[News] State of Fear: How History’s Deadliest Bombing Campaign Created Today’s Crisis in Korea

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Fri Dec 8 10:45:44 EST 2017


https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/12/08/state-of-fear-how-historys-deadliest-bombing-campaign-created-todays-crisis-in-korea/ 



  State of Fear: How History’s Deadliest Bombing Campaign Created
  Today’s Crisis in Korea

Ted Nace - Deceber 8, 2017
------------------------------------------------------------------------

As the world watches with mounting concern the growing tensions and 
bellicose rhetoric between the United States and North Korea, one of the 
most remarkable aspects of the situation is the absence of any public 
acknowledgement of the underlying reason for North Korean fears—or, as 
termed by United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley, “state of 
paranoia”—namely, the horrific firebombing campaign waged by the U.S. 
Air Force during the Korean War and the unprecedented death toll that 
resulted from that bombing.

Although the full facts will never be known, the available evidence 
points toward the conclusion that the firebombing of North Korea’s 
cities, towns, and villages produced more civilian deaths 
<https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Bombing_of_North_Korea_1950-1953#Death_Toll> 
than any other bombing campaign in history.

Historian Bruce Cumings describes 
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WZHtJG9UG7A> the bombing campaign as 
“probably one of the worst episodes of unrestrained American violence 
against another people, but it’s certainly the one that the fewest 
Americans know about.”

The campaign, carried out from 1950 to 1953, killed 2 million North 
Koreans, according to General Curtis LeMay, the head of the Strategic 
Air Command and the organizer of the firebombing of Tokyo and other 
Japanese cities. In 1984, LeMay told the Office of Air Force History 
<http://www.newsweek.com/us-forget-korean-war-led-crisis-north-592630> 
that the bombing of North Korea had “killed off 20 percent of the 
population.”

Other sources cite a somewhat lower number. According to a data set 
<http://files.prio.org/ReplicationData/BattleDeathsDataset/PRIO%20Battle%20Deaths%20Dataset%203.0%20Documentation.pdf> 
developed by researchers at the Centre for the Study of Civil War (CSCW) 
and the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), the “best 
estimate” of civilian deaths in North Korea is 995,000, with a low 
estimate of 645,000 and a high estimate of 1.5 million.

Though half of LeMay’s estimate, the CSCW/PRIO estimate of 995,000 
deaths still exceeds the civilian death tolls of any other bombing 
campaign, including the Allied firebombing of German cities in World War 
II, which claimed as estimated 400,000 to 600,000 lives; the firebombing 
and nuclear bombing of Japanese cities, which caused an estimated 
330,000 
<https://archive.org/stream/effectsofbombing00unit#page/n4/mode/1up> to 
900,000 
<https://archive.org/stream/effectsofstrateg00unit#page/n3/mode/2up> 
deaths; and the bombing of Indochina 
<https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Bombing_of_North_Korea_1950-1953#Death_Toll> 
from 1964 to 1973, which caused an estimated 121,000 to 361,000 deaths 
overall during Operation Rolling Thunder 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Rolling_Thunder>, Operation 
Linebacker <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Linebacker>, and 
Operation Linebacker II 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Linebacker_II> (Vietnam); 
Operation Menu and Operation Freedom Deal 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Menu> (Cambodia), and Operation 
Barrel Roll <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Barrel_Roll> (Laos).

The heavy death toll from the bombing of North Korea is especially 
notable in view of the relatively modest population of the country: just 
9.7 million people in 1950. By comparison, there were 65 million people 
in Germany and 72 million people in Japan at the end of World War II.

The attacks by the U.S. Air Force against North Korea used the 
firebombing tactics that had been developed in the World War II bombing 
of Europe and Japan: explosives to break up buildings, napalm, and other 
incendiaries to ignite massive fires, and strafing to prevent 
fire-fighting crews from extinguishing the blazes.

The use of these tactics was not a foregone conclusion. According to 
United States policies in effect at the onset of the Korean War, 
firebombing directed at civilian populations was forbidden. A year 
earlier, in 1949, a series of U.S. Navy admirals had condemned 
<http://apjjf.org/2014/12/37/Sahr-Conway-Lanz/4180/article.html> such 
tactics in testimony before Congressional hearings. During this “Revolt 
of the Admirals,” the Navy had taken issue with their Air Force 
colleagues, contending that attacks carried out against civilian 
populations were counterproductive from a military perspective and 
violated global moral norms.

Coming at a time when the Nuremberg tribunals had heightened public 
awareness of war crimes, the criticisms of the Navy admirals found a 
sympathetic ear in the court of public opinion. Consequently, attacking 
civilian populations was forbidden as a matter of U.S. policy at the 
beginning of the Korean War. When Air Force General George E. 
Stratemeyer requested permission 
<http://apjjf.org/2014/12/37/Sahr-Conway-Lanz/4180/article.html> to use 
the same firebombing methods on five North Korean cities that “brought 
Japan to its knees,” General Douglas MacArthur denied the request, 
citing “general policy.”

Five months into the war, with Chinese forces having intervened on the 
side of North Korea and UN forces in retreat, General MacArthur changed 
his position, agreeing to General Stratemeyer’s request on November 3, 
1950, to burn the North Korean city of Kanggye and several other towns: 
“Burn it if you so desire. Not only that, Strat, but burn and destroy as 
a lesson to any other of those towns that you consider of military value 
to the enemy.” The same evening, MacArthur’s chief of staff told 
Stratemeyer that the firebombing of Sinuiju had also been approved. In 
his diary, Stratemeyer summarized the instructions as follows: “Every 
installation, facility, and village in North Korea now becomes a 
military and tactical target.” Stratemeyer sent orders to the Fifth Air 
Force and Bomber Command to “destroy every means of communications and 
every installation, factory, city, and village.”

While the Air Force was blunt in its own internal communications about 
the nature of the bombing campaign—including maps showing the exact 
percentage of each city that had been incinerated—communications to the 
press <http://apjjf.org/2014/12/37/Sahr-Conway-Lanz/4180/article.html> 
described the bombing campaign as one directed solely at “enemy troop 
concentrations, supply dumps, war plants, and communication lines.”

The orders given to the Fifth Air Force were more clear: “Aircraft under 
Fifth Air Force control will destroy all other targets including all 
buildings capable of affording shelter.”

Within less than three weeks of the initial assault on Kanggye, ten 
cities <http://apjjf.org/2014/12/37/Sahr-Conway-Lanz/4180/article.html> 
had been burned, including Ch’osan (85%), Hoeryong (90%), Huich’on 
(75%), Kanggye (75%), Kointong (90%), Manp’ochin (95%), Namsi (90%), 
Sakchu (75%), Sinuichu (60%), and Uichu (20%).

On November 17, 1950, General MacArthur told 
<http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14672715.2012.711980> U.S. 
Ambassador to Korea John J. Muccio, “Unfortunately, this area will be 
left a desert.” By “this area” MacArthur meant the entire area between 
“our present positions and the border.”

As the Air Force continued burning cities, it kept careful track of the 
resulting levels of destruction 
<https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Bombing_of_North_Korea_1950-1953>:

* Anju – 15%
* Chinnampo (Namp’o)- 80%
* Chongju (Chŏngju) – 60%
* Haeju – 75%
* Hamhung (Hamhŭng) – 80%
* Hungnam (Hŭngnam) – 85%
* Hwangju (Hwangju County) – 97%
* Kanggye – 60% (reduced from previous estimate of 75%)
* Kunu-ri (Kunu-dong)- 100%
*Kyomipo (Songnim) – 80%
* Musan – 5%
* Najin (Rashin) – 5%
* Pyongyang – 75%
* Sariwon (Sariwŏn) – 95%
* Sinanju – 100%
* Sinuiju – 50%
* Songjin (Kimchaek) – 50%
* Sunan (Sunan-guyok) – 90%
* Unggi (Sonbong County) – 5%
* Wonsan (Wŏnsan)- 80%

In May 1951, an international fact-finding team stated, “The members, in 
the whole course of their journey, did not see one town that had not 
been destroyed, and there were very few undamaged villages.”

On June 25, 1951, General O’Donnell, commander of the Far Eastern Air 
Force Bomber Command, testified 
<https://books.google.com/books?id=XMJpnYmKNQsC&pg=PA145&lpg=PA145&dq=O%27Donnell+%22just+a+terrible+mess%22&source=bl&ots=MP7xilDwbr&sig=epBj1Z-0AbBJxcE-iLTjYjoTZ_c&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiQroXSruTXAhWGKGMKHf4BDrcQ6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&q=O%27Donnell%20%22just%20a%20terrible%20mess%22&f=false> 
in answer to a question from Senator Stennis (“…North Korea has been 
virtually destroyed, hasn’t it?):

    “Oh, yes; … I would say that the entire, almost the entire Korean
    Peninsula is just a terrible mess. Everything is destroyed. There is
    nothing standing worthy of the name … Just before the Chinese came
    in we were grounded. There were no more targets in Korea.”

In August 1951, war correspondent Tibor Meray stated 
<https://books.google.com/books?id=yKN_q-TqYYgC&pg=PA298&lpg=PA298&dq=Tibor+Meray+%22collection+of+chimneys%22&source=bl&ots=BhiHf8ePVR&sig=o1-Q1n8Ja-lHf3DNVQFmj1ysLIE&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjCh-3mruTXAhUMwWMKHcCpD3cQ6AEIPzAH#v=onepage&q=Tibor%20Meray%20%22collection%20of%20chimneys%22&f=false> 
that he had witnessed “a complete devastation between the Yalu River and 
the capital.” He said that there were “no more cities in North Korea.” 
He added, “My impression was that I am traveling on the moon because 
there was only devastation…. [E]very city was a collection of chimneys.”

Several factors combined to intensify the deadliness of the firebombing 
attacks. As had been learned in World War II, incendiary attacks could 
devastate cities with incredible speed: the Royal Air Force’s 
firebombing attack on 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombing_of_W%C3%BCrzburg_in_World_War_II> 
Würzburg, Germany, in the closing months of World War II had required 
only 20 minutes to envelop the city in a firestorm with temperatures 
estimated at 1500–2000°C.

Another factor contributing to the deadliness of attacks was the 
severity of North Korea’s winter. In Pyongyang, the average low 
temperature in January is 8° Fahrenheit. Since the most severe bombing 
took place in November 1950, those who escaped immediate death by fire 
were left at risk of death by exposure in the days and months that 
followed. Survivors created makeshift shelters in canyons, caves, or 
abandoned cellars. In May 1951 a visiting delegation to the bombed city 
of Sinuiju from the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF) 
reported 
<http://s-space.snu.ac.kr/bitstream/10371/93639/1/07_Taewoo%20Kim.pdf>:

    “The overwhelming majority of the inhabitants live in dug-outs made
    of earth supported from salvaged timber. Some of these dug-outs have
    roofs made of tiles and timber, salvaged from destroyed buildings.
    Others are living in cellars that remained after the bombardment and
    still others in thatched tents with the frame-work of destroyed
    buildings and in huts made of unmortared brick and rubble.”

In Pyongyang, the delegation described a family of five members, 
including a three-year-old child and an eight-month-old infant, living 
in an underground space measuring two square meters that could only be 
entered by crawling through a three-meter tunnel.

A third deadly factor was the extensive use of napalm. Developed at 
Harvard University in 1942, the sticky, flammable substance was first 
used in War War II. It became a key weapon during the Korean War, in 
which 32,557 tons were used, under a logic that historian Bruce Cumings 
characterized: “They are savages, so that gives us the right to shower 
napalm on innocents.” Long after the war, Cumings described 
<http://s-space.snu.ac.kr/bitstream/10371/93639/1/07_Taewoo%20Kim.pdf> 
an encounter with one aging survivor:

    “On a street corner stood a man (I think it was a man or a woman
    with broad shoulders) who had a peculiar purple crust on every
    visible part of his skin—thick on his hands, thin on his arms, fully
    covering his entire head and face. He was bald, he had no ears or
    lips, and his eyes, lacking lids, were a grayish white, with no
    pupils…. [T]his purplish crust resulted from a drenching with
    napalm, after which the untreated victim’s body was left to somehow
    cure itself.”

During armistice talks at the conclusion of the fighting, U.S. 
commanders had run out of cities and towns to target. In order to place 
pressure on the negotiations, they now turned the bombers toward Korea’s 
major dams. As reported 
<https://books.google.com/books?id=S3SQ1N3R6psC&pg=PA185&lpg=PA185&dq=%22scooped+clean%22+Korea+bombing&source=bl&ots=K4YtjvZZJR&sig=oVxP8z0zZYUQ2OVocDfpPXNKTgg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwju0LGiiOTXAhUD5mMKHY3PDQIQ6AEIRzAI#v=onepage&q=%22scooped%20clean%22%20Korea%20bombing&f=false> 
in New York Times, the flood from the destruction of one dam “scooped 
clean” twenty-seven miles of river valley and destroyed thousands of 
acres of newly planted rice.

In the wake of the firebombing campaigns against Germany and Japan 
during World War II, a Pentagon research group comprising 1,000 members 
carried out an exhaustive assessment 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Strategic_Bombing_Survey> 
known as the United States Strategic Bombing Survey. The USSBS released 
208 volumes for Europe and 108 volumes for Japan and the Pacific, 
including casualty counts, interviews with survivors, and economic 
surveys. These industry-by-industry reports were so detailed that 
General Motors used the results to successfully sue the U.S. government 
for $32 million in damages to its German plants.

After the Korean War, no survey of the bombing was done other than the 
Air Force’s own internal maps showing city-by-city destruction. These 
maps were kept secret for the next twenty years. By the time the maps 
were quietly declassified 
<https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Bombing_of_North_Korea_1950-1953#Death_Toll> 
in 1973, America’s interest in the Korean War had long since faded. Only 
in recent years has the full picture begun to emerge in studies by 
historians such as Taewoo Kim 
<http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14672715.2012.711980> of the 
Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, Conrad Crane 
<https://kansaspress.ku.edu/978-0-7006-0991-8.html> of the U.S. Military 
Academy, and Su-kyoung Hwang 
<http://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/15572.html> of the University of 
Pennsylvania.

In North Korea, the memory lives on. According to historian Bruce 
Cumings <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WZHtJG9UG7A>, “It was the first 
thing my guide brought up with me. Cumings writes 
<https://books.google.com/books?id=ASa9WCcIHFkC&pg=PA239&lpg=PA239&dq=unhindered+machinery+of+incendiary+bombing&source=bl&ots=27AHBZOnQy&sig=YXixFr7SXNDVguQpWQJk0yCcOSk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi1_o2YseTXAhVX-GMKHRH_DZsQ6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&q=unhindered%20machinery%20of%20incendiary%20bombing&f=false>: 
“The unhindered machinery of incendiary bombing was visited on the North 
for three years, yielding a wasteland and a surviving mole people who 
had learned to love the shelter of caves, mountains, tunnels and 
redoubts, a subterranean world that became the basis for reconstructing 
a country and a memento for building a fierce hatred through the ranks 
of the population.”

To this day, the firebombing of North Korea’s cities, towns, and 
villages remains virtually unknown to the general public and 
unacknowledged in media discussions of the crisis, despite the obvious 
relevance to North Korea’s pursuit of a nuclear deterrent. Yet without 
knowing and confronting these facts, the American public cannot begin to 
comprehend the fear that lies at the heart of North Korean attitudes and 
actions.

-- 
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415 
863.9977 https://freedomarchives.org/
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