[News] Elon Musk Is Acting Like a Neo-Conquistador for South America’s Lithium

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Mar 11 12:08:45 EDT 2020


https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/03/11/elon-musk-is-acting-like-a-neo-conquistador-for-south-americas-lithium/ 



  Elon Musk Is Acting Like a Neo-Conquistador for South America’s Lithium

by Vijay Prashad – Alejandro Bejarano 
<https://www.counterpunch.org/author/vijaybeja4813/> - March 11, 2020
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Elon Musk, the head of Tesla, wants to build an electric car factory in 
Brazil. He was supposed to meet Jair Bolsonaro, the president of Brazil, 
in Miami in early March, but he was too busy; instead, Musk will go to 
Brazil sometime this year. All eyes 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/brica-da-tesla-no-pais-03-mar-/dlcxs9/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
are on the southern Brazilian state of Santa Catarina, whose Secretary 
of International Affairs Derian Campos is in direct contact with Musk. 
Two automobile manufacturers—BMW and GM—already have factories in Santa 
Catarina. Marcos Pontes (Minister of Science, Technology, Innovation, 
and Communications) held a video conference with Anderson Ricardo 
Pacheco, a senior Tesla official. They were joined by Daniel Freitas, a 
congressman, and Claiton Pacheco Galdino, who is the business 
development director for Criciúma, a city in Santa Catarina. They are 
eager for Tesla to open a Gigafactory—Tesla’s name for a big factory—in 
South America’s largest economy.

It helps that Brazil has considerable lithium deposits—mostly in the 
southeastern states of Minas Gerais and Paraíba and in the northeastern 
states of Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte. The production of lithium is 
limited, largely having been used for ceramics and glass production. The 
Bolsonaro government is interested in increasing the production of 
lithium, including as a key raw material for the lithium-ion batteries 
that power electric cars such as those made by Tesla. But Brazil’s 
lithium will not be sufficient. Tesla would need to import lithium from 
elsewhere.

*The Lithium Triangle*

Over 50 percent of the world’s known lithium deposits are in the 
“Lithium Triangle”—the lithium concentrated brine sources in Argentina, 
Bolivia, and Chile. Bolivia’s high mountain deserts—the Salar de 
Uyuni—have by far the largest known reserves of lithium.

In a bizarre tweet 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/ina-status-1231329703853723651/dlcxsc/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8>, 
the Bolivian entrepreneur Samuel Doria Medina wrote that since Elon Musk 
and Jair Bolsonaro will discuss the Tesla plant in Brazil, they should 
add to this initiative the following: “build a Gigafactory in the Salar 
de Uyuni to supply lithium batteries.” Doria Medina is not just an 
entrepreneur. He is the vice-presidential candidate alongside the 
“interim president” Jeanine Áñez for the May 3, 2020, Bolivian 
presidential elections. Áñez came to power only because of the /coup 
d’état/ against Evo Morales in November 2019. Doria Medina’s welcome mat 
to Tesla should, therefore, be seen as having the full authority of the 
coup government behind it.

Morales’ government had been very cautious with these lithium reserves. 
It had made clear that these precious resources were not to be turned 
over to transnational corporations in deals favorable to the firms; what 
gains come from lithium, Morales had pointed out 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/m-question-looms-large-bolivia/dlcxsf/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8>, 
must be properly shared with the Bolivian people. The point that 
Morales’ government made is that any deal must be done with 
Comibol—Bolivia’s national mining company—and Yacimientos de Litio 
Bolivianos—Bolivia’s national lithium company. The monetary gains from 
the mining would come into the Bolivian exchequer and then fund the 
social programs so necessary for the country. This sensible socialist 
policy was too much for three major transnational firms—Eramet (France), 
FMC (United States), and Posco (South Korea)—all three of whom turned 
tail and went to Argentina.

*The Lithium Coup*

It was Morales’ socialist policy toward Bolivia’s resources that doomed 
his government. The oligarchy, which was angry with Morales’ government 
and its socialism, used every mechanism to undermine the election of 
2019. Forest fires in the northern and eastern regions of Bolivia 
provided the oligarchy’s media with the weaponry to suggest that Morales 
had abandoned his commitment to the environment and to /Pachamama 
/(Mother Earth), and that he was now working to benefit the cattle 
ranchers; it is important to point that this is not only ridiculous, but 
that as soon as the coup government of Áñez came into office, it passed 
legislation that allowed the ranchers to extend their lands into 
forested areas.

Morales’ opponent—Carlos Mesa—and other senior leaders of the 
oligarchy’s political parties openly said long before the election that 
Morales could only win by fraud. A self-proclaimed Council for the 
Defense of Democracy said that Morales was an illegitimate candidate 
because he had lost the 2016 constitutional referendum. The media—backed 
by these corporate and neofascist interests—banged the drum of fraud, 
while Carlos Mesa—on the night of the election—said that there was 
“monumental fraud” in the election. These provocations from Mesa, the 
neofascists, and the corporate elites resulted in street violence; in 
the midst of this, the police—sections of whom were angry with Morales 
for cracking down on police corruption—mutinied. The 36 Bolivians who 
died in the immediate post-election aftermath are victims of Mesa’s 
incendiary language. The Organization of American States (OAS), egged on 
by the U.S. government, came up with a “preliminary report” of fraud in 
the election; the hard conclusions in the report were not substantiated 
by the data in it. The OAS report played an important role in 
legitimizing the coup against Morales.

It is important to point out that there was no controversy about 
Morales’ election in 2014; in that election, Morales won 61 percent of 
the votes to defeat the entrepreneur Samuel Doria Medina, who won 24 
percent (Doria Medina is the same person who is now running for vice 
president and welcomes Tesla to Bolivia’s lithium). Morales’ term, from 
the 2014 election, had not yet expired in November 2019; the removal of 
Morales then violated the mandate of 2014, a point that has received 
almost no discussion either inside Bolivia or abroad.

John Curiel and Jack Williams of the Election Data and Science Lab of 
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) went over the Bolivian 
election data and found no fraud: “There is not any statistical evidence 
of fraud that we can find,” they wrote 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/found-no-reason-suspect-fraud-/dlcxsh/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
conclusively in the Washington Post. Curiel and Williams contacted the 
OAS, but they note, “We and other scholars within the field reached out 
to the OAS for comment; the OAS did not respond.” By their assessment, 
Morales won the election in November 2019 and should have been 
inaugurated this year to a new term.

Terrible pressure by the coup government against the party of Morales 
(the Movement for Socialism, or MAS)—as well as the presence of USAID 
monitors and a U.S.-backed head of the election commission, Salvador 
Romero—suggests 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/-the-midst-of-an-ongoing-coup-/dlcxsk/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
that this election on May 3 is not going to be at all fair; it will 
likely favor the coup government, including the entrepreneur who wants 
to turn over Bolivia’s lithium to Elon Musk’s Tesla and Jair Bolsonaro’s 
Brazil.

*A World of Lithium*

In 2019, the benchmark Bloomberg New Energy Finance’s “Energy Storage 
Outlook 2019” report 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/new-energy-outlook-/dlcxsm/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
anticipated that by 2030, the price of the lithium-ion battery would 
drop dramatically, and that—as a consequence—renewable energy (solar and 
wind) plus storage of energy in batteries will expand exponentially. By 
2040, there is an expectation 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/ttery-costs-halve-next-decade-/dlcxsp/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
that wind and solar will produce 40 percent of world energy consumption, 
rather than the 7 percent it now produces. For this, demand for energy 
storage will increase. “The total demand for batteries from the 
stationary storage and electric transport sectors is forecast to be 
4,584GWh (Gigawatt hours) by 2040,” write 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/ttery-costs-halve-next-decade-/dlcxsp/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> 
the Bloomberg analysts, “providing a major opportunity for battery 
makers and miners of component metals such as lithium, cobalt and 
nickel.” The current use is merely 9GW/17GWh.

The key point to emphasize here is that this will provide “a major 
opportunity” for “miners of component metals such as lithium, cobalt and 
nickel.” When Bloomberg’s analysts use a word like “miners,” they do not 
mean the Bolivian miners or the Congolese miners, but the transnational 
firms, such as Tesla and its chief, Elon Musk. As far as Bloomberg and 
Áñez are concerned, South America is no longer to follow the resource 
nationalist project of Evo Morales; this is Elon Musk’s South America, a 
place for the neo-conquistadors to make money and leave behind them 
social carnage.

*Vijay Prashad* is an Indian historian, editor and journalist. He is a 
writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/globetrotter-/dlcxsr/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8>, 
a project of the Independent Media Institute. He is the chief editor of 
LeftWord Books 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/y976jlvu/dlcxst/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> and 
the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He has 
written more than twenty books, including /The Darker Nations: A 
People’s History of the Third World/ 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/1595583424--tag-alternorg08-20/dlcxsw/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> (The 
New Press, 2007), /The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global 
South/ 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/1781681589--tag-alternorg08-20/dlcxsy/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> (Verso, 
2013), /The Death of the Nation and the Future of the Arab Revolution/ 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/0520293266--tag-alternorg08-20/dlcxt1/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> (University 
of California Press, 2016) and /Red Star Over the Third World/ 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/B0799NP7DD--tag-alternorg08-20/dlcxt3/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8> (LeftWord, 
2017). He writes regularly for Frontline, the Hindu, Newsclick, AlterNet 
and BirGün.

*Alejandro Bejarano* is a Bolivian musician, documentarian, and social 
media manager. In 2016, he received the Medal of Honor for Cultural 
Merit of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly of Bolivia.

/This article was produced by Globetrotter 
<https://go.ind.media/e/546932/globetrotter-/dlcxsr/571991948?h=nXsURcNoUmBGXufRPejzm9bDLPYh3pTdgi2GDw2NLu8>, 
a project of the Independent Media Institute./

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