[News] How white women’s "investment" in slavery has shaped America today

[Anti-Imperialist News]

https://www.vox.com/2019/8/19/20807633/slavery-white-women-stephanie-jones-rogers-1619?fbclid=IwAR0qlOEfqKZyqWgBP1s0DnaDM_Q_pHFC4ScuFUZo87C0twfFivUxK2Btgak 



  How white women’s "investment" in slavery has shaped America today

By Anna North <https://www.vox.com/authors/anna-north> - Aug 19, 2019
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In the American South before the Civil War, white women couldn’t vote. 
They couldn’t hold office. When they married, their property technically 
belonged to their husbands.

But, as historian Stephanie Jones-Rogers notes, there was one thing they 
could do, just as white men could: They could buy, sell, and own 
enslaved people.

In her recent book, /They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners 
in the American South/ 
<https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300218664/they-were-her-property>/, 
/Jones-Rogers makes the case that white women were far from passive 
bystanders in the business of slavery, as previous historians argued. 
Rather, they were active participants, shoring up their own economic 
power through ownership of the enslaved.

In the past, historians had often based their conclusions about white 
women’s role in slavery on the writings of a small subset of white 
Southern women. But Jones-Rogers, an associate professor of history at 
the University of California Berkeley, drew on a different source: 
interviews with formerly enslaved people conducted during the Great 
Depression as part of the Federal Writers’ Project, an arm of the Works 
Progress Administration. These interviews, Jones-Rogers writes, show 
that white girls were trained in slave ownership, discipline, and 
mastery sometimes from birth, even being given enslaved people as gifts 
when they were as young as nine months old.

The result was a deep investment by white women in slavery, and its 
echoes continue to be felt today. As the New York Times 
<https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/1619-america-slavery.html> 
and others commemorate the date, 400 years ago, when enslaved Africans 
arrived in Virginia 
<https://www.vox.com/identities/2019/8/16/20806069/slavery-economy-capitalism-violence-cotton-edward-baptist>, 
Vox reached out to Jones-Rogers to talk about the history of white, 
slaveholding women in the South and what that history says about race, 
gender, wealth, and power in America in 2019. Our conversation has been 
condensed and edited.


        Anna North

Can you talk a little about how this book came about?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

When I was in graduate school, I was taking all these different courses 
and reading all these books on African American history but also on 
women’s and gender history. I was particularly interested in what these 
two subfields of history had to say about white women’s economic 
investments in the institution of slavery. What struck me is that they 
seemed to be in direct contradiction to each other, in many respects.

Those historians who explored the experiences of white Southern women 
would often argue that while women had access to enslaved people that 
male kin or their spouses may have owned, they were not directly 
involved in the buying and selling of enslaved people — particularly 
married women weren’t.

Conversely, those individuals who explored the enslaving of African 
Americans would often, in fact, say that a formerly enslaved person 
talked about having a female owner or talked about being bought or sold 
by a woman. And so I asked myself, what’s the real story here?

Were white women — particularly married white women — economically 
invested in the institution of slavery? Meaning, did they buy and sell 
enslaved people?

I looked to traditional sources where we might think to find those 
answers: a white woman’s diary, a white woman’s letters and 
correspondence between family members, et cetera. They mentioned very 
sporadically issues related to answering this question, but there was 
not this kind of sustained conversation. So, I said, African Americans 
are talking about this. Formerly enslaved people are talking about this. 
So, let me look to the interviews that they granted to these Federal 
Writers in the 1930s and 1940s. And so when I look to those interviews, 
formerly enslaved people were talking about white women’s economic 
investments in a variety of ways consistently, constantly, routinely.


        Anna North

The historians you mention who didn’t see white women as economically 
invested in slavery — what sources were they drawing on and why is there 
such a disconnect between those sources and the interviews with formerly 
enslaved people that did really delve into these economic questions?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

I tried to focus primarily on married slave-owned women in this book, in 
large part because those are the women who many historians of 
slaveowners say did not have a direct impact on the economic institution 
of slavery. And they say that, in large part, because of this legal 
doctrine called coverture. Essentially, this doctrine says that when a 
woman who owns property or earns wages, or has any assets, gets married, 
those assets, those wages, that wealth, immediately becomes her 
husband’s — their identities are subsumed into one.

Many historians have looked into this legal doctrine of coverture and 
seen it as all-encompassing. [But] scholars who have made this argument 
have essentially not examined the voluminous evidence that appeared in 
the testimonies of formerly enslaved people.

They also looked to a very small subset of women: highly literate, very 
elite white women who had the time to sit down and jot down their 
thoughts about the day. And so they’re missing the vast majority of 
those women who owned slaves.

The vast majority of women who owned slaves owned less than 20. And 
often, the women that I talk about in the book owned one or two, no more 
than five. So these are the women that were probably not literate, and 
if they were literate, they didn’t have enough time to sit down and 
write down what was going on in their day. The vast majority of the 
women who owned slaves are missing from the analyses, in large part 
because they did not leave documents behind to tell us how they felt 
about these things, to tell us how they were investing in the institution.

Formerly enslaved people’s testimonies about these women are, in many 
respects, the only surviving record to document exactly that.


        Anna North

So in looking at those testimonies, what did you find in terms of the 
roles that white women and girls had in slavery, and the way that they 
formed their identities through their involvement in slavery?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

What I thought was really interesting as I read much of the scholarship 
on white slave-owning women is that so much of it starts when women are 
adults. One really wonderful thing about the interviews of formerly 
enslaved people is they talk about white girls. They talk about white 
infants, female infants, and female adolescents.

So we are allowed into several phases of white female life through these 
interviews that have heretofore been obscured or kind of left out of the 
picture. I decided, in order for the second half of this story, the 
story of women, to make sense, I have to start the story at the very 
beginning, in the early years.

So I start the book by talking about how white slave-holding parents 
trained their daughters how to be slaveowners. They give them lessons in 
slave discipline and slave management. Some even allow for their 
daughters to mete out physical punishments.

Slave-holding parents and slave-holding family members gave girls 
enslaved people as gifts — for Christmas sometimes, when they turned 16 
or when they turned 21.

There are even accounts of slave-holding parents and family members 
giving white female infants enslaved people as their own. There is one 
particular instance of a case, in a court record, where a woman talks 
about how her grandfather gave her an enslaved person as her own when 
she was 9 months old.

When you think about the fact that their relationship to slavery, to 
slave ownership in particular, begins in infancy, in girlhood, what you 
begin to realize is that their very identities as white girls, as white 
Southerners, as white women, is intricately tied to not only ownership 
of enslaved people but also the control of enslaved people, the 
management of enslaved people.

The other really important lesson that their parents, their family 
members, and even their girlfriends, cousins, female cousins, and so 
forth are also teaching them along the way is that the way the law is 
set up, you have this property. And when you get married, it will, if we 
don’t do anything about it, become your husband’s. And, if he is a 
loser, you’re going to lose. So, they essentially say, we have to make 
sure that does not happen.

So before these young women get married, their parents and sometimes 
female kin and friends will encourage them to develop legal instruments, 
protective measures to ensure that they don’t lose all of their property 
to their husbands. These legal instruments that they develop are very 
much like prenuptial agreements today. They’re called marriage 
settlements back then, or marital contracts, which essentially detail 
not only what property they’re bringing into the marriage but what kind 
of control their husbands can or cannot have over it.

These women are not stupid. They’re like, I’m about to get married, the 
law says that everything I have is going to be my husband’s. I don’t 
want that to happen. What can I do to prevent that from happening?

They are prepared, they are knowledgeable, and they work with parents 
and others who are willing to assist them to develop protective measures 
to ensure that the relinquishment of all of their property wealth and 
assets doesn’t happen once they get married.


        Anna North

Going along with that, can you talk about the ways in which slavery 
benefited white women and girls, both economically and socially?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

Women cannot do many of the things that men can do in this period of 
time. One thing that they are allowed to do by law, and this is 
particularly the case in the South, is invest in slavery.

And that’s exactly what they do. Not only do they inherit enslaved 
people, but they also go into slave markets. They buy enslaved people. 
They’ll hire them out and they’ll collect their wages. Then they use 
those wages to buy more slaves.

They open businesses, and they employ those enslaved people in their 
businesses, those businesses make a profit, they use those profits to 
buy more slaves. So they are investing in the institution of slavery in 
the same ways as white men are.

The other really interesting thing that I observed in the interviews 
with formerly enslaved people is that white women often owned twice as 
many female slaves as they did male slaves. When I would talk about this 
with scholars in the field, some of them would remark, “Oh, that makes 
sense, because if women are in the house, they need more female help.”

I said, “Okay, yes, that would be practical,” but what has also been 
important to recognize is that these women understood the law. There are 
laws on the books, during this period that ensure whenever a person owns 
an enslaved woman, if that woman gave birth, that person also legally 
owned her children.

And so owning an enslaved woman means that you’re not only reaping the 
benefits of this woman’s productive labor but also her reproductive labor.


        Anna North

Was that true of white men, too? Did they have more female than male slaves?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

Much of what I’m describing was also true for white boys and white men. 
[But] during this period of time, there was the development of the 
domestic slave trade, which essentially was the purchase of enslaved 
people in the upper South, in places like Virginia and Maryland, and 
then their transport into the lower South and into the Southwest when 
the country expanded during the 1800s.

In these sales, if an enslaved woman had a child, that child was seen as 
a liability to the slave trader. There are accounts that I talk about in 
the book where these slave traders are willing to just toss away the 
baby. But, there was this [white] woman in one particular case who would 
go to state auctions, and if there were babies there that were not sold 
along with the mother, she would ask for those babies to be given to 
her. She would keep the babies for free.

In those respects, there were instances in which white men saw enslaved 
children as liabilities, and white women saw them as long-term investments.


        Anna North

You talk in the book about how white women were able to achieve economic 
and social empowerment through ownership of enslaved people, essentially 
gaining some status in a patriarchal society through dominance over 
black people. I’m curious if we see echoes of this today when we look at 
white women gaining economic empowerment under capitalism?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

There is a certain kind of power that comes with wealth. Enslaved people 
were wealth, their bodies held value on a real market, within a 
capitalist market. White women understood it.

But in order to sustain this system, white men realize that white women 
must be a part of that system. They must support it, they must see the 
value in it for themselves, not simply for their husbands or their 
children. They need to understand that this system benefits them 
personally and directly. The only way they can do that is to allow for 
them to invest in the system and to participate in the system.

And they are, in fact, invested in this system; they participate in the 
system. They benefit from this system, in every single way that white 
men do. And that is key to the longevity of, the perpetuation of the 
system. I think that is the same for capitalism — when you tell a woman, 
“You might not make as much as a man for doing the same work, but if you 
can get your hands on these funds, nobody can deny you.”

Slavery was a regime based on human bondage, [but] it was also an 
economic regime, one that was funding the national economy. When those 
white women are invested, it’s not very different from them being 
invested in capitalism today. It’s just a different commodity. It’s just 
a different source of wealth.


        Anna North

In thinking about the 1619 commemoration 
<https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/1619-america-slavery.html>, 
I was thinking about the part of your book where you look at the way 
white women wrote about slavery after emancipation. In your epilogue, 
you write that they portrayed themselves as “forever sacrificing women 
who had played purely benevolent roles within a nurturing system.” And 
you quote a white woman who wrote that maybe the descendants of enslaved 
people should even consider creating an “anniversary to celebrate ‘the 
landing of their fathers on the shores of America,’ when they were 
bought and domiciled in American homes.”

Can you talk a little bit about how white women remembered their role in 
slavery after the fact and how we actually ought to remember it today?


        Stephanie Jones-Rogers

When I think about that part of the book, I also think about what is 
happening today. The erasure of certain elements of horror and the 
darkness of [white women’s] investment and involvement in the history of 
slavery are very much why we’re shocked to see the way that some white 
women respond to interactions with black people today.

You can also see that in the “send her back” chants — the idea that 
black people have never been citizens and they never belonged. I think 
there are parallels to what this woman said in the early 1900s and what 
white women are saying today about African-descended people, whether 
they be congresswomen or just average black folk on the street.

It’s very much like, you should be grateful because you’re here now and 
stop complaining, because look what we’ve done for you. I think there 
are many parallels between that kind of language now, and the argument 
that she made back in the early 1900s.

-- 
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