[News] Vietnam Will Win: Winning Hearts and Minds

[Anti-Imperialist News]

https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/02/16/vietnam-will-win-winning-hearts-and-minds/ 



  Vietnam Will Win: Winning Hearts and Minds

by Wilfred Burchett - February 16, 2018 
<https://www.counterpunch.org/author/wilfred-burchett/>

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To mark the 50th Anniversary of the 1968 Têt Offensive, CounterPunch is 
serializing Wilfred Burchett’s /Vietnam Will Win /(Guardian Books, New 
York, 1968) over the next few weeks. Readers can judge for themselves 
the validity of the facts, observations, analysis, conclusions, 
predictions and so on made by the author. The books is based on several 
visits to the Liberated Zones controlled by the National Liberation 
Front (‘Viet Cong’) of South Vietnam in 1963-64, 1964-65 and in 1966-67 
and close contacts with the NLF leadership, resistance fighters and 
ordinary folk. Wilfred Burchett’s engagement with Vietnam began in March 
1954, when he met and interviewed President Ho Chi Minh in his jungle 
headquarters in Thai Nguyen, on the eve of the battle of Dien Bien Phu. 
He was also on intimate terms with General Vo Nguyen Giap, Prime 
Minister Pham Van Dong and most of the leadership of the Democratic 
Republic of Vietnam during the country’s struggle against French 
colonialism and American imperial aggression. Wilfred Burchett was not 
writing history as a historian, with the benefit of hindsight, access to 
archives etc. He was reporting history as it was unfolding, often in 
dangerous places. He was an on-the-spot reporter, an eyewitness to 
history. In his reporting, he followed his own convictions, political 
and moral. The book he wrote after his first two visits to the Liberated 
Zones, /Vietnam: Inside Story of the Guerilla War /(International 
Publishers, New York, 1965) concludes with this short sentence: “The 
best they [the Americans] can do is to go home.” /Vietnam Will Win/ 
confirms that.

Unfortunately, it took another seven years (1968-75) of death and 
devastation – and the extension of the war into Cambodia and Laos – for 
the U.S. to finally leave Vietnam in ignominy in April 1975. So here, 
chapter by chapter, Wilfred Burchett exposes the futility of fighting a 
people united in their struggle for independence, liberty and unity. It 
also explains, soberly and factually, why they were winning and how they 
won.

/George Burchett, Hanoi/

*Winning Hearts and Minds*

If there was one matter on which all Americans in South Vietnam were 
virtually unanimous at the turn of the 1967-68 year, it was that 
“pacification” was still a failure. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker and his 
CIA-trained deputy Robert Rower could cite statistics of “Vietcong” 
killed by body count, miles of roads opened and bridges “secured”; acres 
of rice land taken out of “Vietcong” control; the fact that elections 
had been held; an increased number of “defectors” under the “open arms” 
program – and add all this up to get a total of progress. But even the 
most optimistic of the official U.S. propagandists admitted that victory 
in the decisive battle for the “hearts and minds” of the people was more 
remote than ever and this knowledge permeated all the end-of-the-year 
survey articles of the Saigon correspondents.

Even Hanson Baldwin, military editor of the /New York Times, /who 
strained facts and the indulgence of his readers to the ultimate degree 
to present an optimistic picture of the military situation, wrote after 
one of his rare visits to South Vietnam: “Most authorities agree that 
the job of eliminating the underground government and terrorist 
apparatus in South Vietnam, and of what amounts to nation-building, is 
just starting, that it has made very limited progress…” Baldwin tries to 
comfort his readers by adding that this job “now appears to be on the 
right track” but “none are hopeful that it can be accomplished 
quickly.”[1] <#_edn1>

This was after over 13 years of a United States shadow government in 
South Vietnam, after six years of direct U.S. military intervention in 
all-out war against the NLF guerrillas and after almost three years of 
massive intervention, with U.S. “advisers” running administrative 
affairs from the ministerial level down to civil affairs officers at 
provincial and district level.

How is it possible that the expenditure of unlimited billions of dollars 
and the unrestricted use of the most complete and efficient repressive 
machinery ever conceived have not prevented the NLF from winning the 
hearts and minds of the South Vietnamese people? It was because this 
battle was won by the NLF years ago, and the U.S. counteroffensive has 
never been able to reverse the decision. How do you go about winning 
hearts and minds when you have neither dollars nor guns, or at least 
very few of the latter? The official U.S. answer is that it was done by 
“terror,” and it is not by accident that Baldwin refers to the 
“terrorist apparatus” which has to be eliminated. And terror – l prefer 
the NLF term “revolutionary violence” – has been an element in the NLF 
success in winning the hearts and minds of the people, especially in the 
darkest days of the Diem dictatorship when for a time, police control 
was nearly total and any district chief had complete power of life or 
death over every single person within his administrative competence. It 
was violence selectively applied that brought the first rays of hope, 
just as it did in the blackest days of Nazi occupied Europe when a 
French patriot assassinated a notorious Gestapo agent. Violence has been 
used selectively to wipe out, usually after repeated warnings, some of 
the worst local tyrants, with a most salutary effect on his deputies or 
successors in almost all cases.

In an earlier book[2] <#_edn2> I had mentioned the execution of a 
certain Chan, who headed Ngo Dinh Can’s secret police[3] <#_edn3> in the 
three north-central provinces of Quang Ngai, Quang Nam and Binh Dinh. In 
Chan’s safe, a bag was found containing 432 human ears, in each case the 
left ear stapled to a document giving the owner’s name and a receipt for 
5,000 piastres. The right ear had been forwarded to Can’s headquarters 
as proof that the victims, former resistance cadres, had been killed, 
and for each one Chan received 5,000 piastres. So violence or terror was 
visited upon Chan on May 18, 1960, by an “armed propaganda group.” His 
body was left on the road with a piece of paper stuck to it explaining 
who he was and why he had been executed. This was one of many similar 
acts undertaken at that time, before the National Liberation Front had 
been formed, by local patriotic groups determined to “break the grip” of 
the enemy, as the cadre who executed Chan later explained it to me. A 
list was found in Chan’s office of several hundred former resistance 
members marked down for liquidation, as well as the names of a network 
of Chan’s agents. The intended victims were immediately warned, one or 
two more of the worst of Chan’s agents were killed and the rest warned 
to cease their activities or else…

Following the publication of my account of Chan and the filed ears, I 
had a visit from a U.S. Information Service agent from Saigon, Dr. 
Milton Sachs, who protested that the story could not possibly be true. 
Neither the American “advisers” nor Ngo Dinh Can, who was not at all the 
bloodthirsty tyrant that I had depicted, according to Sachs, would ever 
have permitted such practices. The “lie about the filed ears invalidated 
the whole of my book.” In connection with this official indignation, it 
is interesting to quote from a passage of the interrogation by the 
French lawyer, Gisèle Halimi, of witness David Tuck[4] <#_edn4> at the 
second session of the International War Crimes Tribunal:[5] <#_edn5>

Halimi: The ears of Vietnamese, for certain Montagnard tribes, are 
reputed to be valuable. Can you confirm instances of American bounties 
paid for Vietnamese ears?

Tuck: Well, as for the cutting off of ears – when I was over there it 
was a practice of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, after a battle, to cut the 
ears off of dead Vietnamese and to use them as souvenirs. Also this was 
a practice of the 25th [U.S. infantry division]. This was more or less a 
passing fad. The person who had the most ears was considered the number 
one Vietcong killer and also when we would get back to base camp, the 
one who had the most ears would get all the free beer and whiskey they 
could drink. It was more or less a passing fad, but they did cut the 
ears off of dead Vietcong to show as souvenirs.

The execution of Chan was a typical example of violence used to strike 
some sparks of hope in the hearts of people against whom unrelenting 
terror was being applied every day. It was a case of revolutionary 
violence being employed to break or at least weaken a veritable reign of 
terror. The lives of several hundred patriots were saved by that one 
act, and for a time at least there was a marked falling off in the 
repressive activities of the Diem police in the provinces concerned. But 
violence employed against the enemies of the people was only one element 
in gaining support for the revolutionary resistance struggle.

The aims of the NLF reflected the aspirations of the overwhelming mass 
of South Vietnamese people. But how could ordinary people in those first 
years of insurrectionist activity really know that this was so? After 
years of unrelieved terror, how could they have any faith in the small 
groups that started to turn up, agitating for a nationwide insurrection? 
How could they believe they were sincere, let alone that they had any 
chance of success? They might very well be Diem agent-provocateurs sent 
to find potential resisters. And indeed, often agents would use all 
sorts of revolutionary phrases to deceive the gullible and mark them 
down for later arrest. In the 1954-59 period, the Diem police began 
registering, then tracking down and finally arresting and liquidating 
all those who had taken part in the anti-French struggle. Practically 
the only way for former resistance cadres to survive was to flee to the 
jungle and mountains, or in any case to escape from their native 
district. To return to the police-ridden “strategic hamlets” to make the 
first contacts and to try to win the confidence of the people was an 
extremely difficult task. In studying the accounts of revolutionaries 
fighting in the mountains and jungle of Latin America, it is clear that 
the first contacts with the plains-dwellers are almost always a major 
problem. The objective situation of identity of interest between the 
aims of revolutionaries and the aspirations of the people remains a 
theoretical concept until contact is made and cemented.

Nguyen Mau, 53 years old when I met him, with a deeply lined face and 
muscled arms and legs, was an NLF cadre from Huong Tra District in Thua 
Thien Province, of which Hué is the capital. He was one of those who had 
played a role, “rather a prominent cadre,” he said, in the anti-French 
resistance war. “When the Diem police started hunting us down, I had to 
go into hiding. Not a single former resistance cadre was spared in our 
province, except the few of us who fled to the mountains. In 1955-56 we 
could still move around and carry out secret agitation for the 
elections, which were supposed to be held in July 1956. After Diem 
carried out the referendum that year making himself head of state, the 
repression was even more severe. Contacts became more difficult and we 
hesitated to subject the population to reprisals by continuing to meet. 
By 1959, with the introduction of Law 10/59,[6] <#_edn6> we could have 
no contact with the people. Law 10/59 was posted up in big letters on 
bulletin boards everywhere. Anyone suspected of even the slightest 
sympathy with the former resistance movement, or of even the slightest 
opposition to the government, was dragged off under Law 10/59. 
Repression went hand-in-hand with some demagogic maneuvers to try to 
persuade people that the Diem regime was interested in their welfare. 
For instance, they confiscated land which we had distributed during the 
resistance period – Huong Tra was a liberated area then – and said that 
one-quarter of this was being put aside for rebuilding churches and 
pagodas, so people could benefit from religious services. The rest they 
handed out to Diem “trustees” for “services rendered.” They built roads 
and bridges, and people with houses alongside the main highway were 
ordered to repair and paint the outside to present a facade of 
prosperity. No matter how poor, people were forced to do this; if they 
could not raise the money, they were automatically considered ‘vietcong’ 
and were dragged off. Night and day the theme was drummed into people 
that they should forget the Vietminh for all time.

“At the higher level, repression was carried out by the paramilitary 
organs and secret police of Diem’s administration. At lower levels, by 
the chiefs of the ‘self-defense’ units. The people were crushed between 
these two levels of repression. Within the communities there was the 
‘neighborhood mutual information’ organization for mutual espionage, one 
such unit for every five or six families, with one elder responsible for 
reporting any movements, visits or suspicious conversations. The elder 
had to be able to account for the whereabouts of every member at any 
moment the authorities demanded. The presence of any stranger had to be 
reported immediately. Control was so close that it was impossible for us 
cadres to live among the people. But we came down from the hills at 
night to try to make contacts. If the people were really voluntarily 
under the thumb of the Diem authorities, we would not have lasted long. 
But they remembered the resistance years and stood by us. They found 
means of providing food for us, [which was] a difficult problem in the 
mountains.

“In those days you could say we were ‘based’ in the mountains, but these 
were ‘bases’ for survival. We had no arms at all and barely the means of 
existence. All adults in the ‘strategic hamlets’ had to be provided with 
sticks, ropes and lanterns – ready to attack, seize and tie up any 
stranger. They had to make a noise, beat gongs or pieces of wood, shout 
at the top of their voices ‘vietcong’ and rush out with torches. They 
would do this when one of us turned up, but invariably they would fall 
over each other, a dozen voices crying at once: ‘He has gone this way… 
No, that way’ and shouting in all sorts of directions but the real one. 
But 1957 to 1959 were very bad years for even those cadres who had 
escaped Diem’s police net. We could just about keep alive, but could not 
do much for the revolution. It was difficult to know what was the 
political line from above, so that even if with tremendous difficulties 
we could make contact with the people, we could give them no clear 
guidance. In the first two years at least the line had been clear: to 
push for the loyal fulfillment of the Geneva Agreements leading to the 
1956 elections. But once the elections were sabotaged and Diem and the 
Americans openly turned their backs on the Geneva Agreements, we were 
rather lost. We could keep alive and that was about all; leave a scrap 
of paper in a field in exchange for a packet of food.

“Late in 1959, when former resistance leaders got together and decided 
to start armed resistance, our task was to try to establish political 
bases in the villages. We thought it would be very difficult after all 
the repression and anti-‘Vietcong’ indoctrination. But in fact we were 
received most warmly. The people had missed us for so long, their 
sufferings had been so great and there seemed no way out, no ray of 
light anywhere, until we came back. We explained the new line, at first 
on a very small scale, to an individual here and there. It was forbidden 
for two persons to speak together, even brothers… Under those 
circumstances it was long, patient work. But with one or two contacts in 
each village, we could move in at night, paint up a few slogans, leave 
some hand-printed leaflets, above all let the people know of our presence.

“It was necessary to know the people’s reaction to this, that of the 
intellectuals, and also that of the enemy – Diem officials. We quickly 
found that the masses of the people were delighted and the Diem tyrants 
were impressed. As a former liberated area, many of the latter knew of 
the great prestige of the Vietminh. A typical reaction was: ‘Ah, so the 
Vietminh is still around. They didn’t all go to the North after all.’ 
And so with our first modest measures, a slight tremor of fear ran down 
the spines of the tyrants. Some of them started justifying themselves to 
the people: ‘We are not really bad. We have to act the way we do because 
of orders from above, it’s not that we want to.’ Of course,” Nguyen Mau 
added, “if our activities had been restricted to one or two hamlets 
only, the enemy would have concentrated his forces and caught us, wiping 
out our fragile political base. But by the time we started scrawling up 
slogans and leaving leaflets, we could do it in many hamlets simultaneously.

“By 1961, after the NLF was founded and we secured arms for our ‘armed 
propaganda groups,’ we had been able to punish some of the worst of the 
tyrants and when we left leaflets there were flags and banners of the 
NLF as well. If, at first, it was only the most stouthearted who worked 
with us, the appearance of flags and banners and then printed leaflets 
gave fresh heart to everyone. ‘We feel we are nearing the day when our 
children will meet their fathers again,’ was how one woman expressed it 
in those early days. By then it was clear to everybody that with the 
peaceful, political struggle which had been our previous line of action, 
we would get nowhere. We started a combination of legal and semi legal 
action. There were mass actions from the hamlets, with people marching 
to the district headquarters carrying petitions for ‘freedom of 
movement’. This was not only a question of petition, but by the act 
itself a certain ‘freedom of movement’ had already been wrested from the 
authorities. The young people showed a militant spirit when the police 
and local authorities tried to halt them.

“With the growth of this feeling we were able to transform the enemy’s 
organizations into our own. After all, the parents of those in the 
‘Republican Youth’ were peasants, our own people. Under our influence 
they started working on their sons and on others within the so called 
‘self-defense’ units. These became our organs; they seemed to be in the 
service of the enemy but in fact they were protecting us, informing us 
of enemy plans.

“During 1961 at the appeal of the Front, there was a nationwide 
insurrection and armed struggle became widespread. The enemy started to 
‘conscript youth throughout the countryside, every able-bodied man from 
18 to 35. Parents wanted their sons in the NLF, not in the Diem army, 
and the young people were pleading to join us in the mountains. But if 
they just took off there would be reprisals against the parents. So in 
one village they asked us to stage an attack. We did this, making a sham 
attack. It was the first armed action in Huong Tra District. We came 
with troops, made a lot of noise, used our loud speakers, held a public 
meeting and then left; most of the young men left with us. The local 
authorities carried out reprisals against some parents denounced by Diem 
agents for having collaborated with the attackers. So word was sent for 
us to come again and deal with some of the most active agents, of whom 
five were listed. We attacked again one night, captured the agents, 
killed one and warned the others.

“This was repeated in hamlet after hamlet; the worst of the agents, 
those responsible for the deaths of several people, were killed. And it 
was always explained why the particular tyrant was executed. At this 
period the mass movement became much more active. People started 
ignoring the most repressive regulations; they started setting up all 
sorts of organizations as a pretext to get together, some of them quite 
curious. For example, there were ‘Burial Associations’ for pooling money 
to ease the burden of funeral expenses in case of death of a family 
member; and ‘Pig-Slaughtering Associations’ for carrying out an old 
habit which consisted of a group of families killing pigs in rotation 
and sharing the meat since one pig for a single family was too much. The 
Diem authorities tried to suppress such associations, but they were made 
to look very ridiculous, and the local officials were frightened anyway 
and winked an eye at lots of things for which people would have been 
arrested, tortured or at least imprisoned a few months earlier. Although 
in appearance mutual aid associations, they were political [groups]; 
they were covers for getting together and organizing all sorts of 
activities.

“In 1962, Diem opened a new conscription drive and youths started 
leaving on their own to join us in the forest. When the parents knew 
they were well away, they reported the fact to the authorities. ‘Our 
sons went off into the forest to get firewood and never came back. Maybe 
the Vietcong kidnapped them; you should go and get them back. Or maybe 
it was you who conscripted them into the government army. Anyway we want 
them back.’ And they also used this pretext to march out of the 
‘hamlets’ to district headquarters to protest. By the end of 1962, this 
was a general situation throughout the whole province, with the 
exception of a few villages in the immediate outskirts of Hué and the 
city itself. We had the women, youth, old people, even children 
organized, wresting back bit by bit all sorts of democratic freedoms. 
Although we had no organization inside Hué, news of what was going on 
was well known among students, intellectuals and Buddhists. Copies of 
our leaflets and NLF banners were smuggled in, news of certain of our 
exploits was passed around by word of mouth. We had our listening posts 
there, and ‘the Vietminh is still around,’ was a current phrase in Hué 
by the end of 1962. Sometimes we were helped by accidents.

“Once we badly needed some cloth for uniforms. We were tipped off about 
a truck that was carrying just what we needed. We laid an ambush, halted 
the truck and piled the goods up on the road, assessing the value. Then 
we found we had forgotten the money. We piled everything back on the 
truck and sent it on its way into Hué. The truck driver and his 
passengers soon spread the word and in the marketplace we picked up the 
reaction: ‘These Vietcong are not bandits. They are very honest, not 
like the Diem troops who seize whatever they want.’ ”

The rest of Nguyen Mau’s account followed the classic pattern of a 
gradual transformation of the political struggle within the “strategic 
hamlets” into armed struggle. In 1963 the inmates themselves in 
coordination with the guerrillas staged uprisings, dealt with any Diem 
agents or troops who offered opposition, tore down the barbed wire 
fences and went back to their native villages and rice fields and the 
tombs of their ancestors. Attempts to round up people and to 
re-concentrate them only increased the scope of the armed struggle. Even 
if the period of liberty was at times brief, the flames of struggle had 
been kindled and could not be quenched until the whole “strategic 
hamlets” system had been dismantled following the coup which ended the 
regime and lives of the Ngo Dinh brothers. What Nguyen Mau related was 
typical of scores of other accounts I gathered from cadres who carried 
on that patient, difficult work of establishing contacts and stimulating 
action, and also from former inmates of the “strategic hamlets.” The 
general picture was the same as depicted by Nguyen Mau. Once the initial 
difficulty of establishing contacts was overcome, the first few 
propaganda acts carried out and confidence established, mass political 
activity soon followed, and political struggle was inevitably 
transformed into armed struggle. But the work of Nguyen Mau and the 
handful of cadres who worked with him was greatly facilitated because 
the districts of Thua Thien Province in which they operated were former 
liberated areas, where memories of the Vietminh administration and its 
land reform policies were still fresh and where the people naturally 
went back to their old wartime organizations of the first resistance.

What happened when the Saigon army came out in force? And in regions 
which had not been liberated in the first resistance? Le Van Chien, 
another veteran cadre from Tien Phuoc District of Quang Nam Province, 
explained: “We had not been able to set up a guerrilla base there 
because enemy control was too thorough. It was only in early 1963, when 
our armed forces were fairly strong, that we could move down to liberate 
Tien Phuoc. At first people showed some reserve because they had been in 
the grip of the enemy for a long time. They also feared that the NLF 
forces would be there for only a short time, and they would be 
defenseless against reprisals once we left. Before we made any move, our 
political cadres tried to explain our policies. But the first time our 
forces approached a village, they found only old people and children. 
The able-bodied were afraid and fled with their livestock and whatever 
they could carry. We stayed around, looked after their property and did 
a bit of field work, cleaned up the houses, bathed the children and told 
them stories. The others sent back some scouts and when they reported 
back on how our men behaved, everybody returned. They were very 
impressed with what we had done and started to listen to our 
explanations, and to what had been done in Thua Thien and other 
provinces. The enemy was afraid to move while we were around, as we had 
a fairly strong force and we knew that the provincial commander thought 
we were even stronger. Our cadres had spread plenty of rumors in the 
marketplace.

“Within a couple of months we had liberated almost every hamlet in Tien 
Phuoc and had set up mass organizations, including self-defense units 
which set traps around all the approaches to the hamlets. When the 
various organizations were consolidated, we pulled out to liberate other 
districts.

“In March 1963, soon after we left, the provincial command sent two 
regular army battalions, two battalions of regional troops, an armored 
car unit and 57 ‘self-defense’ troops on a sweep through a district of 
which the total population was 15,000. When they entered the first 
hamlet, they saw over the main entrance big signs: ‘Down with the 
U.S.-Diemists,’ ‘Government Soldiers Should Not Shoot Their Own 
Compatriots.’ The hamlet was deserted except for some old people. 
Everyone had gone off to the jungle. They asked one old man: ‘Who wrote 
those signs? It must have been your friends, your relatives.’ ‘No,’ 
replied the old man ‘they were written by the NLF fighters.’ They 
arrested the old man and ordered him to lead them to the Vietcong. But 
the old man said: ‘Arrest me if you like, but I don’t know what the 
Vietcong are. Your Republican Army is much stronger than the Vietcong. 
But when they entered the hamlet yesterday, your troops were not here to 
protect us. Why weren’t you here yesterday when the hamlet was full of 
Vietcong troops? Now it is full of your troops. You see the slogans they 
stuck up everywhere. If you had been around they would not have dared. 
But you came after they left. And they have taken everyone with them. 
Maybe they went to another village, or maybe in the jungle. But I’ll 
give you a friendly warning. Don’t wander around the houses or fields; 
the Vietcong have stuck traps around everywhere. I don’t dare to move 
myself.’

“The old man was released and the troops took off for another hamlet. 
The same thing. Only old people left. They asked a woman of 60 where the 
Vietcong were. She said they had come the previous day but had now left. 
The officer in charge was very angry and demanded that she lead them to 
wherever they had gone. She invited him and one or two others into her 
home to drink some tea, saying she would explain everything. After some 
muttering a couple of them accepted. ‘Yesterday a lot of Vietcong 
entered our hamlet,’ she said. There were very many of them and what 
could we do? They had lots of heavy guns. What sort they were I don’t 
know, but they had a lot of guns so big that they needed several people 
to carry them. They only left here 10 or 15 minutes ago and they forced 
everyone to go with them and help prepare an ambush for your troops.’ 
‘Where? Where?’ demanded the officer in charge. ‘I don’t know because I 
was afraid and hid until everyone had left.’ The officers were very 
excited by this time and shouted ‘Is this true?’ The old woman said: 
‘You can see for yourself there is no one here. I don’t know whether 
they have really prepared an ambush but that’s what they said.’

“The officers muttered among themselves that if they had ordered the 
villagers to prepare an ambush, this meant the Vietcong would probably 
take the initiative in a surprise attack, so they decided to withdraw. 
They told the old woman: ‘While the Vietcong are too close to the 
villages we want to avoid any open clash because too many villagers 
would be killed. For the moment while they have a strong force here, it 
is better to obey the Vietcong, but in your hearts you must remain loyal 
to the Government.’ And with that they pulled out. The old woman hoisted 
an agreed ‘all clear’ sign and the villagers came back for a hearty 
laugh over the fact that the words of an old woman could force the 
retreat of an enemy battalion.

“What we quickly found was that once the enemy knew the local people had 
been mobilized by the NLF they moved with the greatest caution. After 
the people rise up the first step is to do away with the most notorious 
of the agents, which means the enemy has no eyes, ears or tongues. The 
enemy’s usual tactics were then to circle around the villages, burn down 
isolated houses, destroy crops and any animals they found, but to avoid 
groups of peasants like the plague. In this particular incident, it was 
corn harvesting time, so the expedition turned into a corn destroying 
operation. They destroyed as much of the harvest as they could and then 
withdrew, but even without any shots fired they had quite a few 
casualties from the spiked traps. The fact that they tried to destroy 
the harvests was in itself an admission of defeat. They could not 
reestablish their administration. Land reform had already been carried 
out, self-defense units had been set up and Tien Phuoc District, which 
is in the plains, became a springboard for liberating other districts in 
northern Quang Nam.”

In many cases, of course, the Saigon troops could not be “talked out” of 
a fight and there were very severe clashes in which the “self-defense” 
forces often had their first baptism of fire within a few days of being 
established. But in very many cases head on clashes were avoided by the 
high level of political consciousness of the villagers and carefully 
thought-out political and propaganda tactics which were applied with 
infinite skill, courage and ingenuity. The decisive factor was that the 
overwhelming majority of the people welcomed the NLF forces in whatever 
form they came, once they were convinced that they really meant 
business. And when the abolition of the detested “strategic hamlet” 
system got under way there was no doubt in anyone’s mind that they 
really did mean business.

“When we take over a village,” Le Van Chien explained, “we ask people to 
bring everything related to the Saigon regime, photos of Diem and 
American bigwigs, banners and flags, etc., into the village square and 
burn them. This has a big political effect. We virtually never attack 
unless the political base inside has first been prepared. We always know 
who are the worst enemy agents and these are arrested. We get the 
villagers to nominate their own administration and then encourage them 
to confiscate the land of the worst of the agents and any absentee 
landlords, distributing it to the peasants, starting with the poorest. 
This creates a good atmosphere from the start. We announce, in the name 
of the Liberation Front, the abolition of all taxes and debts and that 
rent will be reduced following discussions with any local landlords 
still around.

“We announce an amnesty for the families of agents, even of the worst of 
them. We make a point of never touching or even accusing the family 
members. Volunteers are accepted into the self-defense corps and we 
usually give them a few weapons to start them off, and before our forces 
leave, we show them how to manufacture arms and prepare traps. We 
explain that the new local administration is an organ of the National 
Liberation Front, not linked to any central administration, competent in 
local affairs only. Some of the people are usually a bit scared as to 
what may happen when our forces pull out. They worry that their weapons 
are not sufficient, but we explain that what is decisive is their 
political viewpoint, their unity and solidarity, and theirs is not an 
isolated case. Also, we explain that our armed forces will always be 
somewhere in the area. When they realize they are part of a huge 
movement sweeping the countryside, then even the most timid gain 
confidence. We help them to start up their vegetable gardens and 
orchards again, help them to dig fish ponds, plant bamboo and trees, 
build pigsties and chicken mops and recreate the sort of physical 
surroundings they had before they were herded into the ‘strategic 
hamlets.’ The new administrative committee immediately forms 
subcommittees for education, public health, economic affairs, defense 
and security, and people really feel they are running their own lives.

“After our cadres or our forces have liberated a village and helped the 
people start rebuilding their new life,” concluded Le Van Chien, “no 
matter what trials and sufferings they might have to endure later, their 
hearts and minds are with us forever. This is proven in thousands of 
ways every day. Even if the enemy deploys great force and temporarily 
reestablishes his control, the people remain with us and even under the 
most difficult conditions they find means of letting us know this.” Le 
Van Chien’s assessment was undoubtedly correct and this is the 
insuperable obstacle that America’s best generals and diplomats are 
unable to overcome.

The battle for hearts and minds has been lost by the United States and 
the extent of this defeat became clearer as hostility broke out into the 
open w U.S.-Saigon occupied territory in late 1967.

*Notes.*

[1] <#_ednref1> Printed in the /International Herald Tribune /(Paris), 
Dec. 27, 1967.

[2] <#_ednref2> /Vietnam: Inside Story of the Guerrilla War/, 
International Publishers, New York, 1965, pp. 142-143.

[3] <#_ednref3> Ngo Dinh Can, the third of the Ngo Dinh brothers to have 
been killed following the coup in which Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo Dinh Nhu 
were murdered. Can, who reigned supreme in Central Vietnam, was a 
medieval type of sadistic, brutal tyrant who took pleasure in personally 
torturing his victims before he executed them. He took refuge in the 
U.S. consulate at Hué after the anti-Diem generals’ coup. He was later 
handed over to the Saigon authorities, who tried and executed him for 
his bloodthirsty excesses. His victims had included numerous army officers.

[4] <#_ednref4> Private (First class) David Tuck served in South Vietnam 
with A company, 1st battalion, 35th infantry regiment of the U.S. 25th 
Division, from January 8, 1966, to February 9, 1967.

[5] <#_ednref5> The Bertrand Russell International War Crimes Tribunal 
held its second session at Roskilde, Denmark, from November 20 to 
December 2, 1967. The author was present.

[6] <#_ednref6> A fascist law introduced in May 1959 that provided the 
death penalty or life imprisonment for anyone suspected of even intent 
to commit “crimes against the state.”

*NEXT: Chapter 6 – Taking on the Pentagon*

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