[News] “We Woke Up and You Will Pay!” Algeria in Revolt
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Apr 10 12:28:03 EDT 2019
https://www.counterpunch.org/2019/04/10/we-woke-up-and-you-will-pay-algeria-in-revolt/
“We Woke Up and You Will Pay!” Algeria in Revolt
by Hamza Hamouchene <https://www.counterpunch.org/author/nrk7z8j111/> -
April 10, 2019
------------------------------------------------------------------------
What is happening in Algeria is truly historic. The people won the first
battle in their struggle to radically overhaul the system.
Abdelaziz**Bouteflika, president for the past twenty years, was forced
to abdicate after more than six weeks of street protests and a
re-configuration of alliances within the ruling classes.
Since Friday, February 22, millions of people, young and old, men and
women from different social classes have taken to the streets in a
momentous uprising, re-appropriating long-confiscated public space.
Historic Friday marches followed by protests in several sectors
(education, health, petrochemical industry, students, etc) united people
in their rejection of the ruling system and their demands of radical
democratic change.
The two emblematic slogans of this peaceful uprising — “They must all
go!” and “The country is ours and we’ll do what we wish” — symbolize the
radical evolution of this popular movement that was triggered by the
octogenarian president’s announcement to run for a fifth term despite
dealing with serious health issues; Bouteflika has not addressed the
nation for nearly six years.
What makes this movement really unique is its massive scale, peaceful
character and national spread, including the marginalized south. The
movement is also characterized by a significant participation of women
and especially young people, who constitute the majority of the
population. Algeria has not witnessed such a broad, diverse and
widespread movement since 1962, when Algerians went to the streets to
celebrate their hard-won independence from French colonial rule.
The uprising caught many by surprise. In early February, the political
mood was still that of despair and resignation at what the authorities
were preparing to do with the presidential elections scheduled for April
2019. The generally arid political landscape resulted from the
decimation of a genuine political opposition within the country coupled
with the repression and/or co-optation of trade unions and other such
civil society actors.
The popular mass protests starting from late February, however, upturned
this status quo and created huge potential for change and resistance.
When chanting “We woke up and you will pay!” the people are expressing
their newly-discovered political will. The liberatory process is at the
same time a transformative one. We can witness this in the euphoria,
energy, creativity, confidence, wit, humor and joy that this movement
has inspired after decades of social and political suppression.
This revolution is like a breath of fresh air. The people have affirmed
their role as agents of their own destiny. Following Fanon, it
illustrates
<https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/03/13/the-legacy-of-frantz-fanon/>how,
in the midst of the worst disasters, the masses find the means of
reorganizing themselves and continue their existence when they have a
common objective of getting rid of their oppressors and emancipating
themselves.
*DOMESTIC PEACE, INTERNATIONAL ACQUIESCENCE*
This decisive awakening on the part of the people and their growing
political awareness are harbingers of good things to come and of the
stormy days ahead for the profiteering caste and their foreign backers
who have been scandalously enriching themselves. In the midst of
increasing pauperization, unemployment
<https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/north-africa-west-asia/wretched-of-sea-algerian-perspective/>,
paralyzing austerity, the pillaging of resources
<http://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/27927/Algeria,-an-Immense-Bazaar-The-Politics-and-Economic-Consequences-of-Infitah>,
uneven development and corruption
<https://www.counter-balance.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/energy_colonialism_algeria_eng.pdf>,
the rationality of the current revolt and rebellion becomes absolutely
clear.
First of all, it is important to note that this eruption of popular
anger is the result of an accumulation of struggles and acts of
resistance that date back to the ‘80s, the most recent examples being
the anti-shale gas uprising of 2015 and the unemployed movement since
2012 in the Algerian Sahara.
The Algerian uprising should also be analyzed within the context of a
protracted revolutionary process
<https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/algeria-and-arab-spring/>that has
swept across the Arab region in the last decade, starting from Tunisia
and spreading to Egypt and a dozen other countries. Obviously, this
process has been fraught with contradictions and has seen ups and downs,
gains and setbacks, which materialized in a liberal democratic
transition in Tunisia and bloody counter-revolutions and imperialist
interventions in the remaining countries that have witnessed these
uprisings.
Nine years ago, Algeria seemed to be immune to this revolutionary fever
and was viewed as the exception to the rule, despite harboring the same
set of conditions for revolt. At the time, the government suggested that
Algeria already had its “spring” over two decades earlier, referring to
the short-lived democratic transition following weeks of demonstrations
in October 1988 that forced the regime to give way to political
pluralism and an independent press. However, these gains in civil
liberties and the “democratic transition” were aborted by the military
coup and the civil war of the 1990s.
In addition to ongoing forms of repression, collective memories of
hundreds of thousands of deaths and brutal state violence underpinning
the eradication of the Islamist opposition may help explain the failure
of an uprising to take root in Algeria during the 2010-2011 period. The
spectre of the civil war and the fear of bloody violence have been
further exacerbated by the intervention in Libya, the counter-revolution
in Egypt and the carnage and foreign interference in Syria.
Additionally, oil and gas revenues — which prices peaked in the late
2000s — were used to purchase social peace domestically and to secure
international acquiescence. Domestically, the hydrocarbon bonanza was
used to pacify the population and prevent the intensification of popular
anger. Externally, by virtue of being the third largest provider of
natural gas to Europe after Russia and Norway, and given the dwindling
production in the North Sea and the Ukrainian crisis, Algeria hoped it
could leverage this position to play an even more important role in
securing Europe’s energy supplies, and by extension Western collusion
and approval.
These factors do no longer constitute a brake on people’s desire for
meaningful change as popular discontent from below converged with a deep
crisis within the ruling classes leading to the indignation of the
oppressed to burst forth and find its expression in the streets.
*A POLITICAL CRISIS AND INTERNAL POWER STRUGGLES*
Algeria has been undergoing an acute multi-dimensional crisis for some
time now. The country has been experiencing a political crisis for
decades — in particular since the 1992 military coup and the ensuing
brutal civil war. The origins of this crisis date back to the colonial
era, though its most recent manifestations are the direct result of the
politics of a parasitic accumulation and entrenched corruption: a
militaro-oligarchic nexus that denies the Algerian people their right to
self-determination and dispenses with popular legitimacy for the benefit
of domestic and international capital.
This crisis has been exacerbated by several factors, not in the least by
the ailing Bouteflika’s general absence from the political stage. The
crisis has been compounded by intra-elite power struggles, culminating
in the fall of Algeria’s long-term king maker, the Military Intelligence
Agency (DRS) Chief in 2015 and the cocaine scandal of 2018, which led to
the sacking of the head of police, a few generals and other high
functionaries in the Ministry of Defense.
In a context of the failure of the institutionalized opposition and
social movements to articulate and carry out a viable alternative, we
predicted in 2016
<https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03056244.2016.1213714> that
the slump in oil prices may just hammer the final nail in the coffin
of a rentier, non-productive and de-industrialized economy that is
highly dependent on oil and gas exports, the main source of foreign
currency…..With the oil prices plummeting and with foreign currency
reserves (estimated at $179 billion at the end of 2014) deemed to
not last beyond 2016-2017, the 1988 experience could easily be
replicated and the crisis has the potential to escalate into a full
explosion that will threaten the country’s national security and
possibly its territorial integrity.
The recent events come at a time of an acute economic crisis
characterized by crippling austerity measures following the decline of
oil and gas export revenues, coupled with an intensification of
infighting and divisions within the ruling elites after the imposition
of the candidacy of Bouteflika for a fifth term at the helm of the state.
The triad of power consisting of the presidency, military intelligence
(DRS) and the armed forces’ high command showed its first signs of
weakness
<http://jadaliyya.com/Details/32546/De-dramatizing-Algerian-Politics>in
2008 when the DRS started clashing with the two other centers of power.
In 2019 the split was complete, when the decisive entrance of the people
unto the political stage effectively forced the armed forces’ high
command to distance itself from the presidency. The military clearly
intervened to put an end to Bouteflika’s reign in order to safeguard the
regime in place.
Such public displays of rivalry and dispute are symptomatic of the
deep-seated contradictions and instability of the current ruling block
and the crisis of hegemony within it, which has opened up new spaces for
resistance.
This is a significant moment in the popular dynamic that started in
February 2019 as this is only one victory in the long struggle for
radical change that must include the overthrow of Major General Gaid
Salah too; a key loyal figure in Bouteflika’s regime and a supporter of
his fifth term before backtracking under the pressure of the growing
popular movement. The army leadership is definitely not to be trusted,
as was made clear by Major General Salah’s initial threats towards
movement before adopting a more conciliatory tone. The Algerian people
need to be more vigilant and determined than ever in order to halt the
counter-revolutionary forces from hijacking this historic uprising.
Now that Bouteflika resigned, it is absolutely necessary to implement a
truly democratic transition, and the people should not yield to calls
for applying article 102 of the constitution, which would allow the
leader of the upper house to take over and to organize elections in 90
days after the presidency has been declared vacant by the constitutional
council (as the incumbent is too ill to exercise his functions).
Basically, if applied to the letter, this will keep the current system
in place and will not guarantee free and transparent elections. The
people are asking for popular sovereignty which cannot be curtailed by
rigid legalistic and constitutionalist arguments. This is a unique
moment in Algeria’s history to impose a new revolutionary paradigm,
which go beyond legal and constitutional frameworks in order to
radically challenge the status quo and create a fundamental break with
the oppressive system in place.
There are already several proposals to resolve the crisis and to
initiate a kind of a transition that will satisfy peoples’ demands and
give them back their stifled sovereignty. The army command must not
interfere with this process and must stick to its constitutional role of
guaranteeing national security. Algerians did not revolt to replace some
oppressors with others.
For this reason, the balance of forces must be shifted significantly
towards the masses by maintaining the resistance (marches, occupations
of public spaces, general strikes, etc) to force the army command to
yield to people’s demand for system change entailing the removal of the
entire old political guard.
*UNDERLYING ECONOMIC CAUSES*
The economic crisis that lies at the heart of the current revolt, has
been long in the making
<http://jadaliyya.com/Details/27927/Algeria,-an-Immense-Bazaar-The-Politics-and-Economic-Consequences-of-Infitah>.
By the mid 1980s, Algeria’s nationalist development program of the ‘60s
and ‘70s was deemed to be a failure and the attempt to disconnect from
the global capitalist system was halted and replaced by a market
economy. Similar to processes occurring elsewhere in the region, this
new orientation entailed the de-industrialization of the economy, the
dismantlement and privatization of public companies, deregulation and
other forms of neoliberal restructuring. As a result, a military-private
bourgeoisie nexus took the lead in shaping Algeria’s socio-economic
agenda in line with the globally dominant neoliberal doctrine.
In the 1990s, the Algerian experience was not only one of horrific civil
war but also of forced economic liberalizations dictated by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. It was Algeria’s
turn to experiment with the “Shock Doctrine” by introducing painful and
extremely controversial policies. A course that entailed the break-up of
state-owned companies, borrowing from the IMF, the initiation of the
import-import bazaar economy, not to mention the subjugation of the
Algerian people to harsh austerity measures and further surrendering
national sovereignty.
This process of re-linking the national economy to international capital
resulted in the compradorisation of the ruling elites by aligning their
interests and subordinating national ones to those of international
capital. Yet, by the end of the 90s, Algeria’s excesses led to its
diplomatic isolation.
The Bush administration’s declaration of a “global war on terror”
following the 9/11 attacks provided a perfect opportunity for the
Algerian ruling classes to garner renewed Western — and especially
American — backing. In late 2002, president Bouteflika penned a letter,
titled “A Friend in Algeria”, which was published in the Washington
Times. In it, he pledged full intelligence cooperation and energy
security to the United States. In a nutshell, over the two decades
following the 1992 coup d’état, the Algerian regime’s reliance on
external — as opposed to popular — legitimacy and support became the
modus operandi.
We cannot fully appreciate the political situation in Algeria without
scrutinizing foreign influence and interference and apprehending the
economic question from the angle of natural resource grabs and energy
(neo)colonialism
<https://www.counter-balance.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/energy_colonialism_algeria_eng.pdf>.
This includes the enormous concessions made to multinationals and the
pressures coming from outside to execute further liberalization in order
to remove all restrictions to international capital and fully integrate
Algeria into the global economy in a totally subordinate position.
The attempts to finalize a new hydrocarbon law in 2019 that will be
friendlier to multinationals and which offers more incentives (read
concessions) for them to invest epitomize this tendency and opens the
way to destructive projects such as exploitation of shale gas in the
Sahara and offshore resources in the Mediterranean.
*TOWARDS A TRUE DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION?*
If Algeria continues on this path of liberalization and privatization,
we will definitely see more explosions of popular unrest and discontent
as a social consensus cannot be achieved while pauperization,
unemployment and inequality continue. If maintained, the neoliberal
policies will block the democratization process in Algeria and will end
up reinforcing an authoritarian regime with a democratic façade.
The primacy of the socio-economic question has been demonstrated by the
Tunisian experience: a neoliberal “democratic” transition that has not
resolved any of the problems that led to the revolution. It was rather a
dynamic process that crushed
<https://roarmag.org/essays/tunisia-protesting-austerity-demanding-sovereignty/>
the revolutionary spirit of the people.
Democracy means the sovereignty of the people and cannot be reduced to
mere electoralism. Genuine democracy can only be constructed when it is
opposed to imperialism and its local lackeys in the comprador
bourgeoisie, as well as to neoliberal capitalism and its dispossessing
policies. In order to achieve genuine national independence, social
justice and true democracy, we cannot separate the democratic
(anti-authoritarian), social (anti-capitalist) and anti-imperialist
struggles.
The latter dimension has been reasserted by a staunch hostility to any
foreign interferences by the Algerian people. They strongly rejected
French complicity with the ruling factions and disapproved of attempts
by the former Foreign Minister Ramtane Lamamra to internationalize the
conflict through his trips to US, Europe, Russia and China.
Following this, it becomes clear that any transition that will not
address questions of social and economic justice as well as national and
popular sovereignty on natural resources will be vacuous and will sow
the seeds of future revolts and uprisings. We will definitely do better
than continuing to implement more of the disastrous economic policies
that led the people to rise up and revolt in the first place.
After Bouteflika’s abdication a new chapter has begun in the Algerian
uprising; a chapter where organizations and intellectuals who are highly
conscious and armed with revolutionary principles ought to bar the way
to the rule of the military and the comprador oligarchy. Slogans such as
“The army and the people are brothers” cannot be applied to the corrupt
generals that benefited from and upheld Bouteflika’s rule.
The Algerian people — especially the popular masses — need to be wary of
the interventionism of such actors in order to avoid a scenario à la
Sisi in Egypt. There too, Sisi claimed that he intervened on behalf of
the people when he executed a coup against Morsi and we all know what
happened after. It could be tactical to profit from the ongoing internal
power struggle among the ruling elites, but it would be a fatal mistake
to believe that the leadership of the army would be on the side of the
people or their revolution.
At this time, the organic revolutionary intellectuals and opposition
leaders and activists need to assume their historic role of engaging and
thinking with the masses, educating them politically, organizing them
and taking their demands forward. In this respect, autonomous trade
unions, students committees, unemployed people’s organizations can play
an important role mobilizing people and channeling their anger.
Some in Algeria are calling for a three to six months transitional
period. This must be rejected as we need not to rush. Enough time must
be given to the masses to organize themselves locally and for
representatives and leaders to emerge organically in order to fully
participate in the construction of a radical democracy.
Confrontation is at the heart of every revolutionary practice, so
instead of avoiding it, itis better to prepare and keep organizing and
multiplying spaces for debate and reflectionon true democratic
alternatives to the current exploitative and authoritarian status quo.
The masses must continue to mobilize and toreject any foreign
intervention. In order not to miss this historic opportunity, the
democratic transition has to take place upon the initiative and under
the guidance of the people.
/A version of this article first appeared in Roar magazine
<https://roarmag.org/>./
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