[News] Blood on Their Hands: The Racist History of Modern Police Unions
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Jan 26 16:13:04 EST 2015
Blood on Their Hands: The Racist History of Modern Police Unions
Posted: 01/22/2015 4:30 pm EST
*http://www.huffingtonpost.com/g-flint-taylor/blood-on-their-hands-the-_b_6475348.html*
Outraged by New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio's statements
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/03/eric-garner-bill-de-blasio_n_6264368.html>
concerning the killing of Eric Garner, Patrick Lynch, the longtime
leader of the New York City Patrolmen's Benevolent Association (PBA),
the NYPD's officers union, recently made the outrageous assertion
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/24/the-nyc-police-union-has-_n_6379148.html>
that the Mayor had "blood on his hands" for the murder of the two NYPD
officers.
In Milwaukee this past fall, the Police Association called for, and
obtained, avote of no confidence
<http://fox6now.com/2014/10/30/milwaukee-police-union-poised-to-take-no-confidence-vote-on-chief-flynn/>
in MPD Chief Ed Flynn after he fired the officer who shot and killed
Dontre Hamilton, an unarmed African American; subsequently, the union's
leader, Mike Crivello, praised the District Attorney when he announced
that he would not bring charges against the officer.
In Chicago, the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), a longtime supporter
ofracist police torturer Jon Burge,
<http://inthesetimes.com/article/17213/jon_burge_torture_chicago_has_not_paid_for_his_crimes>
is now seeking to circumvent court orders that preserve and make public
the police misconduct files of repeater cops such as Burge, by seeking
to enforce a police contract provision that calls for the destruction of
the files after seven years. And in a show of solidarity with the killer
of Michael Brown, Chicago's FOP is soliciting contributions
<http://www.chicagofop.org/darren-wilson-defense-fund-donations/> to the
Darren Wilson defense fund on its website.
Such reactionary actions by police unions are not new, but are a
fundamental component of their history, particularly since they came to
prominence in the wake of the civil rights movement. These organizations
have played a powerful role in defending the police, no matter how
outrageous and racist their actions, and in resisting all manner of
police reforms.
*
New York*
In June 1966, New York City Mayor John Lindsay, responding to widespread
complaints of police brutality, called for a civilian review board.Five
thousand off duty NYPD cops
<http://qz.com/317338/the-nyc-police-union-has-a-long-history-of-bullying-city-hall/>
rallied at City Hall in opposition, and the head of the PBA, leading the
campaign against civilian review, intoned that "I am sick and tired of
giving in to minority groups, with their whims and their gripes and
shouting. Any review board with civilians on it is detrimental to the
operations of the police department." Invoking the specter of increased
crime, the PBA mounted a massive public relations campaign against the
measure, and it was defeated in a referendum that year.
In 1975, in response to proposed budget cuts that included police
layoffs, the PBA ordered a rampage
<http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/12/29/a-brief-history-ofpublicspatsbetweenmayorsandpolice.html>through
the city's black and Puerto Rican communities, with thousands of off
duty cops waving their guns, banging on trash cans, and blowing whistles
for several nights until Mayor Abe Beame obtained a restraining order.
Ten years later, after Mayor Ed Koch revived the issue of civilian
review in the wake of a white cop killing Eleanor Bumpurs, an elderly
and mentally ill black woman, the PBA again condemned the idea, staged a
work slowdown in response
<http://www.nytimes.com/1985/02/06/opinion/when-the-police-threaten-disorder.html>
to the attempted prosecution of the officer, Stephen Sullivan, and
pressured Koch into reinstating Sullivan even though he had been
criminally charged with the killing.
In 1992, when David Dinkins, the first (and only) African-American Mayor
of New York City sought to implement a civilian review agency to
investigate allegations of police misconduct, thePBA organized another
City Hall rally in protest
<http://www.nytimes.com/1992/09/17/nyregion/officers-rally-and-dinkins-is-their-target.html>.
This time, the crowd of officers numbered 10,000
<http://qz.com/317338/the-nyc-police-union-has-a-long-history-of-bullying-city-hall/>,
with PBA members hurtling barricades, jumping on cars, blocking the
Brooklyn Bridge and kicking a reporter. Some of the rally's participants
carried signs showing Dinkins with a bushy Afro haircut and swollen
lips, with racist slogans, including ones that ridiculed him as a
"washroom attendant."
In the mid-1990s, the independent Mollen Commission, appointed by Mayor
Dinkins to investigate police corruption, documented
<http://www.nytimes.com/1995/02/03/nyregion/police-contend-pba-leaders-hindered-stings.html>
widespread police perjury, brutality, drug dealing and theft in the
NYPD, and found that "by advising its members against cooperating with
law-enforcement authorities, the P.B.A. often acts as a shelter for and
protector of the corrupt cop." These findings were seconded by senior
NYPD officials and prosecutors whowere quoted by the New York Times
<http://www.nytimes.com/1995/02/03/nyregion/police-contend-pba-leaders-hindered-stings.html>
as saying that they would continue to "have trouble rooting out
substantial numbers of corrupt officers as long as the P.B.A. resists them."
The Times further quoted these officials as complaining that the PBA,
"fortified with millions of dollars in annual dues collections . . . is
one of the most powerful unions in the city. As an active lobbyist in
Albany and as a contributor to political campaigns, the P.B.A. has
enormous influence over the department and is typically brought in for
consultations before important management decisions are made."
In the Abner Louima case, the PBA's role extended beyond reactionary
advocacy and agitation to active participation in a conspiracy to
cover-up the brutal crimes of its members. In 1997, an NYPD officer
sexually assaulted Louima in a Precinct Station bathroom by violently
shoving a broken broomstick into his rectum. His attacker and three of
his police accomplices were charged with criminal civil rights offenses.
Evidence in the criminal proceedings revealed that a PBA official had
chaired an early meeting
<http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2000/03/loui-m09.html> with the
implicated officers, one of whom was a PBA delegate, at which they
fabricated a false story designed to exonerate one of the conspirators.
Even after the officers were convicted, the PBA continued to defend the
officers, both publicly and with financial support, and to advocate for
them with their fabricated version of events--withnone other than
Patrick Lynch claiming
<https://www.nycpba.org/archive/ch/99/ch-990827-schwarz.html> that
"people with a political agenda have fanned the flames of this
incident," leading to an "innocent man . . . being punished beyond belief."
More recently, Lynch and the PBA, together with the NYPD sergeants and
captains associations, after condemning Federal Judge Shira Scheindlin's
order that sharply limited the NYPD's discriminatory stop and frisk
policies, unsuccessfully sought to appeal her order after Mayor de
Blasio made good on his campaign promise not to appeal.
And this past year, confronted with another indefensible case of NYPD
violence, PBA President Lynch again went on the offensive. In August,
after the medical examiner determined that Eric Garner's death at the
hands of officer Daniel Pantaleo was a homicide by means of a chokehold,
Lynch declared that the examiner was "mistaken" in finding that the
death was a homicide, and that he had "never seen a document that was
more political than that press release by the [medical examiner]."
In a classic case of doubletalk, he further asserted that it was "not a
chokehold. It was bringing a person to the ground the way we're trained
to do to place him under arrest." He chastised Mayor de Blasio for not
"support[ing] New York City police officers unequivocally."
In December, Lynch praised the Staten Island Grand Jury's decision not
to charge Panteleo, while accusing Garner of resisting arrest, brushing
off two police misconduct lawsuits--one for sexual assault during a
search-- brought against Panteleo and idolizing him as "literally an
Eagle Scout," a "model" cop, and "mature, mature" officer.
And once again, the PBA unleasheda work slowdown in further protest
<http://news.yahoo.com/nypd-work-slowdown-will-be-dealt-with--very-forcefully---bratton-says-230926632.html>of
Mayor de Blasio that lasted several weeks.
*Chicago*
In Chicago, the Fraternal Order of Police, which represents CPD patrol
officers, has a similarly notorious history.
Handmaiden to the rioting cops who indiscriminately and brutally beat
demonstrators at the 1968 Democratic Convention, the FOP held a reunion
of their 1968 troops in 2009 at the FOP Lodge. They proudly displayed
pictures of some of the wanton police brutality on their website and, in
an attempt to rewrite history (and the Walker Report's findings
<http://www.fjc.gov/history/home.nsf/page/tu_chicago7_doc_13.html> of a
"police riot"), trumpeted that "the time has come that the Chicago
Police be honored and recognized for their contributions to maintaining
law and order--and for taking a stand against Anarchy. ... The
Democratic National Convention was about to start and the only thing
that stood between Marxist street thugs and public order was a thin blue
line of dedicated, tough Chicago police officers."
In the 1970s and 1980s, the FOP, demonstrating its reactionary and
racist essence within its own ranks, aligned itself against the forces
that were fighting to bring affirmative action to the CPD. The Afro
American Patrolman's League led the battle and was confronted in their
legal struggle at every turn by disgruntled white officers and the FOP.
In 1990, the Chicago City Council passed a resolution that declared
December 4 "Fred Hampton Day." On December 4, 1969, Hampton, a dynamic
young Black Panther Party leader, was slain in his bed by Chicago police
in what, by 1990, had been documented and widely accepted in the
African-American community as a politically motivated murder.
Surprisingly, Mayor Richard M. Daley did not oppose the resolution. But
the FOP most certainly did.
FOP President John Dineen launched a lobbying campaign to repeal the
resolution, publicly belittled the BPP's service programs and slandered
Hampton, who was considered to be a martyr by many African Americans and
activists, as a person who "dedicated his life to killing the pigs."
History repeated itself in 2006 when, after the City Council unanimously
voted to rename the block where Hampton was murdered "Chairman Fred
Hampton Way," FOP President Mark Donahue organized the families of slain
CPD officers to lobby for its rescission, while publicly voicing his cop
membership's "outrage" and "disbelief" at the decision.
In the early 1990s, the FOP began its campaign-- which it continues to
pursue to this day--of defending Jon Burge and his fellow police
torturers. In November 1991, the emerging evidence of a pattern of
police torture by Burge and his cadre of all-too-willing enforcers
compelled the City of Chicago to initiate administrative proceedings
before the Chicago Police Board in order to fire Burge and two of his
co-conspirators for thebrutal electric shock torture of Andrew Wilson
<http://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/the-persistence-of-andrew-wilson/Content?oid=999832>.
Since the city was no longer financing the torturers' defense, as it had
in the civil rights damages case brought by Wilson, the FOP stepped up
and gladly assumed responsibility.
The FOP and its spin-off organization, theBurge-O'Hara-Yucaitis Family
Fund Committee (BOY),
<http://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/cops-on-trial/Content?oid=879122>
then set out on a campaign that sought not only to raise money for the
defense, but also to viciously attack Burge's victims and the lawyers
from the People's Law Office, (including myself) who had brought much of
the damning evidence to light. They falsely accused us of fabricating
the evidence of systemic torture and of making millions from exposing
the scandal. They also organized a raucous fundraiser at a local union
hall where Burge was lionized by thousands of cops and prosecutors.
After a six-week evidentiary hearing, the Police Board fired Burge and
suspended one of the other charged officers. Dineen called the decision
a "travesty of justice," and only weeks later the FOP announced that it
intended to enter a float honoring Burge and his compatriots in the
annual South Side Irish Parade--a parade in which Chicago Mayors and
numerous other politicians regularly marched. The public outrage and
cries of racism that followed the FOP's announcement were swift and
strong, and the FOP was forced to withdraw the float.
A few years later a federal judge, quoting Martin Luther King's "Letter
from a Birmingham Jail," ordered that a number of police files that
documented the systemic nature of the torture "with all its pus flowing
ugliness" be released "to the natural medicines of air and light." The
FOP intervened in the suit, seeking to overturn the order, and continued
to pursue its battle to suppress the files with an unsuccessful appeal.
In 2008, the FOP again became actively involved in defending Burge after
he was indicted for perjury and obstruction of justice for lying under
oath about whether he tortured African-American suspects. The FOP Board,
without putting it to a vote of its membership, pushed through a
resolution to pay for Burge's lawyers in the criminal case.
Defending its decision, FOP President Mark Donahue asserted that Burge,
despite the more than 100 documented cases of torture that had been
amassed against him over the years, had been unfairly tarnished by
allegations from criminals, and that politicians and lawyers for Burge's
victims had fueled a media hysteria which "caused Jon Burge to be the
'poster child' of alleged police torture in this city for an entire
generation." Invoking what can be described as the FOP's unrepentant
motto, Donahue vowed that it "will stand with the police officer every
time." A group of African-American officers unsuccessfully challenged
the decision in Court
<http://wethepeoplemedia.org/uncategorized/cops-fight-their-own-over-burge/>,
stating, "We do not support torture. We do not condone torture. We do
not embrace torture. We will never support that type of behavior on the
department."
In 2011, Burge, despite his high-priced FOP-financed defense, was
convicted of three felonies and sentenced to four-and-a-half years in
federal prison. Nonetheless, the Police Pension Board, which was
comprised of four former or present CPD officers and four
civilians,voted 4-4
<http://inthesetimes.com/article/16231/fired_chicago_police_jon_burge_pension_lisa_madigan>
on the question of whether Burge should be stripped of his pension,
which he had been receiving since 1997. By law, the tie was resolved in
pensioner Burge's favor.
Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan filed suit, seeking to reverse
the decision, and the FOP defended the ruling, with an FOP-financed
private lawyer arguing on behalf of Burge. The case was appealed all the
way to the Illinois Supreme Court, which, in a 4-3 decision this past
summer, ruled in favor of Burge and the Pension Board.
<http://inthesetimes.com/article/17213/jon_burge_torture_chicago_has_not_paid_for_his_crimes>
This appalling history is not limited to New York, Chicago or Milwaukee
by any means. Other notable examples include Detroit in the mid-1970s,
where the Detroit Police Officers Association challenged police reforms
and affirmative action initiatives which sought to stem rampant police
brutality against African Americans with a lawsuit; after it lost its
case, it orchestrated a police riot
<http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/12/29/a-brief-history-ofpublicspatsbetweenmayorsandpolice.html>.
In Los Angeles in the early 1990s, African-American Mayor Tom Bradley
condemned the state court jury verdict which absolved LAPD officers of
criminal charges for brutally beating Rodney King, by stating that the
verdict "will never blind us to what we saw on that videotape," and
further stated that "the men who beat Rodney King do not deserve to wear
the uniform of the LAPD." In response, the L.A. Police Protective League
reacted with a vengeance that, according to Police Chief Richard
Riordan, lasted for years
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/when-tragedy-leaves-divide-1419211713>.
And more recently, in Seattle, the Police Officers' Guild mounted a
verbal attack on then-Mayor Michael McGinn
<http://www.seattlepi.com/local/article/Mayor-Sunday-to-be-John-T-Williams-Day-in-1031102.php>
after he stated, in response to the shooting of a Native American
word-carver, that the Seattle police force had no place for officers who
did not share his commitment to racial justice.
Whether unions which represent police officers, correctional guards and
other law enforcement officers are the same kind of workers'
organizations as other unions, which can potentially be used to further
the interests of the working class as a whole, has been vigorously
contested <https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/01/the-bad-kind-of-unionism/>
by many progressives and leftists over the years. But the disturbing
history of these powerful organizations makes it very clear that they
mirror and reinforce the most racist, brutal and reactionary elements
within the departments they claim to represent and actively encourage
the code of silence within those departments. They are far from
democratic, with officers of color and women having little or no influence.
In truth, police unions further the-all-too-accurate conception that the
police are an occupying force in poor communities of color, and are
antithetical in principle and action to the progressive principles of
the labor movement.
/Flint Taylor is a founding partner of the People's Law Office in
Chicago. He is one of the lawyers for the families of slain Black
Panther leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, and together with his law
partner Jeffrey Haas was trial counsel in the marathon 1976 civil trial.
He has also represented many survivors of Chicago police torture, and
has done battle with the Chicago Police Department--and the Fraternal
Order of Police--on numerous occasions over his 45 year career as a
people's lawyer./
--
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415
863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org
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