[News] How the Global North’s Left Media Helped Pave the Way for Bolivia’s Right-Wing Coup

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Dec 11 12:36:48 EST 2019


https://fair.org/home/how-the-global-norths-left-media-helped-pave-the-way-for-bolivias-right-wing-coup/ 



  How the Global North’s Left Media Helped Pave the Way for Bolivia’s
  Right-Wing Coup

*by Lucas Koerner - December 10, 2019
*

In our brave new age of hybrid warfare 
<https://globalsecurityreview.com/hybrid-and-non-linear-warfare-systematically-erases-the-divide-between-war-peace/>, 
corporate media play the role of ideological heavy artillery within the 
arsenal of Western imperialist powers. Day in and day out, “reputable” 
establishment outlets bombard progressive and/or anti-imperialist 
governments in the Global South with endless salvos of smears and 
libelous misrepresentations (e.g., *FAIR.org*, 5/23/18 
<https://fair.org/home/media-delegitimize-venezuelan-elections-amid-complete-unanimity-of-outlook/>, 
8/23/18 
<https://fair.org/home/distorting-past-and-present-reuters-on-nicaraguas-armed-uprising/>, 
4/11/19 
<https://fair.org/home/dictator-media-code-for-government-we-dont-like/>, 
7/25/19 
<https://fair.org/home/vox-cia-iran-saudi-arabia-middle-east-cold-war/>).

The cumulative effect is to delegitimize any government that does not 
abide by Western dictates, justifying coups, murderous economic 
sanctions, proxy wars and even full-scale invasions. The recent 
US-sponsored coup d’etat in Bolivia is an instructive case study. In the 
leadup to Evo Morales’ military ouster, Western media routinely impugned 
the indigenous president’s democratic credentials, despite his having 
won re-election by a sizeable margin (*FAIR.org*,11/5/19 
<https://fair.org/home/media-conceal-chiles-state-criminality-delegitimize-bolivian-democracy/>).

But corporate outlets have not been alone in attacking Morales. 
Progressive and alternative media in the Global North have long 
portrayed Bolivia’s deposed Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) government 
as repressive, pro-capitalist and anti-environment—all in the name of 
“left” critique. Regardless of the stated intention, the net result was 
to weaken already anemic opposition within Western imperial states to 
the destruction they inflict abroad.


      *Equivocating around the coup*

In the wake of the November 10 coup, corporate journalists predictably 
played their part in gaslighting the public, presenting the fascist 
putsch as a “democratic transition” (*FAIR.org*, 11/11/19 
<https://fair.org/home/the-bolivian-coup-is-not-a-coup-because-us-wanted-it-to-happen/>, 
11/15/19 
<https://fair.org/home/western-media-whitewash-bolivias-far-right-coup/>).

Truly astonishing, however, was the response of Western progressive 
media, whom one might have expected to unequivocally denounce the coup 
and demand the immediate reinstatement of Evo Morales.

A dismaying number did not.

In the immediate aftermath of Morales’s ouster, *Towards Freedom 
*(11/11/19 <https://towardfreedom.org/story/kristallnacht-in-bolivia/>, 
11/15/19 
<https://towardfreedom.org/blog-blog/silvia-rivera-cusicanqui-bolivias-lesson-in-triumphalism/>, 
11/16/19 
<https://towardfreedom.org/story/bolivia-evos-fall-the-fascist-right-and-the-power-of-memory/>) 
published the perspectives of several Bolivian and Latin American 
intellectuals playing down the reality of a coup d’etat and drawing 
false equivalences between the Morales government and the fascist right. 
Other articles posted in days prior accused the government of fraud, 
justifying the coup to come (*Towards Freedom*, 11/8/19 
<https://towardfreedom.org/story/upheaval-in-bolivia-lurches-towards-disaster/>, 
11/10/19 
<https://towardfreedom.org/story/bolivia-new-elections-are-not-enough/>). 
The Vermont-based outlet, with historic ties 
<https://towardfreedom.org/story/archives/special-reports-archives/waging-peace-in-the-cold-war-toward-freedom-and-the-non-aligned-movement/> 
to the Non-Aligned Movement, declined to publish any alternative 
Bolivian points of view unambiguously opposing the coup.

Other progressive outlets correctly identified Morales’ overthrow as a 
coup, but felt compelled to question the indigenous leader’s democratic 
legitimacy for the sake of “nuance.”

While condemning the coup and rightly dismissing the baseless electoral 
fraud allegations, the editorial board of *NACLA Report on the Americas* 
(11/13/19 
<https://nacla.org/news/2019/11/13/nacla-statement-coup-bolivia-solidarity-bolivians-resisting-military-intervention>) 
nevertheless refrained from voicing solidarity with Morales and the MAS 
party. Instead, the publication took MAS to task for the “slow erosion 
of progressive aspirations” and its failure to transform the 
“patriarchal and prebendal political system.” Even *NACLA*’s 
denunciation of the coup was at best lukewarm, citing “MAS’s own role 
and a history of political miscalculations,” before noting that “the 
unfolding pattern of rightist revanchism, the role of oligarchic forces 
and external actors, and the final arbitrating role played by the 
military, suggests that we are witnessing a coup.”

A subsequent article published by *NACLA* (10/15/19 
<https://nacla.org/news/2019/11/15/Bolivia-Morales-Camacho>) preferred 
to debate whether Morales’ military ouster constituted a coup, failing 
to note the baseless character of the OAS’s fraud allegations and 
attributing the fascist right’s “racialized violence” to “polarization.” 
The authors, Linda Farthing and Olivia Arigho-Stiles, actually made the 
outlandish claim that assessing if Morales’ ouster was bad for democracy 
was “complicated.”

Meanwhile, a *Verso Blog *interview (11/15/19 
<https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4493-the-eighteenth-brumaire-of-macho-camacho-jeffery-r-webber-with-forrest-hylton-on-the-coup-in-bolivia>) 
with Forrest Hylton and Jeffrey Webber made no call for Morales’ 
democratic mandate to be respected, instead urging international 
leftists to “insist on the right of Bolivians to self-determination” 
without “refrain[ing] from criticism of Morales.”

Far from outliers, these editorial positions are very much par for the 
course in progressive media coverage of Bolivia over the past months and 
years.


      *The making of an ecocidal murderer *

In the leadup to the October 20 election, many outlets drew or otherwise 
insinuated false equivalences between Morales and Brazilian ultra-right 
President Jair Bolsonaro in response to the tropical forest fires in 
both nations.

Despite rejecting such an equivalence, *NACLA* (8/30/19 
<https://nacla.org/news/2019/08/30/understanding-fires-south-america-amazon>) 
nonetheless blamed the policies of both “extractivist governments” for 
“stoking destruction in the Amazon and beyond,” while casting Global 
North countries as having a responsibility to exert effective “pressure” 
in lieu of paying their historically accrued climate debt.

Others were less subtle. Writing for UK-based *Novara Media *(8/26/19 
<https://novaramedia.com/2019/08/26/its-not-just-brazils-forests-that-are-burning-bolivia-is-on-fire-too/>), 
Claire Wordley explicitly compared the Morales government to Bolsonaro 
in Brazil, calling MAS policies “every bit as extractivist and damaging 
as those of the capitalists Morales claims to hate.” More damning, she 
cites Jhanisse Vaca-Daza, a Western-backed regime change operative 
<https://thegrayzone.com/2019/08/29/western-regime-change-operatives-launch-campaign-to-blame-bolivias-evo-morales-for-the-amazon-fires/>, 
to disparage the Morales government’s handling of the fires.

/Manuela Picq (*Truthout*, 9/26/19 
<https://truthout.org/articles/bolivian-president-evo-morales-ecocide-is-a-genocide/>) 
charges Evo Morales with “genocide.”/

A piece in*Truthout *(9/26/19 
<https://truthout.org/articles/bolivian-president-evo-morales-ecocide-is-a-genocide/>) 
took hyperbolic slander to new heights, likening Morales to Bolsonaro 
and accusing the Bolivian leader of “genocide.” “Evo Morales played 
green for a long-time, but his government is deeply colonial…like 
Bolsonaro in Brazil,” Manuela Picq wrote, going on to cite unnamed 
“Bolivians” who brand the indigenous president a “murderer of nature.” 
Picq offered no analysis concerning how Western leftists’ failure to 
shift imperialist political-economic relations has contributed to Global 
South countries’ ongoing dependence on extractive industries.

The “extractivist” critiques of Morales are hardly new, going back to 
his government’s controversial 2011 plan to build a highway through the 
Isiboro Secure Indigenous Territory and National Park (TIPNIS). As 
Federico Fuentes pointed out in *Green Left Weekly *(republished in 
*NACLA*, 5/21/14 
<https://nacla.org/news/2014/5/21/south-america-how-%E2%80%98anti-extractivism%E2%80%99-misses-forest-trees>), 
the dominant extractivism/anti-extractivism frame of the conflict served 
to obscure the political and economic dimensions of imperialism.

While the highway did indeed engender important endogenous 
opposition—which was largely centered on the route, rather than the 
project per se—the main organization behind the protests, the 
Confederación de Pueblos Indígenas de Bolivia, was being financed by 
Washington and backed by the right-wing Santa Cruz oligarchy 
<http://isj.org.uk/the-morales-government-neoliberalism-in-disguise/>.

Although the USAID’s funding of the Confederación is publicly notorious, 
many progressive outlets prefer to omit it from their reporting 
(*NACLA*, 8/1/13 
<https://nacla.org/article/contested-development-geopolitics-bolivia%E2%80%99s-tipnis-conflict>, 
8/21/17 
<https://nacla.org/blog/2017/08/22/why-evo-morales-reviving-bolivia%E2%80%99s-controversial-tipnis-road>, 
11/20/19 <https://nacla.org/news/2019/11/19/bolivia-morales-coup>; 
*ROAR*, 11/3/14 
<https://roarmag.org/essays/bolivia-authoritarianism-mas-elections/>, 
3/11/14 
<https://roarmag.org/essays/bolivia-morales-cocaleros-repression/>; *In 
These Times*, 11/16/12 
<http://inthesetimes.com/uprising/entry/14202/indigenous_movements_clash_with_latin_americas_left_turn/>; 
*Viewpoint Magazine*, 11/18/19 
<https://www.viewpointmag.com/2019/11/18/origins-of-the-crisis-on-the-coup-in-bolivia/>). 
When foreign interference is mentioned, it is generally presented as an 
unsubstantiated allegation from the Morales government.

In a particularly revealing case, *ROAR* (11/3/14 
<https://roarmag.org/essays/bolivia-authoritarianism-mas-elections/>) 
detailed, among its laundry list of “authoritarian” MAS abuses, 
“obstructing the free functioning of…several NGOs that have sided with 
the TIPNIS protests,” but avoided any mention of foreign and local 
right-wing ties to those same NGOs.

This whitewashing of imperialist structure and agency ultimately allows 
Morales to be vulgarly caricatured as a two-faced “strongman” who “gives 
to the poor but takes from the environment” (*In These Times*, 8/27/15 
<http://inthesetimes.com/article/17850/bolivias-president-the-two-faces-of-evo>).


      *Passive solidarity?*

The “extractivist” critique circulated by many progressive outlets 
foregrounds a more generalized reproach of the MAS for failing to live 
up to its socialist discourse.

/*Jacobin* (10/29/15 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/10/morales-bolivia-chavez-castro-mas/>) 
saw in Morales’ administration “disquieting new forms of class rule and 
domination.”/

Writing in *Jacobin *(1/12/14 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/01/managing-bolivian-capitalism/>; also 
see 10/29/15 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/10/morales-bolivia-chavez-castro-mas/>), 
Jeffrey Webber accused the MAS of running a “compensatory state,” whose 
legitimacy “conferred by relatively petty handouts runs on the blood of 
extraction.” Under this top-down “passive revolution,” the “repressive” 
state “co-opts and coerces…opposition…and builds an accompanying 
ideological apparatus to defend multinationals.”

Webber’s long-running argument that the legacy of Bolivia’s MAS 
government is “reconstituted neoliberalism 
<https://isreview.org/issue/73/rebellion-reform>” has been challenged by 
critics, who point 
<https://isreview.org/issue/76/government-social-movements-and-revolution-bolivia-today> 
to the shifting terrain of class forces under Morales.

Bracketing the empirical veracity of Webber’s claims, it is striking 
that he dedicates virtually no space to exploring the role Western 
imperial states play in reproducing Bolivia’s extractive model and 
constraining possibilities for its transcendence.

Rather, the focus is always on MAS’s allegedly insidious agency “on 
behalf of capital,” and scarcely ever on Western leftists’ own 
anti-imperialist impotence, which never appears as an independent 
variable in explaining the Global South’s revolutionary failings.

The political effect of such one-sided analysis is to effectively equate 
the “neoliberal” MAS with its right-wing opponents, given that, as 
Webber put it, “Morales has been a better night watchman over private 
property and financial affairs than the right could have hoped for.”

Such lines might come as a surprise to current readers of *Jacobin*, 
which has fiercely opposed the coup (e.g., 11/14/19 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/11/bolivia-coup-evo-morales-jeanine-anes-indigenous-violence>, 
11/18/19 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/11/coup-bolivia-history-evo-morales-jeanine-anez>, 
12/3/19 
<https://jacobinmag.com/2019/12/bolivia-coup-evo-morales-jeanine-anez>), 
whose fascist brutality has thrown to the wind any notion of left/right 
equivalence. But by now, the damage is already done.


      *Anti-imperialist reckoning *

For all the current talk of a leftist resurgence 
<https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/11/seattle-world-trade-organization-protests-socialism> 
in the Global North, it is a paradox that anti-imperialist movements are 
weaker now than they were at the height of the Iraq War 15 years ago.

It is undeniable that the absence of popular opposition to Western 
imperial interventions, from Libya and Syria to Haiti and Honduras, has 
paved the way for the coup in Bolivia and the ongoing onslaught against 
Venezuela.

It is likewise indisputable that Western progressive media coverage of 
the Morales government and its left-leaning counterparts in the region 
has not helped to repair this void of solidarity. This editorial stance 
is particularly troubling, given Morales’ outspoken international 
advocacy against climate change 
<https://www.democracynow.org/2010/4/21/evo_morales_opens_climate_change_conference> 
and forPalestinian liberation 
<https://www.palestinechronicle.com/israel-is-a-terrorist-state-seven-times-bolivia-and-morales-took-a-stance-for-palestine/>.

None of this is to proscribe criticism of Morales and the MAS. Indeed, 
in the context of places like Bolivia and Venezuela, the task of 
left-wing media is to produce critical, grassroots analysis of states 
and popular movements that is anti-imperialist in both content and form. 
That is, the contradictions endemic to the political process (e.g., the 
TIPNIS dispute) must be contextualized within the imperial parameters of 
the capitalist world-system. Moreover, Northern progressive outlets—no 
matter the intensity of their critiques of the state and political 
process—must stake a clear editorial position defending Global South 
governments against Western intervention.

The firm positions taken by Jeremy Corbyn 
<https://twitter.com/jeremycorbyn/status/1193657983219257344> and Bernie 
Sanders 
<https://www.truthdig.com/articles/bernie-sanders-stance-on-bolivia-matters/> 
against the coup in Bolivia are a hopeful sign on the political front. 
The job of progressive media is to produce truly alternative journalism 
dedicated to effectively resisting empire.

-- 
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 
863.9977 https://freedomarchives.org/
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://freedomarchives.org/pipermail/news_freedomarchives.org/attachments/20191211/b4cb523f/attachment.htm>


More information about the News mailing list