[News] Imperialism and the Logic Of Mass Destruction
Anti-Imperialist News
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Thu May 4 10:57:38 EDT 2017
http://www.counterpunch.org/2017/05/04/imperialism-and-the-logic-of-mass-destruction/
Imperialism and the Logic Of Mass Destruction
May 4, 2017
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As throughout much of its war-obsessed history, the United States is
currently engaged in military conflict – or threatening such action –
across a broad contested terrain. In the cases of Iraq, Afghanistan,
and Syria, Washington has resorted to its familiar global /modus
operandi/: sending off barrages of missiles and bombs, much of it
hitting civilian populations and resources needed for their survival.
Death tolls mount, the largest numbers lately in the protracted battle
for Mosul. Heavier casualties are being visited upon non-combatants in
Yemen, thanks to U.S.-backed Saudi aerial savagery.
We have been told by the media that President Trump has apparently
relaxed the rules of warfare, thus allowing civilians to be more easily
victimized the midst of armed conflict. Innocent noncombatants are
being made increasingly vulnerable to ravages of the largest and most
aggressive war machine in history. That, however, would be a serious
misreading of the situation: Trump, like Obama, the Bushes, and Clinton
before him, is simply operating within an historical pattern of imperial
war making for which rules of engagement matter little, if at all.
There is no deviation from the norm.
In fact Pentagon elites insist nothing has changed in their methods of
warfare – and they are right. While the U.S. accuses, threatens, and
attacks others for their (real or imputed) transgressions, its own
apparatus of mass destruction continues with few legal or moral
constraints. In particular, Washington long ago turned aerial terrorism
into a normalized mode of technowar that reduces civilians to
dispensable objects.
In recent weeks U.S. aerial bombardments in Syria alone have reportedly
killed several hundred people, mainly civilians. Daily raids in Iraq,
mostly targeting ISIS in Mosul, have accounted for more than 3000
civilian deaths, according to AirWars sources. To believe this is a
departure from the past – or that civilian casualties are simply an
inevitable by-product of combat – is to ignore the American history of
savage warfare, which since World War II has meant bringing horrendous
death and destruction from the skies.
There is actually nothing “indiscriminate” about this savagery: all too
often it has been planned, deliberate, systematic – and /discriminate.
/ Moreover, the U.S. has far surpassed any other nation in the
production, deployment, and /use /of WMD, its military doctrines now as
in the past embracing the virtues of weaponry designed to bring mass
destruction. Consider that WMD comes in four distinct types: nuclear,
biological, chemical, conventional (mainly saturation bombing). We
could add to this list economic sanctions of the sort the U.S. (through
the United Nations) imposed on Iraq during the 1990s that killed
hundreds of thousands of civilians. As the U.S. resorted to sanctions
continuously in the postwar era – targeting Iran, Cuba, Yugoslavia,
North Korea, and Russia as well as Iraq – the civilian death toll (well
past a million) has far exceeded that from nuclear, biological, and
chemical weapons /combined./
Yet it is /conventional /warfare that has brought the greatest
destruction, for both combatants and civilians – and it remains the most
imposing threat today. The WMD threat arrives in the form of
strategic (alternatively saturation, area, carpet, or scorched-earth)
bombing, introduced by the British and Americans during World War II and
refined across the decades. Worth noting is that the U.S. is the only
nation to have manufactured, stored, deployed, and used /all five types
of WMD/.
In densely-populated centers like Mosul and Raqqa – and where hundreds
of drone strikes are carried out – efforts to distinguish between
combatants and civilians are virtually impossible; large numbers of
civilian dead and wounded tolls are inevitable. That has never
deterred U.S. military decision-makers at the Pentagon or in the field,
whatever “rules” are set forth in the Universal Code of Military Justice
(UCMJ) or international statutes. From World War II to Korea,
Indochina, Iraq, Yugoslavia, and beyond, this carnage is alternately
blamed on mistakes, inescapable “collateral damage”, intelligence
failures, enemy use of “human shields” – all while boasting of the
latest “precision weaponry”. Unfortunately, the U.S. military rarely
conducts genuine investigations into the devastation it produces, and
for good reason: it does want to come face-to-face with its flagrant war
crimes.
Since late 2014 U.S. (or Coalition) planes have carried out more than
20,000 strikes in Iraq and Syria, resulting in an estimated 70,000
“militant” deaths – a number that surely includes civilian losses that
will never be known and based on a calculus that is routinely
understated. According to AirWars, at least 3325 civilians were killed
from a total of 566 air strikes in the region, but that is only where
evidence is clearly available. Meanwhile, recent non-combatant deaths
in Mosul alone have reached more than 2500, as reported by AirWars.
Important civilian objects – residences, public buildings, markets, etc.
– have been repeatedly hit with high-explosive weaponry. The bombing
raids have only intensified.
What is taking place in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria replicates a
familiar disregard for long-established international law, as even the
corporate media unwittingly acknowledges by attributing a “loosening of
rules” to the out-of-control Trump. California Representative Ted Lieu
recently sent a letter to Defense Secretary James Mattis seeking
clarification of American global behavior: “The substantial increases in
civilian deaths caused by U.S. military force in Syria and Iraq brings
into question whether the Trump administration is violating the Laws of
War.” Trump is indeed violating such laws – specifically the 1949
Geneva Protocol prohibiting wanton attacks on civilians – but, as noted,
he is simply following deeply-entrenched American practices.
For more than a century American imperialism has been fueled by a
combustible mixture of national exceptionalism, militarism, racism, and
pursuit of global supremacy. Civilian inhabitants and their necessary
supports have never stood in the way of these powerful forces, even
where it has meant resort to WMD. Demonized Asian populations have
been mercilessly targeted, with impunity – and unbelievably savage
consequences. Looking at the apparent willingness of the Trump
administration to consider nuclear warfare on the Korean peninsula, with
its unthinkable horrors, we can readily see that little has changed over
the decades.
As Washington looks to reassert economic, political, and military
leverage in the Asia-Pacific region – the so-called “Asian Pivot” to
contain China – escalating U.S. threats should be taken seriously.
Whether conventional or nuclear, the Pentagon is poised to strike first
against North Korea. For several months, indeed years, the U.S. has
done everything short of all-out war to intimidate and subvert the Kim
Jung Un regime: large-scale military exercises, economic sanctions,
cyberattacks, new troop deployments, constant threats of attack. There
is much talk in Washington and the media of “preemptive war”, including
efforts to “decapitate” the regime. A supposedly impenetrable
missile-defense system (THAAD) is being installed across South Korea.
Koreans already know far more than they would prefer about the horrors
of mass destruction emanating from the U.S. What can only be called a
war of annihilation, carried out by the U.S. to secure battlefield
victory over endless stalemate, in the face of strong Chinese and North
Korean forces, left a death toll on the peninsula with estimates
reaching as high as five million, nearly 80 percent civilian.
Political, legal, and moral constraints were routinely tossed aside, as
American military culture eagerly took up the World War II code that
mass killing of civilians was legitimate – actually vital – to the kind
of war of attrition the U.S. had waged against the Japanese.
When the U.S. Army was forced into a perilous retreat in fall 1950,
General Douglas MacArthur ordered his air force to destroy “every means
of communication, every installation, factory, city, town, and village”
in Korea. Food sources and water facilities were systematically
targeted and obliterated. Nonstop raids, employing napalm and other
incendiary devices, left the main centers of human life (including the
capital Pyongyang) in smoking ruins. Stephen Endicott and Edward
Hagerman, in their eye-opening book /The United States and Biological
Warfare, /write: “As it had been in World War II, strategic bombing was
extended to the mass destruction of civilian populations, and as in
World War II the reservations that the U.S. had about saturation bombing
of Europeans in that earlier war were not extended to Asians.”
In December of 1950 the Joint Chiefs of Staff endorsed President
Truman’s readiness to use atomic bombs in Korea to avoid further
stalemate or defeat. This “option” was retained throughout the war,
finally to be jettisoned by President Eisenhower in 1953. White House
and Pentagon officials also favored employing both chemical and
biological weapons in a theater where mass destruction was already far
advanced.
In fact the U.S. /did /launch a phase of biological warfare in Korea, a
criminal project the warfare state has tried to keep secret. Evidence
uncovered by the Koreans and Chinese revealed a U.S. military campaign
to disseminate a wide variety of deadly biological agents, hoping to
create epidemics, panic, and social breakdown in the north. In late
1950 large outbreaks of plague, cholera, smallpox, and encephalitis were
reported in Pyongyang and several provinces, according to Endicott and
Hagerman. This was part of a scorched-earth policy U.S. troops
employed as they retreated southward throughout 1950 and 1951.
Endicott and Hagerman add: “The U.S. had substantial stocks of
biological weapons on hand. Moral qualms about using biological or
atomic weapons had been brushed aside by top leaders and biological
warfare might dodge the political bullet of adverse public and world
opinion if it were kept secret enough to make plausible denial of its
use.” Moreover, Washington had not signed the 1925 Geneva Protocol
banning such weaponry. Later investigations and reports found the U.S.
guilty as charged, a finding naturally dismissed by Americans as
“Communist propaganda”.
The Pentagon’s biological program was kept intact until early 1953.
Meanwhile, the U.S. Air Force was busy destroying every Korean target
in sight, including agricultural fields and hydroelectric dams, dropping
an endless supply of fragmentation bombs, napalm, and high-explosive
devices. In August 1952 Pyongyang was leveled by a series of
saturation-bombing raids. Still unable to break the military stalemate,
the USAF transferred a large stock of atomic weapons to Okinawa as it
prepared for a new phase of warfare that, fortunately, was never set in
motion.
Embracing the great benefits of WMD, the U.S. military was able to
revitalize its strategy of total war, understood by many at the summits
of power as God’s work. General Matthew Ridgway, Eighth Army
commander, could say in 1951: “The real issues are whether the power of
Western civilization, as God has permitted it to flower in our own
beloved lands, shall defy and defeat Communism . . . [and] whether we
are able to survive with God’s hand to guide and lead us, or to perish
in the dead existence of a Godless world.” Before Korea, the God of a
privileged imperial nation had similarly blessed the American takeover
of the Philippines at a cost of several hundred thousand lives – and
before that the massacre of Indian tribes (by Andrew Jackson’s troops)
at Horseshoe Bend and (by Colonel John Chivington’s marauders) at Sand
Creek, among many other atrocities.
An imperialist ideology that embellished, even celebrated, warfare
against civilians reached its first methodical expression during World
War II. In the Pacific, this meant a war of annihilation against the
Japanese, who at that time stood for the “Asian masses” or “hordes”.
In such a war everything was permissible, starting with the deliberate
and ruthless obliteration of entire cities, including those with little
or no military significance. Saturation bombing launched by waves of the
most technologically-developed warplanes raised barbarism to new
levels. Admiral William Halsey, U.S. Pacific Fleet commander, vowing
revenge for Pearl Harbor, promised that Japanese would henceforth be
spoken only in hell while ordering his personnel to “kill Japs, kill
Japs, kill more Japs.” (Worth noting: only /military /targets were hit
at Pearl Harbor.)
The remarkable American hatred of Japanese was destined to produce, in
John Dower’s words (/War without Mercy /“a spellbinding spectacle of
brutality and death.”
On March 9-10, 1945, U.S. planes dropped 1,665 tons of incendiary bombs
on Tokyo, with the aim of destroying the city; at least 100,000
civilians were instantly killed. Aerial terrorism then turned to
Osaka, Nagoya, Kobe, and more than 60 other cities, targeting mostly
defenseless civilian areas with vengeful frenzy. A few cities remained
– Hiroshima and Nagasaki among them – until they were obliterated by the
new superweapon developed at the Manhattan Project, leaving another
150,000 dead amid unimaginable mass destruction.
There could be no justification for such criminality. A.J. Grayling, in
his book /All the Dead Cities, /surveyed the history of strategic
bombing and concluded that World War II pilots should have refused
orders to carry out such raids. (None in fact did.) General Curtis
LeMay, architect of the firebombing attacks on Japanese cities, later
conceded: “If we had lost the war we would all have been prosecuted as
war criminals.” Allied prosecutors at the Nuremberg and Tokyo
tribunals moved to exclude that very possibility, so aerial mass murder
was exempted from wartime culpability.
World War II set in motion an elevated trajectory of imperial atrocities
that would continue throughout the postwar years. While nations were
generally expected to follow international law and wartime rules of
engagement, and the vast majority have chosen to do so, the U.S. simply
took another path: contempt for the norms of universality. To this day
Washington steadfastly refuses participation in the International
Criminal Court (ICC), understandably fearing prosecution of its own
government and military personnel for war crimes. The plain fact is
that American elites can routinely launch wars against peace and target
civilian populations without even the pretense of any legal rationale.
Less than a decade after the Korean War the U.S. commenced a new phase
of barbarism in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, dropping eight million tons
of bombs compared to the two million tons dropped on all countries in
World War II. This was equivalent to 640 Hiroshimas. Saturation
bombing was perfected beyond its usage against Japan and Korea: B-52s
systematically carpet-bombed large zones, followed by a torrent of
anti-personnel weapons including cluster bombs, white-phosphorous, and a
specially-upgraded napalm. By 1974, the U.S. military had dropped
seven bombs for every person in Indochina. As for napalm, a staggering
373,000 tons was unleashed in Vietnam, compared to 32,000 tons in Korea.
In Vietnam, the Pentagon relied heavily on chemical warfare: roughly
6500 flights to spray Agent Orange and other toxic agents were carried
out between 1962 and 1971, the intent being to destroy crops and
foliage. Operation Ranch Hand contaminated more than 31,000 square
kilometers, poisoning at least four million people and leaving hundreds
of thousands afflicted with cancer, lung diseases, and birth defects.
Such warfare could never distinguish combatants from civilians, nor did
the U.S. military command make any real efforts to do so.
In more recent decades, civilian death tolls resulting from U.S.
military operations in the Middle East and beyond have easily surpassed
one million. Harsh economic sanctions imposed on Iraq, Yugoslavia,
Iran, Syria, Cuba, and others could have reached that same figure.
Aerial bombardments have devastated large, densely-populated areas of
Iraq, Panama, Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Libra, and Syria. Weapons
“upgraded” with depleted uranium (DU) have left a toxic legacy in Iraq
and Serbia, overwhelmingly harming civilians.
Back to Korea: the Trump administration says it has “lost all patience”
with North Korean leaders and their “reckless behavior”, and has (again)
“opened the door” to military attack while seemingly holding out
prospects of diplomacy that, however, depend on rigid stipulations.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said that for any talks to occur North
Korea would first have to “exhibit good faith commitment” by jettisoning
its nuclear program – a complete non-starter. Given such imperial
arrogance, can mounting confrontation be avoided?
With all that is at stake – perhaps one million people killed within the
first day or so of a new Korean War, vast urban centers decimated, a
potential nuclear exchange – rational leadership might be expected to
retreat from such a nightmarish scenario and consider a more peaceful
/modus vivendi./ (For the U.S., a peaceful option is exactly what is
“off the table”.) From the standpoint of Washington, “rational”
pursuits are also imperial pursuits and imperial pursuits generally lead
to military pursuits, as history demonstrates.
Technowar managers are not especially sensitive to the prospects of
massive civilian losses. Normal behavioral assumptions therefore do not
apply to U.S. war calculations, whoever occupies the White House.
/*Carl Boggs *is the author of The Hollywood War Machine, with Tom
Pollard (second edition, forthcoming), and Drugs, Power, and Politics,
both published by Paradigm. /
--
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863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org
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