by a civilian car to the Nasser Governmental Hospital west 
of Khan Yunis. After a medical check, it appeared that I sustained a 
bone fracture in a finger on my left hand as well as contusions and 
muscle rupture in the back. I received treatment for four hours. Doctors 
bandaged my hand and I left the hospital. After I came back, I checked 
my boat and the damage caused to it. The engine broke down. I also lost 
the boat tarp and all fishing tents, including eight cage traps and two 
sardine nets, 60 litres of gas, and 60 kilos of fish I had caught. The 
estimated cost of my losses was around US$ 3,000. I should note that we 
are frequently chased. Although we do not go beyond the permissible 
fishing zone, fire is opened around our boats by Israeli military 
launches while we are fishing. Almost two months ago, I was chased by an 
Israeli military launch, which opened fire around my boat. I was at a 
distance of some four nautical miles west of Khan Yunis. I was forced to 
leave a 50-metre long fishing net in the sea and leave for the beach in 
fear that I get injured or arrested.[22] <#_ftn22>


*Violations by the Palestinian Authority and� /de facto/ authority in 
the Gaza Strip<#_ftn23>**[23]*

In 2020, Al-Haq documented hundreds of violations committed by the PA 
and the� /de facto/ authority in the Gaza Strip. Of particular note, 
abuses of the PA and the� /de facto/ authority were perpetrated under 
the guise of the state of emergency unlawfully declared and extended by 
the PA President, beginning on 5 March 2020 towards the end of the 
reporting period.�

Violations were of multiple forms. Most prominent were arbitrary 
detention; infringements on the right to a fair trial, right to humane 
prison conditions, and right to freedom of expression; ill treatment, 
torture; beating; physical violence; and confiscation of devices, funds, 
and equipment.�

The table below shows the distribution of violations documented by Al-Haq:�

*Violation� *


*Number of violations� *

Arbitrary detention�



Violation of the right to a fair trial�



Violation of the right to humane prison conditions�



Violation of the right to freedom of expression�



Ill-treatment and torture�



Beating and physical violence�



Confiscation of devices, funds, and equipment




A. D. recounts his experience during arbitrary detention:�

At about 2:00 pm on Sunday, 13 December 2020, I received a call on my 
mobile telephone. The caller identified himself as a Palestinian 
Preventive Security officer in the city of Nablus and told me that I 
would have an interview on Tuesday, 15 December 2020… In the evening 
on Monday, 14 December 2020, I fell ill due to tendon rupture in the 
left foot… As a result, I stayed at home and did not go to the 
Preventive Security on Tuesday… I decided to go to the interview with 
and report to the Preventive Security as per their summons in fear that 
they would raid my home and arrest me from there. At about 11 am on 
Wednesday, 16 December 2020, I went to the Preventive Security 
Directorate in Nablus… I was brought into a room, in which there was 
an officer who did not introduce himself. I sat on a chair and he at a 
desk with a computer set as well as papers and files in front of him. 
The interrogation session started when the officer asked about my 
personal details. He then asked about my detention by the Israeli 
occupying authorities as I mentioned earlier. He engaged with me in 
discussing the reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, and was of view 
that the reconciliation would not be achieved and that it would fail… 
About 15 minutes later, he asked me to go back to the waiting room and 
said he would call me in. Indeed, I went to the waiting room, where I 
stayed for almost 45 minutes. Again, I was summoned to the same 
interrogation officer in the same room. He began interrogating me about 
the Islamic Bloc activities at the An-Najah National University and 
talked to me about the anniversary of the Islamic Resistance Movement 
(Hamas), which was marked on 14 December 2020. I said to the officer I 
did not have anything to do with these activities or with Hamas. I was 
detained by the Israeli occupying authorities, fell behind my university 
studies, and had exams that I wished to take. During the interrogation, 
the officer was taking notes of my statements that I had nothing to do 
with his claims. Then, another interrogator got in and also talked to me 
about political issues and the reconciliation. I told them I had nothing 
to do with that. “I do not care what you are talking about”, I said. 
About 40 minutes of interrogation, I was asked to go to the waiting 
room. Almost half an hour later, a jailer arrived, asked for my personal 
belongings, and searched me from the top down. “Why?” I asked. 
“You are under arrest,” he said… The jailer took me to a solitary 
confinement cell, which was 2x1.20 metres wide and 3 metres high. It had 
a metal door, with a 15x15 cm. opening. Inside, there was a mattress on 
the floor. The cell had a malodorous smell and was dirty. I smelled 
cigarette smoke. There was no bathroom or toilet inside. There was a 
yellow light that was on all the time. I was held in the cell during the 
period of detention, which lasted for six days in a row… Three meals, 
breakfast, lunch and dinner, were provided to me. I considered them bad, 
insufficient, and unhealthy. At night, although there were blankets, I 
was so cold in the cell. These blankets also smelled awful and were 
unclean. My left leg hurt due to the extreme cold. Inside the cell, I 
suffered from respiratory distress. I asked an interrogator to relocate 
me to the rooms, but he refused and said there was not space there. 
During the period of my detention by the Preventive Security agency, I 
had no contact with my family, neither in person nor by telephone. No 
Palestinian lawyer visited me at the Preventive Security headquarters. I 
only had a COVID-19 test on Sunday, 20 December 2020; that is, five days 
after detention. I had the test at the Zawata COVID-19 testing centre, 
west of the city.[24] <#_ftn24>


Additionally, Palestinian security agencies attacked and/or banned nine 
peaceful assemblies in 2020. These were as follows:�

 1. On 15 February 2020, multiple security agencies used force to
    disperse a peaceful assembly organised by the� /Hizb
    at-Tahrir/ (Liberation Party) in the city of Jenin. The assembly
    was held in protest against the Deal of the Century. Some parties
    claimed that the demonstration was dispersed because protestors
    insulted the PA and that a licence had not been issued to organise
    the peaceful assembly.�
 2. On 15 March 2020, the Palestinian Police dispersed a peaceful
    assembly by force in the city of Rafah. The assembly was set to
    protest against using two of the city schools as quarantine centres
    in anticipation of the COVID-19 pandemic. Feeling apprehensive, the
    city residents protested against this measure. In response, the
    authorities dispersed the protest.�
 3. On 8 July 2020, the General Investigations Department banned an
    information symposium by Fatah in the city of Gaza. The authorities
    claimed that the movement had not received a permit to hold the
    symposium, so it was banned. The event was scheduled to be organised
    indoors, rather than in a public place.
 4. On 24 July 2020, the Palestinian Police dispersed a gathering of
    worshippers in prayer in the town of Birqin, Jenin. The official
    authorities alleged that the gathering was dispersed because it
    violated COVID-19 preventive measures, which banned gatherings.
    However, the imam claimed he had obtained an authorisation from the
    Police to hold the prayers on condition of distancing.�
 5. On 18 June 2002, the Palestinian Police dispersed a family protest
    in the Al-Bureij refugee camp. The Police attempted to execute a
    court decision to remove family encroachments on a street in the
    refugee camp. Family members protested in response.�
 6. On 5 September 2020, Palestinian Police personnel assaulted a family
    gathering in Beit Hanoun allegedly because it violated movement
    restrictions in the context of combating the COVID-19 pandemic. As
    an ambulance was late to transport a patient in critical condition
    to hospital, the family in quarantine gathered at the patient’s
    house and took him in a private vehicle to hospital. As a result,
    Police personnel physically assaulted the family members.�
 7. On 12 June 2020, the Preventive Security agency banned a funeral
    wake house of the Secretary General of the Islamic Jihad Movement,
    Ramadan Shallah, in the town of Tammun. A number of rights holders
    were detained.�
 8. On 24 August 2020, in the context of tightening control on Fatah
    activities in the Gaza Strip, the Internal Security agency banned a
    peaceful event organised by Fatah in the city of Gaza, on the
    grounds that no permit had been obtained. The event involved a
    ceremonial signature of a memorandum of understanding between the
    Journalists and Lawyers branch offices of the Fatah movement.�
 9. On 19 July 2020, security agencies banned a sit-in protest against
    corruption in the city of Ramallah. Many movements had called for
    the protest, but security agencies banned it by force and detained a
    number of participants and organisers.�


A. A. recounts his experience when security agencies dispersed a 
peaceful assembly in Rafah:�

At about 8:00 am on Sunday, 15 March 2020, two cars of the Palestinian 
Ministry of Health (MoH) arrived at the Marmarah and Ghassan Kanafani 
governmental schools of the Ministry of Education in the town of 
Al-Nasser, northeast of the Rafah city. Both schools were to be prepared 
as mandatory quarantine centres for persons returning via the Rafah 
border crossing. As they informed me, this was a preventive measure 
against COVID-19. Upon learning this, at about11:00 pm, hundreds of the 
town residents, including youth, men, women and children, gathered in 
front of the schools in protest against the MoH decision and measure. 
The schools were in close proximity to citizens’ homes. A number of 
protestors burned wheel tyres on the Salah ad-Din main road opposite the 
schools. They also displayed banners, expressing their rejection of the 
MoH decision and measure… At about 3:00 pm, a large Special Police 
force arrived on some 16 Police cars… The force was led by Major 
General Tawfiq Abu Na’im, Undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior 
in Gaza. As soon as they arrived, Major General Abu Na’im ordered me 
to keep women out of the place. Police personnel started to disperse 
protestors by force. They chased and beat protestors with batons and 
rifle butts. Civil Defence teams extinguished the fire and moved the 
tyres away by two loaders. Meanwhile, young men threw stones at the 
Police personnel. Intermittent protests continued for several hours. The 
Police continued to chase and physically assault protestors. In addition 
to arresting a number of protestors, Police personnel opened fire in the 
air. They also raided a number of homes, including my brother’s, and 
beat inhabitants with batons and rifle butts. They assaulted women and 
children. I heard them shouting obscenities at citizens. They also 
arrested a number of citizens from their homes. At about 11:00 pm, the 
Police managed to disperse protestors by force… Police attacks 
resulted in the injury of some 12 citizens, including a child, who 
sustained bone fractures and contusions all over their bodies. Most of 
these were members of my family. They also arrested 54 citizens, 
including 15 children. These continue to be detained.[25] <#_ftn25>


The majority of human rights violations perpetrated by Palestinian duty 
bearers were committed by the police in the West Bank (106) and in the 
Gaza Strip (155); Preventive Security forces (159); Internal Security 
forces (148); and the General Intelligence (66).�

*Perpetrator� *


*Number of violations� *

West Bank-based Police�



Gaza-based Police



Preventive Security�



Internal Security�



General Intelligence�




Internally, most notable was the� Persons with Disability Movement 
Beginning on 3 November 2020, persons with disabilities declared an 
open-ended strike inside the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) 
offices, demanding a comprehensive health insurance that would cover 
all� their needs 
The sit-in protest and events continued for more than two months. 
Finally, on 14 January 2021, the Palestinian government approved the 
Regulation on the Comprehensive Health Insurance for Persons with 
Disabilities, marking the end of the sit-in protest.


In his sworn statement on the movement to Al-Haq, A.  A. reports:�

On 3 November 2020, a group of four men and women with disabilities and 
I declared a sit-in protest inside the Palestinian Legislative Council 
(PLC) offices in the city of Ramallah. We demanded a comprehensive 
government health insurance for persons with disabilities. Currently, 
there is no health insurance for persons with disabilities and their 
needs. We had already carried out a number of peaceful demonstrations in 
this context. These ranged from protests at the PLC offices to attempts 
to reach the Palestinian Council of Ministers office, which was far from 
the PLC. We held a sit-in protest at a distance of some 400 metres from 
the Council of Ministers. On more than 10 occasions, we tried to reach 
the Council of Ministers. Each time, the police, including anti-riot 
police, personnel blocked our access. They placed iron barricades along 
the road leading to the Council of Ministers… On Monday, 21 December 
2020, it was time for the Palestinian Council of Ministers to hold a 
session. We knew that the Council of Ministers convened every Monday for 
decision making. We, protestors inside the PLC, decided to head for the 
Council of Ministers in order to officially request that ministers 
approve the Draft Regulation on Health Insurance, which we had proposed. 
We had already submitted the draft regulation to the Council of 
Ministers almost a month earlier. We were surprised that the Palestinian 
Ministry of Health (MoH) introduced changes to the draft regulation, 
which we had prepared, rendering it meaningless. For example, we 
demanded that needed medicines be distributed to persons with 
disabilities by the MoH. However, in the amendments it made, the MoH 
said: “In case the medicine is not on the list of medicines approved 
by the Ministry, the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers 
shall establish a committee to examine if such medicine can be 
distributed or not.” Also, we proposed that the persons with 
disabilities be referred to� medical specialists, who would determine 
relevant treatment and needs. However, the MoH did not accept this 
request and kept the matter in the hands of the current committee. It 
should be noted we have many reservations on that committee. They do not 
apply clearly defined criteria to determine the degree of 
disability.[26] <#_ftn26>


[1] See “The Legal Monitor”, Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies 
(MADAR), at:� https://bit.ly/3acWH3P 

[2] According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS), 
in 2020, GDP dropped by 12 percent because of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 
various sectors, most economic activities declined in varying 
proportions. Approximately 66,000 workers lost their jobs, bringing the 
unemployment rate up to 27.8 percent. See� PCBS,� /Dr. Awad Demonstrates 
the Performance of the Palestinian Economy during 2020 & the Economic 
Forecasts for the Year 2021/, available at:�


[3] MADAR, A Draft Law preventing imprisonment of soldiers who killed 
Palestinians during military service, available at:� 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=6b297ff32e&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�

[4] JLAC,� /Joint submission to EMRIP and UN experts on the Israeli 
policy of withholding the mortal remains of indigenous Palestinians/, 
available at:�

18 January 2021).�

[5] MADAR,� /Ban on the release of the bodies of Palestinian fighters/, 
available at:� https://bit.ly/3bNOPXH 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=c8b574493f&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�

[6] Ultra Palestine, “The Israeli Cabinet ratifies the total 
prohibition on release of the bodies of martyrs”, available at:� 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=649e7ae020&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�

[7] Al-Haq, Affidavit I130/2020.�

[8] Peace Now,� /Construction/, available at:� 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=36206817f8&e=08c14cf485> (accessed: 
18 January 2021).�

[9] Arab 48, “2020: 43 martyrs and the occupying authorities demolish 
almost 1,000 structures and confiscate thousands of� /dunums/”, 
available at:� https://bit.ly/39KVUWi 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=368211160a&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).�

[10] MADAR,� /Draft law requiring referendum on any government decision 
to hand over lands around any settlement in the West Bank to an “alien 
entity”/, and� /Draft law on the confiscation of lands on which 
settlements are constructed/, available at� https://bit.ly/38POq5g 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=70e8f6aae1&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).

[11] Araby 21, “50,000 Arab homes are under the threat of demolition 
in the Palestinian territory occupied in 1948”, available at:� 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=49313bcfb3&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).

[12] The Arab Centre for Alternative Planning,� /Suspension of “parts 
of” Amendment 116 to the Planning and Construction Law (Chemnitz Law) 
is a very important step in the right direction, but is not enough/, 
available at:� https://bit.ly/39L8YuQ 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=616b257938&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).

[13] In relation to homes, Al-Haq is informed by two primary criteria: 
(1) the owner, and (2) status of the home as to whether it is inhabited 
or not. Accordingly, if three uninhabited housing units belonging to the 
same owner are demolished, Al-Haq considers of all three units as one 
home, combining their surface areas as one home. For example, in Wadi 
al-Humos, the Israeli occupying authorities demolished more than 70 
housing units, with multiple uninhabited units belonging to the same 
owners. Hence, the surface areas of these units were combined and 
entered as 14 homes only. Likewise, Bedouin homes usually include more 
than one residential tent. Al-Haq counts all tents, which serve as rooms 
or other facilities such as kitchens or toilets, of the same structure 
and household as one home. For instance, if a family live in four tents, 
including two as rooms, one used as kitchen and the other as a toilet, 
these are all counted as one home.�

[14] MADAR,� /Draft law preventing unaffected persons from filing 
petitions to the High Court against official decisions/,� 
<https://alhaq.us2.list-manage.com/track/click?u=10071401ba4201bc1a4992f68&id=b0da79d7e2&e=08c14cf485> (in 
Arabic) (accessed: 18 January 2021).

[15] After they receive demolition notices from the Israeli occupying 
authorities, many Jerusalemites are forced to demolish their own 
structures and homes by themselves to avoid additional fees and fines if 
the demolition is executed by the Israeli occupying authorities. �

[16] In many cases, a commercial premise belongs to the same owner, but 
consists of, e.g., more than one barracks. This is counted by Al-Haq as 
one commercial premise despite the fact that it comprises several 
barracks, tents, or structures unless the owner or type of commercial 
premise is different. For example, if an animal farm is made up of three 
barracks, but are all owned by the same owner, the surface area of this 
farm is combined and entered into the Al-Haq databank only once. This is 
also the case of storage facilities, which form an integral part of a 
home. These are counted as an inseparable part of the home.�

[17] Areas within the Israeli municipal borders of Jerusalem refer to 
the territory forcibly and illegally annexed to the Israeli Jerusalem 
Municipality. These are not part of Area A, B, or C according to the 
Oslo designation. Since 1967, by a Knesset decision, the occupying Power 
has appropriated and imposed its sovereignty over this area. In 1980, 
unlawful annexation was endorsed by a basic law passed by the Knesset.�

[18] Hagar Shezaf, “Israel Rejects Over 98 Percent of Palestinian 
Building Permit Requests in West Bank's Area C,”� /Haaretz/, 21 
January 2020.�

18 January 2021)

[19] Al-Haq does not provide a full documentation of these violations. 
Hundreds of abuses are documented as a representative sample, giving an 
indicator of the nature of these abuses. �

[20] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I52/2020.�

[21] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I274/2020.�

[22] Al-Haq, Affidavit, I58/2020.

[23] Al-Haq does not provide a full documentation of these violations. 
Hundreds of abuses are documented as a representative sample, giving an 
indicator of the nature of these abuses.�

[24] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P185/2020.

[25] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P37/2020.

[26] Al-Haq, Affidavit, P178/2020.


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