[News] Vietnam Will Win: End of an Illusion
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Mar 29 10:24:00 EDT 2018
https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/03/29/vietnam-will-win-end-of-an-illusion/
Vietnam Will Win: End of an Illusion
by Wilfred Burchett
<https://www.counterpunch.org/author/wilfred-burchett/> - March 29, 2018
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When North Korean naval forces boarded, seized and made off with the
U.S. intelligence ship /Pueblo/, on January 23, 1968 – the first time
such an indignity had been perpetrated against an American naval vessel
for 150 years – the world shuddered and awaited the thunderbolts from
the Pentagon. Minds naturally went back to a much more nebulous incident
in the Gulf of Tonkin almost four years earlier in which it was claimed,
but never proven, that torpedoes had been fired at the U.S. destroyer
/Maddox/. Within 48 hours, North Vietnam’s cities had been bombed in
retaliation and the U.S. Congress presented President Johnson with a
“blank check” for carrying out war measures in North and South Vietnam.
But there was nothing nebulous about what the North Koreans had done.
They had physically seized and made off with a ship which contained
everything most secret in electronic espionage instruments and had hit
the United States in one of its most sensitive spots, the Navy, the very
heart of the country’s pride and prestige. Nothing since Pearl Harbor
seemed so “outrageous.”
Secretary of State Dean Rusk denounced the seizure as an “act of war”
and some senators demanded an ultimatum to the North Korean government
of Kim II Sung to free the /Pueblo/ within 24 hours “or else.” Others
suggested the dispatch of a naval task force into Wonsan harbor – where
the vessel was being held – to free the /Pueblo/ and its crew. South
Korea’s President Pak Chung Hi demanded the simultaneous bombing of all
North Korean cities as a preliminary punishment. The U.S. Navy’s
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier /Enterprise/ headed toward North Korean
shores. While the world held its breath and waited for the lightning to
strike, the North Koreans replied that not only would they continue to
hold ship and crew but that the latter would probably be tried on
charges of espionage. After a few days of ultimatums and bluster, the
/Enterprise/ made a 180-degree turn and sailed away from North Korean
waters. What had happened?
It was the end of an illusion. Senator Fulbright put his finger on it
within a few hours of the seizure, in what must be considered a model of
understatement:
“The U.S. commitment in Vietnam,” he is quoted as saying, “caused other
countries to feel more free than normal from serious retaliation…”[1]
<#_edn1>
If there was no “gunboat up the Yangtze” follow-up, it did not signify
any sudden coyness in the Pentagon, but rather that no “gunboats” were
available. Total U.S. combat air strength in South Korea comprised just
eight planes, and these were nuclear bombers. There was not a single
American fighter-bomber in South Korea or anywhere else in the area
within flying and combat distance of North Korea. It took three days for
President Johnson to scratch up a total of 36 planes and dispatch them
to South Korea. Only by calling up Air Force reservists could he get
enough pilots to fly them and crews to service them. Unlike North
Vietnam, the DPRK[2] <#_edn2> has mutual defense pacts with both China
and the Soviet Union. But even without these, as things stood in early
1968, North Korea was easily capable of standing up to everything –
short of nuclear weapons – that the U.S. could mobilize in the way of
air, naval and ground forces in that corner of the world. For ground
forces, the Pentagon had two divisions (apart from one company of Thai
troops, all that remained of “United Nations” forces in South Korea).
But these were down to about half strength because effectives had been
siphoned off quietly to replace Vietnam battle casualties.
The illusion shattered by the /Pueblo/ affair was that the United States
with its great military and economic might, could play the role of a
global super gendarme. One “little war” against an underdeveloped
country had proved too much. The illusion that U.S. armed forces could
be whisked around the world to move into every situation where U.S.
interests, imaginary or otherwise, were threatened, has been destroyed
by the Vietnamese people and confirmed by the North Korean people.
When emergency measures were taken to shore up the U.S. military posture
in South Vietnam, necessitated by the NLF’s Lunar New Year offensive,
the U.S. public perhaps realized for the first time just how deeply the
war had eaten into U.S. military might, how frail were the reserves.
Therein lay the real reason for the “soft” reaction to the /Pueblo/ affair.
“In the event of another emergency outside Vietnam, the army would not
have even one complete infantry division ready for immediate deployment
overseas,” reported Neil Sheehan of the /New York Times/.[3] <#_edn3>
Sheehan pointed out that President Johnson’s decision to airlift another
10,500 Army and Marine troops to South Vietnam had “seriously depleted
this country’s trained force of active, strategic reserve divisions.”
After the Dak To battle, the Pentagon had already committed the
remaining two brigades of the 101st, one of the Pentagon’s two reserve
airborne divisions, intended for the defense of the United States
itself. After the Têt offensive, one brigade of the remaining airborne
division, the 82nd, was also rushed out. This left only two more
brigades of the 82nd and three other divisions, the 1st and 2nd Armored
and the 5th Mechanized divisions, inside the United States, none of the
latter three in any way suitable for the jungle, rice paddy or street
warfare of South Vietnam. Although on paper there were still three
Marine divisions available, in fact, after the dispatch of the 27th
Regiment of the newly formed 5th Marine Division to make up the
10,500-man emergency force, there existed only a little more than one
Marine division in the United States. Effectives had been siphoned off
the 2nd, 5th and even the reserve 4th Marine divisions to replace battle
casualties and to inflate what were officially only two Marine divisions
in South Vietnam, but which in terms of effectives (83,000 including the
27th Regiment) were the equivalent of more than four divisions.
Replacements for the very high ratio of casualties the Marines were
taking, plus rotation, plus a drastic falling off in volunteers in the
Marine Corps, had reduced Marine units within the United States to mere
skeletons. During all of 1967, Marines had been quietly transferred from
one division to another, from home-based units to combat units to cover
up the heavy battle losses. The same had been happening inside Army
divisions, as was revealed when the 82nd Brigade was dispatched. Many of
the effectives involved were non voluntarily sent on a second tour of
duty, without the stipulated two years out of a war zone which was
supposed to follow one year’s service in Vietnam. Many of the 82nd
Brigade men had just returned from Vietnam service with other units.
They had hardly time to receive family congratulations on their survival
than they were off again on another venture in which the risks of non
survival had sharply increased, the average weekly toll of American
dead, as officially reported, having doubled from the end of January
1968. Incidentally, the addition of 10,500 to an existing force of
500,000 U.S. troops was obviously not going to make any difference to
fortunes on the battlefield, but it did mean that armed strength within
the United States itself had been reduced far below the minimum six
divisions and two brigades the government is supposed to maintain for
national security.
There was no shortcut out of the dilemma. In the event of another crisis
in the Caribbean for instance, or the Middle East or anywhere else
except Europe, there were no trained units, planes or pilots available.
By early 1968, the United States had become badly “overextended ” The
situation would not be cured by simply calling up manpower. It takes ten
months to a year to form, train and equip a combat-ready U.S. infantry
division.
This situation was also a contributing factor to the American “soft”
reaction to the Warsaw Pact forces invasion of Czechoslovakia. More
important even than Johnson’s obsession of letting nothing interfere
with his plans for a face-to-face meeting with Kosygin on nuclear
disarmament, was the impotence of the U.S. military posture in Europe,
at least as far as conventional military affairs were concerned. U.S.
troops had gradually been siphoned off, if not for direct dispatch to
Vietnam, at least to replace other units in the United States that had
been assigned to the bottomless pit of South Vietnam.
These were chilling thoughts for the Pentagon, where the Têt offensive
had precipitated something of a “revolt” by the “Young Turks,” who
clamored for a pullout from Vietnam and a return to the old policy of
“massive retaliation.” They complained that Johnson had destroyed or
crippled a major part of U.S. armed strength in the Vietnamese
“meat-grinder” in an adventure having nothing to do with U.S. national
interests, leaving virtually defenseless vast areas where the “Young
Turks” believed vital national interests were involved. There must have
been some other chilling thoughts in the Pentagon as the full-scale U.S.
commitment dragged into its fourth year.
Air power as a decisive, or even effective, instrument of military
policy had proven to be a myth. After three years of bombing the North
at a shattering cost in planes and pilots, the Saigon communiqués still
listed the same targets as in the first weeks of the attacks: Dong Hoi
radar installations, Vinh airfield, road and railway bridges in the
“panhandle,” trucks and barges. And month by month, year by year, the
Pentagon reported a steady increase instead of a decrease in the volume
of supplies moving south. Air power could destroy, but used with
unprecedented force against the North it had demonstrated its impotence
to halt production or the movement of supplies.
In the South, air power could also destroy but it could not occupy. It
could influence tactics on the battlefield but it could not produce
decisive results. And if reflections on the inefficacy of air power in
the North were sobering for Air Force generals, then what must be the
reflections of Army generals who speculate about the performance of U.S.
combat troops if they had to fight without a monopoly of air power, as
would undoubtedly be the case if they were involved in ground fighting
in North Korea or in China or against Soviet troops in Europe. If U.S.
forces were able only to achieve such meager results against “Vietcong”
in spite of an absolute monopoly of strategic and tactical air power,
the performance would logically be substantially worse if these
monopolies were canceled out. Air support has often robbed the NLF
forces of otherwise clear-cut victories on the battlefield. On the other
hand, air power has never enabled the U.S.-Saigon forces to win a
clear-cut victory on the battlefield, nor has it enabled them to occupy
territory – the real aim of military operations, notwithstanding the
double talk about “fix, find and destroy,” “search and destroy” and
other tactical phrases that had been used by Westmoreland to cover up
his inability to secure and occupy territory.
Specifically, in South Vietnam, the monopoly of airpower used on a scale
unprecedented in military history has not enabled the American military
commanders to achieve what was one of their prime strategic objectives –
establishment of a military front, a definite line behind which they
could say: “That is ours; a secure, stable rear in which we can
establish bases, mobilize manpower and resources that will multiply as
we move our line forward.” Harkins, Maxwell Taylor and Westmoreland all
were unable to achieve this, and so U.S. bases and military
installations still remain scattered, isolated islets in a totally
hostile sea.
Another byproduct of the U.S. inability to occupy territory has been the
gradual changing of relations of strength, even in air power, between
North Vietnam and the United States. In August 1964, when the first
“retaliatory” American raids were made after the Tonkin Gulf “incident,”
North Vietnam had no air force. It still had none when the regular
bombing attacks started in February 1965. There was a complete U.S.
monopoly of air power over the North as there was over the South. But
after some months, pilots from a fledgling North Vietnamese Air Force
began to measure their skills against some of America’s finest air aces.
American air “monopoly” was de-escalated to air “superiority,” although
U.S. air superiority included the ability to bomb the North’s airfields
at will. In spite of the immensely superior firepower of America’s
latest jets compared to the outmoded MIG-17s; and in spite of the
immeasurably greater experience of American pilots, the young air force
of the North continued to grow in quantity and quality and by the end of
1967, more and more MIG-21s were making their appearance. The vigorous,
young North Vietnamese Air Force had become something that American
pilots had to take into account.
The DRV Air Force started from scratch like the guerrillas in the South,
with the same unrelenting process at work, resulting in a steady change
in the relation of forces in all spheres. Concerning the continued
growth and activity of the young North Vietnamese Air Force, the
American press occasionally reported that destruction of the MIGs on the
ground was being averted by their being flown to “sanctuaries” over the
border in China and there were rumors of “hot pursuit” into China and
even the bombing of the Chinese “sanctuaries.” But these rumors quieted
somewhat when it was pointed out that the United States was using
“sanctuaries” in Thailand, from where an estimated 80% of bombing
attacks against North Vietnam and most of the B-52 attacks against the
South were being mounted. Attacks against “sanctuaries” could work in
two directions. Any U.S. attacks on real or imaginary “sanctuaries” in
China would certainly be countered by retaliatory Chinese air attacks
against the much more venerable American air “sanctuaries” in Thailand.
Washington was well aware of this and so took another “soft” line toward
rumors that North Vietnam’s MIGs were flown across the border for
protection and servicing in China. Three years earlier, when the North
Vietnamese Air Force was still in gestation, the Pentagon was yearning
for such rumors to justify “hot pursuit” and “denial of sanctuaries,”
the official jargon used to camouflage hawkish hopes of hitting China.
In other words, overextension in Vietnam was having a sobering effect on
Washington’s posture in many areas and at many levels.
Official indignation and public frustration over the /Pueblo/ affair
were still rankling when the NLF launched its generalized offense
against the main strongholds of American power in the cities, dealing a
blow to U.S. prestige which only added to the humiliation of the
/Pueblo/ incident. The scope of this simultaneous offensive throughout
the length and breadth of South Vietnam; the complete secrecy with which
it was prepared and executed; the cooperative or quiescent attitude of
Saigon military and administrative organs towards the NLF in many
regions; the catastrophic military and political setbacks inherent in
the temporary seizure in whole or in part of 140 cities and towns – all
this gave the lie to the “military progress,” “increasing popular
support” and “end of the war in sight” myths which had been fed to
American and world opinion for months preceding the offensive. To many
people it was clear that the United States could not play the role of a
world super gendarme and it was extremely conjectural how much longer
Washington could continue its role of gendarme in South Vietnam.
What, from a military viewpoint, was the significance of the offensive
against the towns? This was a question I put to Nguyen Van Hieu, former
secretary-general of the NLF’s Central Committee, released from that
position to become chief NLF spokesman abroad. At the time I met him he
was representative of the NLF with ambassadorial status in Phnom Penh,
Cambodia. As such he was in very close touch with events on the other
side of the frontier. A round-faced, plump person with a calm,
reflective expression and a fine analytical mind, Nguyen Van Hieu, a
former Saigon professor of mathematics, is very typical of the militant
intellectuals within the top leadership of the NLF.
“If we speak exclusively of military results,” he said, “the Americans
themselves have admitted that they were forced to withdraw troops
everywhere from the countryside to try to defend the towns. They and
their Quislings have been forced to abandon even that small part of the
countryside they still controlled at the time of our offensive.
“Enormous human and material losses were inflicted on American and
puppet troops. The Saigon army started to disintegrate. Two hundred
thousand deserted in the week following our first blow. Some went back
to their villages. Others came over to our side as units, including one
unit with its tanks. But one of the most important military results is
that our forces have secured new bases in and around the cities
themselves. A new phase in the war has started.”
I pointed out that the second wave of attacks on February 17-18 seemed
much weaker than the first offensive and was widely interpreted as
signifying a decline in NLF strength because of losses incurred in the
earlier action.
“On the contrary,” replied Nguyen Van Hieu, “The second attacks were a
logical consequence of the success of our first action. Rocket and
mortar fire was directed with great precision against virtually all the
most important American military installations from positions our forces
secured in the first attack. We were able to hit airfields, munitions
dumps and oil storage depots, port facilities, radar installations and
transmission and communications facilities, without infantry assaults as
in the past.
“We will continue to hit such installations from new positions secured
in our generalized offensive around all U.S. bases and logistics centers
throughout South Vietnam.”
I then asked Hieu to explain the chief features of the “new phase in the
war” to which he had referred.
“The war has moved from the countryside into and around the cities and
American bases,” he said. “Before, the Americans considered the cities
as their safe rear from which they could launch attacks against our
forces in the countryside. Now the cities are front line areas. Our
bases are established in the outskirts of Saigon and other cities and
will remain there. Our rear is now partly in the cities themselves. In
other words, our bases in the outskirts are organically linked with our
rear bases in the jungle and mountains on the one hand, and with the
urban population in the cities on the other. The jungle and mountains
and the cities are now united.
“Our first wave of attacks entirely changed each side’s strategic
situation. Before, it was a big problem for our main forces to approach
major American bases. Now the problem of approach no longer exists. Our
forces are there permanently. That is why we can launch rocket and
mortar attacks against Saigon’s Tan Son Nhat airfield even in broad
daylight. We attacked this super guarded base nine times in the week
that followed our second round of attacks…
“Such attacks will continue and will grow in intensity, not only around
Saigon and American installations there, but in and around all other bases.
“American forces are dispersed in fixed positions more than ever.
Because of our generalized offensive against the cities and subsequent
actions made possible by this, the American forces have still further
lost their mobility and capacity for offensive action.
“The United States Army, as an ultramodern army, also requires an
ultramodern infrastructure, with efficient supply, communications,
transport and transmission facilities, radar installations and so forth.
Even with a small interruption in communications and transmission, for
example, the U.S. army loses much of its efficiency. Much money and time
were spent building this infrastructure in South Vietnam. Now it is all
disorganized. Radio and radar installations have been destroyed, all
strategic roads and the main river ways are controlled by our forces,
logistic centers including port facilities are in ruins. The result in
lowered U.S. military efficiency was immediately noticeable… in lack of
coordination between American and Saigon forces; lack of coordination
between their own ground units and between ground units and air support;
and frequently a total absence of support for platoon and company-sized
units caught in our ambushes. They will replace some of the
installations, open a road here or there, but for every installation
they replace we will destroy two or three more from our positions around
these bases which we consolidated in the first month following the
offensive, which are now permanent and win be strengthened every day.”
Professor Hieu mentioned another example of the changing relation of
forces. “At the moment that their communications deteriorate, ours
improve. We captured many tens of tons of transmission equipment alone,
not to mention hundreds of trucks. But if we lost all this again, we can
still go back to our bikes and foot runners, while the Americans have no
such reserves to fall back on.
“We estimate that in our attacks against 45 airfields in our first two
big assaults, we destroyed 1,800 planes and helicopters on the ground.
At many of these airfields, which included 11 of the 14 major American
air bases, we actually occupied the terrain for hours and even days and
we were able to destroy all aircraft in the parking lots. This had a
dramatic effect on American air activities over the whole of South
Vietnam. Except for attacks around the besieged marine positions south
of the demilitarized zone and attacks against Saigon, Hué and some other
cities, the air space over the rest of South Vietnam is free from the
noise of American planes for the first time in many years. Our troops
are able to move along roads and river ways in broad daylight without
even a reconnaissance plane to worry them. They may replace the planes,
but it will take time and in the meanwhile our forces are consolidating
their positions around all the air bases to keep them permanently under
fire.”[4] <#_edn4> About the time Nguyen Van Hieu gave this interview,
an American officer was telling correspondents in Saigon that to
establish a security belt around Saigon’s Tan Son Nhat airbase,
sufficiently wide to protect it against “Vietcong” rocket attacks, it
would require 200,000 U.S. troops in permanent position, with no other
task than that of guarding the base, because of the seven mile range of
NLF rockets.
I asked Nguyen Van Hieu to comment on official Washington claims that
NLF forces did not receive the support they expected from the urban
population in their initial assaults against the cities.
“Nonsense!” he responded. “We could not possibly have carried out an
offensive of such tremendous scope without the support of the people in
the towns. In fact, this support was the decisive factor in our success.
Even General Westmoreland belatedly admitted that he was caught by
surprise. ‘Tactical surprise,’ he said, but in reality it was a
strategic surprise.’ The fact is that we attacked more than 140 towns.
The Americans claimed we infiltrated eight or nine battalions into
Saigon alone. Westmoreland also acknowledged that ‘the tactic of
infiltration into the population centers was used to a far greater
degree than anticipated…’ What does this mean? Our forces have no modern
transport, no logistics system as generally understood. It was the local
population of Saigon and other cities who helped carry supplies; who hid
our arms and munitions; who protected and fed our troops. Many hundreds
of thousands of people in the towns all over South Vietnam helped our
troops for days on end before the attack was launched. And there was no
betrayal. Absolute secrecy was maintained. It is difficult to imagine
any greater demonstration of the total support our forces received from
the local population.”
“How do you evaluate the main political results?” I asked Professor Hieu.
“There are many,” he replicating they are developing very quickly, in
most varied forms. The collapse of Saigon’s power in the countryside is
one important result. The destruction of whatever grip the Quisling
regime still had on the cities is another. This is illustrated by Thieu
and Ky collaborating with the Americans in ‘destroying cities to save
them,’ as one American general expressed it. People in the towns, within
a few hours or days, saw with their own eyes the barbarities that have
been inflicted on our people in the countryside by the Americans and the
Saigon regime for years past. Loudspeakers mounted on helicopters
ordered people out of their homes, shooting them down when they tried to
flee, while American bombers reduced whole city blocks to rubble. They
saw with their own eyes the fascist ferocity of the American and
Quisling troops and the heroism of the NLF forces.
“The fact that Thieu and Ky try to cling to power by calling in American
tanks and troops in the streets of Saigon, Hué and other cities; by
American helicopters mowing people down from the rooftops; by American
bombs, napalm and naval gunfire used to destroy the city of Hué; and the
fact that the Mekong Delta cities like Ben Tre and My Tho were smashed
to bits by American bombs and shells – all this has exposed the true
face of the Saigon Quislings as never before. They will never recover
from this and eventually win suffer the fate history reserves for such
traitors.
“The collapse of Saigon’s power is very significant. For the type of
neocolonialist war the Americans are waging, they need the myth of local
administration and army; they need the existence of a local power
structure which they can claim they are there to support. For this they
needed to maintain a power base in Saigon and the countryside. This was
one of the imperatives of ‘pacification.’ The base has now collapsed and
can never be restored. This is a strategic political defeat of primary
importance for the Americans, which even Washington seems slowly to be
recognizing.
“The natural remit of the collapse and discrediting of the Saigon
administration has been the creation of new political and administrative
organizations. People’s self-management committees sprang up in the
cities to take care of day-to-day affairs like public health and food
distribution. Those will continue to exist even if the Thieu-Ky clique
manage to partially restore administrative services in some places. New
political forces like the League of National and Peace-loving Forces in
Saigon[5] <#_edn5> and a similar body in Hué, have emerged with a
program which coincides with the main points of our political program,
that is: the overthrow of the Thieu-Ky regime, the withdrawal of
American and satellite troops, the setting up of a coalition regime with
the NLF and peace based on the total independence of the country. We
welcome the formation of such new political forces and support them. The
extent of the isolation of the Thieu-Ky regime can also be seen by the
arrests of a number of prominent political, religious and trade union
personalities, including former members of the Saigon government; these
arrests are also a measure of the increasing opposition even among
circles considered close to the regime. The ouster of two of the four
military zone commanders and the rumored imminent dismissal of the
remaining two are in the same order of things. Thieu and Ky are badly
worried about further large-scale revolts and defections within their
armed forces. All this is a result of our generalized offensive against
the cities, which succeeded beyond our expectations.”
What also emerged from the conversation with Nguyen Van Hieu was that
the tactics of exploiting contradictions between dispersal and
concentration were employed during the attacks on the cities. The case
of Hué was an example. For prestige reasons Westmoreland concentrated
all available forces and took 25 days and three battalions of decimated
Marines to retake what the NLF forces seized in a couple of hours and
practically without firing a shot. But while the marines were battling
their way into the Hué citadel and destroying the old Imperial City
block by block, NLF forces took over the rest of Thua Thien Province of
which Hué is the capital, including solid positions in the western
outskirts of the city itself.
In Saigon, diversionary attacks were carried out against the U.S.
Embassy, the Presidential Palace and other buildings, where the
U.S.-Saigon Command had to concentrate its forces, while the NLF seized
priority targets like the munitions depots to get arms and strategic
points in the outskirts which could be transformed into future bases.
While the U.S.-Saigon forces concentrated on defending or recapturing
objectives of prestige value, the main body of NLF forces was busy
setting up permanent positions in the various city outskirts, around
airfields and other major U.S. bases and military installations. In the
past, attacks against these bases were of a “hit and run” type;
everything was worked out so that approach, attack and withdrawal would
be effected in the hours of darkness, because by dawn the attacking
force had to be out of sight of U.S. planes. In the future the bases
could be hit by day or night, the attackers maneuvering around within
their permanent spider web complexes of trenches and tunnels, or
withdrawing temporarily to fade out into the cities in an emergency.
Scores of thousands of arms were seized and distributed to new units
formed from among the urban youth. From the time of the offensive
against the cities, new terms appeared in the NLF communiqués. There
were frequent references, for instance, to actions by the “revolutionary
armed forces,” a term applied to a combination of NLF armed forces,
units of the Saigon army which had crossed over to the NLF and new units
set up from urban workers and students, armed from the huge stores taken
from captured munitions depots and arsenals. During the attacks around
Saigon, there were NLF news bulletins with sections like the following:
“thus in two days the revolutionary armed forces of the 7th ward[6]
<#_edn6> killed 110 GIs, wounded many more and burned out one M-113
tank…” Units began to be identified by the city district on which they
were based. News items often identified city streets in which ambushes
had taken place. The war had indeed entered a new phase with the cities
and bases as the focal points of military activity.
In the weeks that followed the offensive, main American efforts, apart
from trying to retake prestige targets, were directed at trying to
reopen road and river communications and to clear areas around their
bases. The question of trying to restore some semblance of a Saigon
presence-power would not be the appropriate term – in the countryside,
was admitted by U.S. correspondents on the spot to be a hopeless task
for a foreseeable future.
“In effect, South Vietnam has temporarily abandoned its own countryside.
If not dead, the vital pacification program is in a state of
suspension/…/ Ironically, the Vietcong achieved this setback to the
important pacification program by directing its offensive not at the
‘priority pacification areas’ in the country but at South Vietnam’s
major cities and towns . .” reported Charles Mohr, February 15, in the
/New York Times/. And the /International Herald Tribune/ (Paris), on
February 26, after describing the collapse of Saigon power observed that
“/…/ the enemy has demonstrated with appalling clarity that pre-Têt
convictions were bunt on sand/…/
“The picture is the same everywhere in Vietnam. Americans are waiting,
holding defensive positions, stretched thin trying to occupy the ground
that pacification maps carried as occupied months ago. No troops are
left to go out and chase the enemy. It has never been more clear that he
fights when and where he chooses/…/”
All this sounded like a confirmatory postscript to certain analyzes and
predictions of General Vo Nguyen Giap and President Nguyen Huu Tho
quoted earlier.
The generalized offensive against the cities and its aftermath with the
almost continuous hammering of American bases and the political
bankruptcy in Saigon, represent the most complete application, at the
time of writing, of the political-military strategies and tactics of the
Front analyzed in depth in the preceding chapters of this book.
Reactions to all the setbacks in Vietnam by the men in the Pentagon were
typical of frustrated military men. One headline from /US. News & World
Report/ sums it up: “The Real Reason Why War Has Dragged On? Big
Differences Between U.S. Military Men And Their Civilian Superiors.” The
story that followed was a rehash of the familiar lament of captains of
war when victory eluded their grasp: “If only civilians and politicians
had not tied our hands!”
Generals Harking, Maxwell Taylor, Westmoreland and their chiefs in the
Pentagon, if they were realists, could have taken one grain of comfort.
No other generals and Pentagon planners would have done less badly!
Having covered this type of war in Asia for the past 27 years, I am
convinced this is so.
Only by ridding itself of the illusion that colonialism, neocolonialism
or anything similar can be re-imposed on the Vietnamese people, or that
destiny has designated the United States to become the super policeman
of the world – we had enough of that with Hitler – can Washington put
itself in the right frame of mind for a realistic and reasonable
solution. Much more blood will unfortunately be spilled before this
happens. Once the change of mind comes about, whoever is in the White
House will find the leaders of the NLF and the DRV surprisingly
reasonable and generous people to deal with. Pierre Mendès-France, then
prime minister of France, found this to be true at Geneva in 1954, even
at the moment of the Vietminh’s greatest triumph at Dien Bien Phu. Mr.
Harriman could also have discovered it at the Paris talks if Johnson had
given him the slightest chance to act as a real negotiator, instead of
making him a postman for the former President’s latest whims. There is
every indication that Harriman actually discovered just this and made
recommendations accordingly. But they were rejected by Johnson, who
preferred to take the advice of hawks like Bunker in Saigon and his
counterparts in the Pentagon and State Department.
*Notes.*
[1] <#_ednref1> /International Herald Tribune/, Paris, January 24, 1968.
[2] <#_ednref2> Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, as distinct from
the ROK (Republic of Korea) in the South.
[3] <#_ednref3> Published in the /International Herald Tribune/ on Feb.
16, 1968.
[4] <#_ednref4> Nguyen Van Hieu was obviously speaking of the period
immediately after the Têt offensive. Within a few months, the
U.S.-Saigon Command was able to divert considerable air power,
especially B-52s, from use against the North to carry out bombing raids
of unprecedented violence against the South, especially in the immediate
neighborhood of the big cities.
[5] <#_ednref5> Later a single Alliance of National, Democratic and
Peace Forces was set up on a national level, incorporating the former
Saigon and Hué organizations. It held its first congress in the
Saigon-Cholon area on April 20-21, 1968, and a second congress on July
30-31, 1968, at which a Political Program was approved, similar to but
not identical with that of the NLF. The formation of the Alliance was
supported by the NLF and the DRV, as were also the main points of its
Political Program. Significant for future developments was an NLF
Communiqué of September 13, 1968. Referring to the fighting in Tay Ninh
Province, the communiqué mentions /“Les Forces Unifiées Nationales du
Commandant Huynh Thanh Hung.”/ The latter is a leading figure in the Cao
Dai sect who recently placed his armed forces at the disposal of the NLF
and Alliance and undertook decisive military action during the recent
Tay Ninh offensive in releasing some 200,000 Cao Dai believers from a
huge camp in which they had been concentrated in starvation conditions
by the U.S.-Saigon administration. That other sections of the Saigon
armed forces will rally to the side of the NLF and the Alliance is
certain. The U.S. Defense Department, in a statement on September 20,
admitted that desertion rates in the Saigon Army had jumped 25% during
the first half of 1968.
[6] <#_ednref6> “Arrondissement” in the original of the NLF’s French
language bulletin of March 3, 1968.
*NEXT: Epilogue*
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