[News] The Plot to Kill Venezuela
Anti-Imperialist News
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Wed May 15 11:15:13 EDT 2019
https://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/14488
The Plot to Kill Venezuela
By Vijay Prashad - May 14, 2019
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Hugo Chávez knew that Venezuela was very vulnerable. Its oil revenues
account for 98 percent of its export earnings. Chávez was familiar with
the thinking of Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonzo, Venezuela’s minister of mines
and hydrocarbons in the early 1960s and one of the architects of OPEC
(Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries). In 1976, Pérez
Alfonzo wrote, “Ten years from now, twenty years from now, you will see,
oil will bring us ruin.” He called Venezuela’s oil the “devil’s
excrement.” If oil prices remained high, as they were when Chávez came
to power in 1999, then oil revenue could be used to finance a project
for the landless workers. If oil prices collapsed, then the
country—laden with debt—would face severe challenges.
Venezuela’s economy had not been diversified by the oligarchy that ruled
the country before Chávez took office. By 1929, it had become apparent
to the oligarchy that the flood of oil revenues had damaged the
agricultural sector—which shrank in the decades to come. There was
neither an attempt to enhance agricultural production (and make
Venezuela food sovereign) nor was there any attempt to use oil profits
for a wider industrialization program. Occasionally, presidents—such as
Carlos Andrés Pérez in the 1970s—would pledge to use the influx of oil
revenues to diversify the economy, but when oil prices would fall—as
they did periodically—Venezuela went into punishing debt.
It would have taken Chávez a generation to pivot the economy away from
its reliance upon oil revenues. But Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution
simply did not have the time. In the 2000s, when oil prices remained
high, the revenues were used to enhance the social lives of the landless
workers, most of whom suffered high rates of malnutrition and
illiteracy. Gripped by the need to deal with the social blight amongst
the landless workers, Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution simply did
not have the capacity to tackle reliance upon imports of food and of
most consumer goods.
In 2009, a U.S. State Department cable
<https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09CARACAS564_a.html> from Caracas
noted that the decline in oil prices had placed the Venezuelan
government in great peril. The government’s oil company—PDVSA—had
provided the revenues to fund the social missions, the programs to lift
the low standard of social life for the landless workers. “Unless oil
prices rise significantly,” wrote John Caulfield from Caracas, “we are
increasingly certain that the game will be up, from an economic
standpoint, by early to mid 2010, as no one will be willing to continue
to finance PDVSA and a vicious cycle will be inevitable.” The June 2008
price was $163.52; by January 2009, it had collapsed to $50.43.
Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution was in peril.
Sanctions
The United States government and the Venezuelan oligarchy first tried to
overthrow the Bolivarian Revolution in 2002. Great hope in Chávez
prevented a discredited oligarchy from victory. Oil revenues then
allowed Chávez to build up pillars of support for the revolution. But
the depletion of the oil prices from 2009 threatened the Bolivarian
process. Chávez died in 2013. The combination of low oil prices and the
death of Chávez changed the political calculations.
Egged on by the United States, opposition leaders Leopoldo López and
María Corina Machado called for demonstrations against the newly elected
president Nicolás Maduro in 2014. It was clear that the protests were
intended as a provocation, drawing a crackdown from the government
forces, which allowed U.S. President Barack Obama to sign the Venezuela
Defense of Human Rights and Civil Society Act of 2014. This act allowed
Obama to sanction individuals in the Venezuelan government. It was
extended in 2016 and will expire—unless extended again—at the end of
2019. The sanctions policy was to be the new lever to pressure a
vulnerable Venezuela.
In March 2015, Obama declared Venezuela a “threat” to U.S. “national
security,” an extreme step, and sanctioned a handful of Venezuelan
government officials. The administration of Donald Trump only sharpened
and deepened the policy. Obama sanctioned seven individuals, while Trump
has—thus far—sanctioned 75 individuals. Obama forged the spear; Trump
has thrown it at the heart of Venezuela.
Sanctioned Economy
These early sanctions went after individuals, offering an inconvenience
for some Venezuelan politicians and for sections of the state. The U.S.
government would soon move the sanctions from individual inconvenience
to social collapse. Trump’s policy, from 2017, was to hit Venezuela’s
petroleum industry very hard. The U.S. government prevented Venezuelan
government bonds from trading in U.S. financial markets, and then it
prevented the state’s energy company—PDVSA—from receiving payments for
its export of petroleum products. The U.S. Treasury Department froze $7
billion in PDVSA assets, and it did not allow U.S. firms to export
naphtha into Venezuela (a crucial input for the extraction of heavy
crude oil).
The country relied on oil revenues to import food and medicines. The
theft of the $7 billion in PDVSA assets, the seizure of the $1.2 billion
in Venezuelan gold in the Bank of England, the transfer of ownership of
the PDVSA subsidiary CITGO in the United States to the opposition and
the pressure on oil exports squeezed Venezuela very hard. U.S. National
Security Adviser John Bolton estimated that the United States (and
Canadian) sanctions had cost Venezuela about $11 billion.
When the United States began to put pressure on transportation firms to
stop carrying Venezuelan oil, the schemes to export oil to the Caribbean
(PetroCaribe) suffered
<https://www.commondreams.org/views/2019/02/19/how-us-strangling-haiti-it-attempts-regime-change-venezuela>,
as did the fraternal delivery of oil to Cuba. This policy inflamed the
situation in Haiti—which is in a long-term political crisis—and it has
deepened the crisis in Cuba—which has now had to enforce rationing
<https://www.salon.com/2019/01/04/the-cuban-revolution-60-years-on_partner/>.
The countries in the Caribbean, which relied upon Venezuelan oil, are
now suffering deeply.
Impact of the Sanctions
Economists Mark Weisbrot and Jeffrey Sachs calculate that the U.S.
sanctions have resulted in the death of 40,000 Venezuelan civilians
between 2017 and 2018. In their report
<https://tinyurl.com/y5qge3hw>—“Economic Sanctions as Collective
Punishment: The Case of Venezuela” (April 2019)—they point out that this
death toll is merely the start of what is to come. An additional 300,000
Venezuelans are at risk “because of lack of access to medicines or
treatment,” including 80,000 “with HIV who have not had antiretroviral
treatment since 2017.” There are 4 million people with diabetes and
hypertension, most of whom cannot access insulin or cardiovascular
medicine. “These numbers,” they write, “by themselves virtually
guarantee that the current sanctions, which are much more severe than
those implemented before this year, are a death sentence for tens of
thousands of Venezuelans.” If oil revenues drop by 67 percent in 2019—as
has been projected—the death of tens of thousands of Venezuelans is
guaranteed.
Venezuela has imported food goods worth only $2.46 billion in 2018
compared to $11.2 billion in 2013. If food imports remain low and
Venezuela is unable to hastily grow enough food, then—as Weisbrot and
Sachs argue—the situation will contribute to “malnutrition and stunting
in children.”
In 2018, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights—Michelle
Bachelet—made the case that the cause of the deterioration of well-being
in Venezuela predates the sanctions (a report
<https://www.hrw.org/report/2019/04/04/venezuelas-humanitarian-emergency/large-scale-un-response-needed-address-health> from
Human Rights Watch and Johns Hopkins University underlined this point).
It is certainly true that the fall of oil prices had a marked impact on
Venezuela’s external revenues and the reliance upon food imports—a
century-old problem—had marked the country before Trump’s very harsh
sanctions.
But, the next year, Bachelet told
<https://reliefweb.int/report/venezuela-bolivarian-republic/oral-update-situation-human-rights-bolivarian-republic> the
UN Security Council that “although this pervasive and devastating
economic and social crisis began before the imposition of the first
economic sanctions in 2017, I am concerned that the recent sanctions on
financial transfers related to the sale of Venezuelan oil within the
United States may contribute to aggravating the economic crisis, with
possible repercussions on people’s basic rights and wellbeing.” A debate
over whether it is mismanagement and corruption by the Maduro government
or the sanctions that are the author of the crisis is largely
irrelevant. The point is that a combination of the reliance on oil
revenues and the sanctions policy has crushed the policy space for any
stability in the country.
Illegal Sanctions
Weisbrot and Sachs say that these sanctions “would fit the definition of
collective punishment,” as laid out in the Hague Convention (1899) and
in the Fourth Geneva Convention (1949). The United States is a signatory
of both of these frameworks. “Collective penalties,” says the Fourth
Geneva Convention, “are prohibited.” Tens of thousands of Venezuelans
are dead. Tens of thousands more are under threat of death. Yet, no one
has stood up against the grave breach of the convention in terms of
collective punishment. There is not a whiff of interest in the UN
Secretary General’s office to open a tribunal on the accusations of
collective punishment against Venezuela. Allegations of this seriousness
are brushed under the rug.
/The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff./
--
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