[News] Standing Rock, Flint, and the Color of Water
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Nov 3 10:58:28 EDT 2016
http://www.aaihs.org/standing-rock-flint-and-the-color-of-water/
Standing Rock, Flint, and the Color of Water
Christopher F. Petrella*- Co-authored with **Ameer Loggins - November 2,
2016 <http://africam.berkeley.edu/person/ameer-hasan-loggins>*/**/
/**/
While much attention has rightly been paid to those who are courageously
protecting water resources and sacred land on North Dakota’s Standing
Rock Sioux Reservation <http://standingrock.org/>, few mainstream
commentators have situated Standing Rock as part of a larger political
struggle for self-determination and survival. Linking the politics
surrounding the Dakota Access Pipeline project to Flint, Michigan’s
lead-poisoning crisis
<http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/04/20/465545378/lead-laced-water-in-flint-a-step-by-step-look-at-the-makings-of-a-crisis>
is critical for understanding how race and class informs presumed social
risk, vulnerability to premature death, and access to democratic
decision-making.
In the case of the Dakota Access Pipeline, the Army Corps of Engineers
Nationwide Permit No. 12 (NWP12) has fast-tracked
construction—circumventing the democratic will of members of the
Standing Rock Sioux community—by exempting the project from certain
environmental inspections
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/steve-horn/documents-how-big-oil-pus_b_11922862.html>.
Similarly, the application of Michigan’s Emergency Manager Law (EML) to
Flint—a majority black city—authorized the state’s governor unilaterally
to appoint unelected officials to make decisions
<http://www.theatlantic.com/news/archive/2016/09/michigan-emergency-manager-law/499658/>
about how and where to source cheap water for the municipality. This
sourcing resulted in widespread lead poisoning.
Both NWP12 (a provision strongly supported by the oil industry and its
lobbyists) and Michigan’s EML (legislation passed with bipartisan
support) constitute policies that pervert the democratic process. Both
serve the interests of wealthy white men and thwart the decision-making
capacities of communities of color. These policies beg larger questions:
/What is the color of democracy?
<http://www.aaihs.org/managed-democracy-and-the-illusion-of-politics/>
Who is presumed to be capable of self-governance? And which types of
communities have the right to avoid public health risks and increased
vulnerability to premature death
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/22/magazine/the-condition-of-black-life-is-one-of-mourning.html?_r=0>?/
Since March, thousands of tribal nations and non-indigenous allies
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/01/us/why-your-facebook-friends-are-checking-into-standing-rock.html>
from across the country have gathered at the Standing Rock Sioux
Reservation to protect land and water
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/29/us/dakota-access-pipeline-protest.html>
that could be destroyed and/or contaminated by the proposed Dakota
Access Pipeline. Many members of the tribe oppose the pipeline’s
construction near their reservation on the grounds that it threatens
their public health and welfare, water supply, cultural resources, and
sacred sites. If completed, the $3.7 billion pipeline fabricated by
Texas-based Energy Transfer Partners would span nearly 1,200 miles from
North Dakota to Illinois and would transport at least 470,000 barrels of
crude oil per day.
Members of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe have argued
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2016/09/why_the_sioux_battle_against_the_dakota_access_pipeline_is_such_a_big_deal.html>
that under federal law the U.S. government should have consulted with
them about the pipeline in the early stages of project development—and
did not. Last July, the Standing Rock Sioux and the nonprofit
Earthjustice <http://earthjustice.org/> sued the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers in federal court, contending that the agency had wrongly
approved the pipeline without reasonable consultation. The tribe has
also argued that because the Dakota Access Pipeline would cross right
under the Missouri River at Lake Oahe—the reservation’s main source of
drinking water—a leak or oil spill could prove disastrous.
According to the National Institute of Health
<https://www.nlm.nih.gov/nativevoices/timeline/616.html>, safe drinking
water is presently “unavailable in 13 percent of American Indian/Alaska
Native homes on reservations, compared with 1 percent of the overall
U.S. population.” Moreover, the tribe points out that the pipeline’s
original path
<http://heavy.com/news/2016/09/dakota-access-pipeline-map-route-protests-dogs-state-north-dakota-illinois-south-iowa-counties-standing-rock-native-american-jill-stein/>
was supposed to go farther north, near Bismarck, but state and federal
officials rejected that route out of concern that a leak might harm the
state capital’s drinking water.
According to federal pipeline regulators the Bismarck route would have
traversed land considered a “high consequence area,” a designation
reserved for zones determined to have “the most significant adverse
consequences in the event of a pipeline spill.”
This is significant for the following reason:
Water politics is always raced & classed:
Bismarck = 95% white | poverty 12%
Standing Rock Sioux Reservation = poverty 43%@LeftSentThis
<https://twitter.com/LeftSentThis> pic.twitter.com/iveQQ3xwsz
<https://t.co/iveQQ3xwsz>
— Christopher Petrella (@CFPetrella) October 27, 2016
<https://twitter.com/CFPetrella/status/791754057715163136>
To be sure, the language of “high consequence areas,” serves as a
politically vacuous euphemism for high consequence lives, people, and
bodies. These raced and classed demographic realities beg the
questions:/Whose lives matter?
<http://www.aaihs.org/joseph-the-radical-democracy-of-the-movement-for-black-lives/>
Whose historic use of land and water matter? And whose health matters?/
One could ask the same questions of Flint, Michigan.
Whereas members of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe were not consulted in
the initial stages of the Dakota Access Pipeline planning process, many
citizens of Flint, Michigan—a majority-black city—were subjected to a
lead-tainted water supply and stripped of their civic power,
representative government, and legal recourse in an effort to save the
city from financial default.
Residents of Flint, 57 percent of whom are black and 42 percent of whom
live below the poverty line, were deprived of the basic right to govern
their city from 2011-2015 by Michigan’s Emergency Manager Law
<http://michiganradio.org/post/how-did-we-get-here-look-back-michigans-emergency-manager-law>
(EML). The provision empowers the governor with the authority to appoint
unelected officials to control any city determined to be in “fiscal
crisis.” The emergency manager has the power to “renegotiate contracts,
liquidate assets, suspend local government [and] unilaterally draft policy.”
In 2013, Flint residents filed a lawsuit challenging the
constitutionality of Michigan’s EML on the basis that most appointments
have come in cities in which most of the residents are people of color.
A federal appeals court upheld the state’s EML in 2016 by arguing that
citizens have “no fundamental right” to elect local government
officials. The court also found that the law appeared to be applied with
colorblind intentions and was “facially entirely neutral with respect to
race.” The outcome of these policies, however, strongly suggest
otherwise. In theory, emergency financial managers are supposed to
assist municipalities based on a unbiased evaluation of their financial
circumstances—but majority-white communities facing similar fiscal
challenges have not been subject to the same levels of unwanted
political imposition.
Flint Michigan
Population: 99K
Racial Makeup: black, 57%; white, 37%; others, 6%
Residents Below Poverty Line: 42% pic.twitter.com/SYM9zEUKl7
<https://t.co/SYM9zEUKl7>
— LEFT (@LeftSentThis) May 5, 2016
<https://twitter.com/LeftSentThis/status/728127895781056518>
Ideologically, the EML law rests on the assumption that residents of
predominantly- black cities are ill-equipped to manage their own local
democracies, as six unelected managers have been assigned to govern
Flint over the past 13 years. One should ask if the same in /loco
parentis /form of governance would be applied to majority-white cities
in Michigan with the same zeal? To date, Allen Park, Michigan seems to
be the singular majority-white city in the state to have come under the
supervision of an emergency manager.
A similar question could be posed to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
and political leaders in North Dakota’s capital of Bismarck: would an
oil pipeline of great economic significance ever be allowed to traverse
a local water source in a relatively affluent city that is 95 percent white?
Though it would be wrong to suggest that Standing Rock is the new Flint,
the struggles over access to democratic decision-making power are
strikingly similar, as is the raced and classed (in)ability to eschew
exposure to environmental health-risks and vulnerability to premature death.
The political battles at Standing Rock and in Flint are not just about
clean water. Rather, access to clean water serves as a powerful litmus
test for evaluating access to full and non-negotiable democratic
participation.
<http://www.aaihs.org/policy-and-possibility-in-the-movement-for-black-lives-platform/> The
fight over the color of water—that is, its racialized policy
antecedents—provides a deep challenge to the parameters and
possibilities of self-determination and survival in a political space
hostile to communities of color. The truth is that the very assumptions
of social worth undergirding the decision to divert the Dakota Access
Pipeline from Bismarck to Standing Rock are the very same assumptions
that inform the decision to source Flint water from a polluted river.
Linking these battles over political recognition, entrance to democratic
participation, and access to basic public goods such as clean drinking
water brings into relief the necessity of coalition-building
<http://www.aaihs.org/rebuilding-the-robesonian-labor-movement/> and the
acknowledgment of shared interests. We must contest these race- and
class-based injustices from Flint to Standing Rock and beyond.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
*Christopher Petrella* <http://www.christopherfrancispetrella.net/> is a
Lecturer in American Cultural Studies at Bates College. His work
explores the intersections of race, state, and criminalization. He
completed a Ph.D. in African Diaspora Studies from the University of
California, Berkeley. Follow him on Twitter @CFPetrella
<https://twitter.com/CFPetrella>.
*Ameer Loggins* <http://africam.berkeley.edu/person/ameer-hasan-loggins>
is a Ph.D. Candidate in African Diaspora Studies at the University of
California, Berkeley. His work examines black representation in media.
Follow him on Twitter @LeftSentThis <https://twitter.com/LeftSentThis>.
--
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