[News] Ex-CIA Collaborator: “The CIA’s Plans in Venezuela Are Far Advanced”

[Anti-Imperialist News]

  Interview with Ex-CIA Collaborator: “The CIA’s Plans in Venezuela Are
  Far Advanced”

<http://venezuelanalysis.com/printmail/10533>http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/10533
<http://venezuelanalysis.com/print/10533>

March 25th 2014

/In a recent interview in Havana, a former CIA collaborator, Cuban Raúl 
Capote, revealed the strategy of the CIA in Venezuelan universities to 
create the kind of destabilizing opposition student movement the country 
is currently facing. He also discusses media manipulation, and alleges 
that one of the U.S. diplomats that President Maduro expelled 
<http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/10054> from Venezuela last September 
was in fact a CIA agent. The following translation and notes were made 
by Sabina C. Becker 
<http://www.sabinabecker.com/2014/03/ex-cia-agent-reveals-how-venezuelan-students-get-putschist-training.html>. 
Original interview in Spanish here 
<http://www.aporrea.org/actualidad/n247624.html>. /

Raúl Capote is a Cuban. But not just any Cuban. In his youth, he was 
caught up by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). They offered him 
an infinite amount of money to conspire in Cuba. But then something 
unexpected for the US happened. Capote, in reality, was working for 
Cuban national security. From then on, he served as a double agent. 
Learn his story, by way of an exclusive interview with the /Chávez Vive 
/magazine/,/ which he gave in Havana:

*/Q. What was the process by which you were caught up?/*

It started with a process of many years, several years of preparation 
and capture. I was leader of a Cuban student movement which, at that 
time, gave rise to an organization, the Saiz Brothers Cultural 
Association, a group of young creators, painters, writers, artists. I 
worked in a city in southern-central Cuba, Cienfuegos, which had 
characteristics of great interest to the enemy, because it was a city in 
which an important industrial pole was being built at the time. They 
were building an electrical centre, the only one in Cuba, and there were 
a lot of young people working on it. For that reason, it was also a city 
that had a lot of young engineers graduated in the Soviet Union. We’re 
talking of the last years of the 1980s, when there was that process 
called Perestroika. And many Cuban engineers, who arrived in Cuba at 
that time, graduated from there, were considered people who had arrived 
with that idea of Perestroika. For that reason, it was an interesting 
territory, where there were a lot of young people. And the fact that I 
was a youth leader of a cultural organization, which dealt with an 
important sector of the engineers who were interested in the arts, 
became of interest to the North Americans, and they began to frequent 
the meetings we attended. They never identified themselves as enemies, 
or as officials of the CIA.

*/Q. Were there many of them, or just always the same person?/*

Several. They never presented themselves as officials of the CIA, nor as 
people who had come to cause trouble, or anything.

*/Q. And who do you suppose they were?/*

They presented themselves as people coming to help us and our project, 
and who had the ability to finance it. That they had the chance to make 
it a reality. The proposal, as such, sounded interesting because, okay, 
a project in the literary world requires that you know a publisher, that 
you have editorial relations. It’s a very complex market. And they came 
in the name of publishers. What happened is that, during the process of 
contact with us, what they really wanted became quite evident. Because 
once they had made the contact, once they had begun frequenting our 
meetings, once they began to promise financing, then came the conditions 
for being financed.

*/Q. What conditions did they demand?/*

They told us: We have the ability to put the markets at your disposal, 
to put you on the markets of books or sculpture or movies or whatever, 
but we need the truth, because what we’re selling in the market, is the 
image of Cuba. The image of Cuba has to be a realistic one, of 
difficulties, of what’s going on in the country. They wanted to smear 
the reality of Cuba. What they were asking is that you criticize the 
revolution, based on anti-Cuba propaganda lines, which they provided.

*/Q. How big was these people’s budget?/*/
/
They came with an infinite amount of money, because the source of the 
money, obviously, we found out over time from whence it came. For 
example, there was USAID, which was the big provider, the overall 
contractor of this budget, which channeled the money via NGOs, many of 
them invented just for Cuba. They were NGOs that didn’t exist, created 
solely for this type of job in Cuba, and we’re talking thousands and 
thousands of dollars. They weren’t working on small budgets. To give you 
an example, at one time, they offered me ten thousand dollars, just to 
include elements of anti-Cuba propaganda, in the novel I was writing.

*/Q. What year are we talking about?/*

Around 1988-89.

*/Q. How many people could have been contacted by these people, or 
captured?/*

In reality, their success didn’t last long, because in Cuba there was a 
culture of total confrontation with this type of thing, and the people 
knew very well that there was something behind that story of them 
wanting to “help” us. It was nothing new in the history of the land, and 
for that reason, it was very hard for them to get to where we were. In a 
determined moment, around 1992, we held a meeting, all the members of 
the organization, and we decided to expel them. They weren’t allowed to 
attend any more of our meetings. Those people, who were already coming 
in with concrete proposals, and also preconditioned economic aid they 
were giving us. What happened is that at the moment we did that, and 
rejected them, we expelled them from the association headquarters, then 
they started to particularize. They began to visit with me, in 
particular, and other comrades as well, young people. With some they 
succeeded, or should I say, they succeeded in getting some of them out 
of the country as well.

*/Q. What kind of profile were they looking for, more or less, if any 
kind of profile could be specified?/*

They wanted, above all at that time, to present Cuba as a land in chaos. 
That socialism in Cuba had not managed to satisfy the needs of the 
population, and that Cuba was a country that socialism had landed in 
absolute poverty, and which, as a model, no one liked. That was the key 
to what they were pursuing, above all, at that time.
/
*Q. How long were you an agent of the CIA?*/

We were in this initial story until 1994. Because in 1994, I went to 
Havana, I came back to the capital and here, in the capital, I began to 
work for the Union of Cultural Workers, a union which represented the 
cultural workers of the capital, and I became more interesting yet to 
them, because I went on to direct — from being a leader of a youth 
organization with 4,000 members, to directing a union with 40,000 
members, just in the city of Havana. And then, it gets much more 
interesting. Contacts followed. In that period there appeared a woman 
professor from a new university who came with the mission of 
kick-starting the production of my literary work, to become my 
representative, to organize events.

*/Q. Can you give her name?/*

No, because they used pseudonyms. They never used real names. And that 
type of work, promoting me as a writer, was what they were very 
interested in, because they wanted to convert me into a personality in 
that world. Promoting me now, and compromising me with them in an 
indirect manner. And then, in 2004, there arrived in Havana a person 
well known in Venezuela, Kelly Keiderling. Kelly came to Havana to work 
as Chief of the Office of Press and Culture. They set up a meeting. they 
arranged a cocktail party, and at that party I met with 12 North 
American functionaries, North Americans and Europeans. They weren’t only 
North Americans. All of them people with experience, some also inside 
the Soviet Union, others who had participated in training and 
preparation of the people in Yugoslavia, in the Color Revolutions, and 
they were very interested in meeting me. Kelly became very close to me. 
She began to prepare me. She began to instruct me. I began to receive, 
from her, a very solid training: The creation of alternative groups, 
independent groups, the organization and training of youth leaders, who 
did not participate in the works of our cultural institutions. And that 
was in 2004-5. Kelly practically vanished from the scene in 2005-6. And 
when I started to work, she put me in direct contact with officials of 
the CIA. Supposedly, I was already committed to them, I was ready for 
the next mission, and they put me in touch with Renee Greenwald, an 
official of the CIA, who worked with me directly, and with a man named 
Mark Waterhein, who was, at the time, the head of Project Cuba, of the 
Pan-American Foundation for Development.

This man, Mark, as well as directing Project Cuba, had a direct link to 
Cuba, in terms of financing the anti-revolutionary project, as well as 
being involved in working against Venezuela. That is, he was a man who, 
along with much of his team of functionaries of that famous project, 
also worked against Venezuela at that time. They were closely connected. 
At times it took a lot of work to tell who was working with Cuba, and 
who was not, because many times they interlocked. For example, there 
were Venezuelans who came to work with me, who worked in Washington, who 
were subordinates of the Pan-American Foundation and the CIA, and they 
came to Cuba to train me as well, and to bring provisions. From there 
arose the idea of creating a foundation, a project called Genesis.

Genesis is maybe the template, as an idea, of many of the things going 
on in the world today, because Genesis is a project aimed at the 
university youth of Cuba. They were doing something similar in 
Venezuela. Why? The idea was to convert universities — which have always 
been revolutionary, which have produced revolutionaries, out of those 
from which many of the revolutionaries of both countries came — and 
convert them into factories for reactionaries. So, how do you do that? 
By making leaders. What have they begun to do in Venezuela? They sent 
students to Yugoslavia, financed by the International Republican 
Institute (IRI), which was financed by USAID and by the Albert Einstein 
Institute, and sent them, in groups of ten, with their professors.

*/Q. Do you have the names of the Venezuelans?/*

No, we’re talking of hundreds being sent. I spoke with the professor, 
and watched one group and followed the other. Because they were working 
long-term. The same plan was also in place against Cuba. Genesis 
promoted, with in the university, a plan of training scholarships for 
Cuban student leaders and professors. The plan was very similar. Also, 
in 2003, they prepared here, in Havana, a course in the US Interests 
Section, which was called “Deposing a leader, deposing a dictator”, 
which was based on the experience of OTPOR in removing Slobodan 
Milosevic from power. And that was the idea, inside the Cuban 
university, to work long-term, because these projects always take a long 
time in order to reap a result. For that reason, they also started early 
in Venezuela. I believe as well — I don’t have proof, but I believe that 
in Venezuela it began before the Chávez government, because the plan of 
converting Latin American universities, which were always sources of 
revolutionary processes, into reactionary universities, is older than 
the Venezuelan [Bolivarian] process, to reverse the situation and create 
a new right-wing.

*/Q. Did the CIA only work in Caracas?/*

No, throughout Venezuela. Right now, Genesis has a scholarship plan to 
create leaders in Cuba. They provide scholarships to students to big 
North American universities, to train them as leaders, with all expenses 
paid. They pay their costs, they provide complete scholarships. We’re 
talking 2004-5 here. It was very obvious. Then, those leaders return to 
university at some time. They’re students. They go to end their careers. 
Those leaders, when they end their student careers, go on to various 
jobs, different possibilities, as engineers, as degree-holders in 
different sectors of Cuban society, but there are others who go on 
constantly preparing leaders within the university. One of the most 
important missions of the university leaders was to occupy the 
leadership of the principal youth organizations of the university. In 
the case of Cuba, we’re talking about the Union of Communist Youth, and 
the University Student Federation. That is, it was not to create 
parallel groups at that time, but to become the leaders of the 
organizations already existing in Cuba. Also, to form a group of leaders 
in the strategies of the “soft” coup. That is, training people for the 
opportune moment to start the famous “color revolutions” or “non-violent 
wars”, which, as you well know, have nothing to do with non-violence.

*/Q. What were they looking for in a professor, in order to capture them?/*

Professors are very easy. Identify university professors discontented 
with the institution, frustrated people, because they considered that 
the institution did not guarantee them anything, or didn’t recognize 
their merits. If they were older, even better. They didn’t specify. Look 
for older persons, so you can pick them. If you send a scholarship plan, 
or you send it and, first crack, they receive an invitation to 
participate in a great international congress of a certain science, they 
will be eternally grateful to you, because you were the one who 
discovered their talent, which has never been recognized by the 
university. Then that man you sent to study abroad, if you’re from his 
university, and participating in a big event, and publish his works, and 
constructing him a curriculum. When that person returns to Cuba, he goes 
back with a tremendous curriculum, because he has participated in a 
scientific event of the first order, has passed courses from big 
universities, and his curriculum reaches to the roof, then the influence 
he could have in the university will be greater, because he could be 
recognized as a leading figure in his specialty, even though in practice 
the man could be an ignoramus.

*/Q. And how effective were these types of captures, that type of 
missions they came to accomplish here?/*

In the case of Cuba, they didn’t have much of a result. First, because 
there was a most important reason, because I was the one directing the 
project, and I, in reality, was not an agent of the CIA, I was an agent 
of Cuban security, and so, the whole project passed through my hands, 
and they thought I was the one who would execute it. And the plan always 
passed through the work I was able to do, and what we did was slow it 
down as much as possible, knowing right away what was being planned. But 
just think, the goal of their plan, they were calculating for the moment 
in which the historic figures of the Revolution would disappear. They 
were figuring on a five- or ten-year term, in which Fidel would 
disappear from the political scene, and Raúl, and the historic leaders 
of the land. That was the moment they were waiting for, and when that 
happened, I was to leave university, with all the support of the 
international press and that of the NGOs, USAID, and all the people 
working around the CIA’s money, and that there would arise an 
organization which would present itself before the light of the public, 
as an alternative to what the Revolution was doing. That is what was to 
have happened with the Genesis Foundation for Freedom.

*/Q. What is that Foundation?/*

The Genesis Foundation for Freedom was to have a discourse, apparently 
revolutionary, but the idea was to confuse the people. The idea is that 
they would say they were revolutionaries, that what they wanted was to 
make changes in the government, but, when it comes to practice, when you 
get to the essence of the project, when you ask yourself “What is the 
project?” the discourse was, and the project was, exactly the same as 
those of the traditional right-wing. Because the changes they promoted, 
were the same that the right-wing, for a long time, has been promoting 
in the country. In practice, they almost had their big opportunity, 
according to their criteria, in 2006, when the news came out on TV that 
Fidel, for health reasons, was stepping down from his governmental 
responsibilities, and they have always said that the Cuban Revolution 
would die when Fidel died. Because the Revolution was Fidel, and on the 
day Fidel was no longer there, either by dying or leaving government, 
the next day the Revolution would fall. And they calculated that there 
would be internal confrontations, that there would be discontent with 
this or that. Calculations that I don’t know where they got them from, 
but they believed it. And in that moment, they believed that the time 
had come to act.

*/Q. We’re talking about 2006. What was the plan?/*/
/
They called me automatically. We met, the CIA station chief and I, here 
in Havana. Diplomatic functionaries also showed up, and one of them said 
to me, we’re going to organize a provocation. We’re going to organize a 
popular uprising in a central neighborhood in Havana. There will be a 
person going there to rise up for democracy, and we’re going to execute 
a group of provocations, in different locations, in such a way that 
Cuban security forces will be forced to act against these people, and 
later we’ll start a big press campaign and start explaining how all of 
this will function. The interesting part of that, what really caught my 
attention, was this: How was it possible that a functionary of the US 
Interests Section could have the power to call upon the principal media, 
and that those people would obey with such servility? It was really 
attention-getting. The idea was — and I even told them this — what 
you’re telling me is just crazy. This man you mentioned to me, called 
Alci Ferrer — the guy they picked, a young agent, a doctor — they picked 
him to be the ringleader of the uprising. I told them, that guy won’t 
budge anyone. No one is going to rise up in the centre of Havana. The 
date they picked was none other than Fidel’s birthday, and they told me 
that day! And I said, Look, buddy, if that man, on that day, decides to 
go make proclamations, or to start some kind of uprising in the middle 
of Havana, the people are going to respond harshly. It’s even possible 
that they might kill him. Why, how could you put him in a humble 
working-class neighborhood to start those things, the locals…And he told 
me, flat out, the best thing that could happen for us is if they kill 
that man, it would be perfect, and they explained to me what would 
happen. All he had to do was provoke. They would go into the street, and 
there would be a clash there. If that happened, the press would do the 
rest, and they told me, we’re going to start a huge media campaign to 
demonstrate that there is chaos in Cuba, that Cuba is ungovernable; that 
in Cuba, Raúl is unable to hold the reins of government; that the 
civilian population is being killed; that students are being repressed 
in the street, and the people in the street, that the police are 
committing crimes. What a resemblance to Venezuela! It’s not a 
coincidence. It’s like that.

*/Q. So, what was supposed to happen in those circumstances?/*

Once all the opinion matrices were created, and all the media matrices 
had constructed that image, the whole world was supposed to have the 
image of Cuba as a great disaster, and that they’re killing the people, 
that they are killing them all. Then, my organization was to complete 
the final task.

*/Q. What was the final task?/*

Well, to gather the international press, in my capacity as a university 
professor, and as a writer, and as a leader of that organization, that I 
go out publicly to ask the government of the United States to intervene 
in Cuba, to guarantee the lives of the civilians and to bring peace and 
tranquility to the Cuban people. To speak to the country in the name of 
the Cuban people. Just imagine that!

That plan fell apart on them. It gave them no result, but as you could 
see, later, the way the war in Libya went, and the way it was set up. 
More than 80% of the information we saw, was fabricated. They’re doing 
the same in Syria, and they’ve done the same in Ukraine. I have had the 
opportunity to converse with a lot of Ukrainians, since they were in the 
bases. People in favor of uniting with Europe. I tried to talk with them 
these days. Trying to find out, what are those processes like? And they 
were surprised at the images which were transmitted around the world. 
What happened in Miami, and they themselves said so, but we’ve been 
protesting there, but those things that appear on TV, that was a group, 
or rather, there were sectors, there were places where there were 
right-wing groups, of the very far right, where there were incidents of 
that type, and where they burned things, but the greater part of the 
demonstrations didn’t have those characteristics. Or that this is, once 
more, the repetition of the scheme, using all the communication media.

*/Q. The relationship between the CIA and the embassies, in the 
respective lands, are they direct, then?/*

Yes, completely direct. In every embassy in Latin America, all the US 
embassies have CIA officials, working within them, using the façade of 
diplomatic functionaries.

*/Q. From what you know, is there a greater CIA presence in the region?/*

Well, at a certain moment, Ecuador was a major power in that, it had a 
strong concentration of them, and of course, Venezuela, because in 2012, 
when I attended the Book Fair in Caracas, all those people who had 
worked with me against Cuba, all the CIA officials, including Kelly 
Keiderling, were in Caracas at that time. And I was on a TV show, on 
VTV, where we talked about this subject, being very careful, because we 
were talking about two countries who have relations. That’s not the case 
with Cuba, or rather, Cuba has no relations with the United States. 
That’s a declared enemy. But we were talking about functionaries who had 
diplomatic relations, and it was very awkward to do it, without having 
concrete proofs you could present. However, the interview happened, and 
the denunciation was made of what was going on. Kelly Keiderling is an 
expert in this type of war. I have not the slightest doubt. When one 
follows the itinerary she has, in the countries where she’s been, and 
when I was in that type of conflict.

She has toured a series of countries in the world where very similar 
situations have occurred, like what she tried to do in Venezuela. And 
when you analyze Venezuela, and what has happened nowadays and the way 
in which she has acted, I think that in Venezuela, the characteristic 
that has been that they are tremendously aggressive in the manipulation 
of the information. Tremendously aggressive. To the point where you say 
it’s a blunder, because there are images which are so obviously not from 
Venezuela. I saw a very famous one, in which a soldier appears with a 
journalist, with a camera.They are Koreans. It’s an image from Korea. 
They’re Asian. They don’t look like Venezuelans at all. Also, the 
uniforms they wear. They’ve been very aggressive with that image which 
has projected what’s going on in Venezuela to the world. The greater 
part of the world’s people, this image is the one they’re seeing, of 
what they’re trying to say.

*/Q. They control the media. Do you know any case of any journalist 
which has been, as you have seen, known or unknown, which you have seen 
in the process of training?/*

No.

*/Q. CNN, for example?/*

No, there was a guy who had a lot of ties to me at the time here, who 
served as a link for meeting an official from the CIA., Antony Golden, 
of Reuters. But, all right, he was an element independent of Reuters. 
CNN has always been very closely linked to all these things. CNN, from 
its first moments of operation, above all this latest step, and above 
all, CNN en Español, has been an indispensable tool for these people, 
but the problem is that you have to understand one thing: to understand 
what’s going on, and to be able to mount a campaign, you have to 
understand that nowadays, there is no TV station that acts on its own. 
There are the conglomerates, and the communications conglomerates — who 
directs them? Because, for example, Time Warner and AOL, and all those 
big communications companies — cable TV, movie TV, TV in general — who 
is the boss, in the end? Here it’s Westinghouse, there it’s General 
Electric. The same who build warplanes, the same US arms industry, the 
same people who are the owners of TV networks, movie studios, 
publications, book publishers. So, the same guys who produce warplanes, 
the cookie you’ll eat at night, that presents an artist to you, are the 
same who rule the newspapers of the entire world. Who do these people 
answer to?

*/Q. When you see what’s happening in Venezuela, and you compare it with 
what you did here [in Cuba], what conclusion can you draw?/*

It’s a new strategy, which they’ve been developing based on the 
experience they’ve had all over the world, but I see, I’m convinced, 
that they’ve only gotten results when people in those places don’t 
support the revolution. They managed it with Milosevic, because 
Milosevic was a Yugoslavian leader whose image had fallen far, thanks to 
things that happened in Yugoslavia. The same happened in Ukraine, 
because Yanukovych was a man with very little popular support, and it 
has given results in other places where the governments had little 
support from the people. Wherever they have a legitimate government, a 
solid government, and people disposed to defend the revolution, the plan 
has failed on them.

*/Q. And what phase do they enter when the plan fails?/*

They’re going to keep on doing it, they’ll go on perfecting it. We are 
the enemy. That is, Venezuela, Cuba, everything going on in Latin 
America as an alternative. We are the dissidents of the world. We live 
in a world dominated by capitalism. Where that new capitalist way of 
being dominates, so that now one can’t even call it imperialist, it’s 
something new, something that goes way beyond what students of Marxism 
wrote in history years ago. It’s something new, novel. It’s a power, 
practically global, of the big transnationals, of those megalopolies 
they’ve created. Therefore, we are the enemy. We are presenting an 
alternative project. The solution that the world proposes to us, is not 
that. We know how to do it, and Cuba, Venezuela, the ALBA countries, 
have demonstrated that it can be done, that one or two days more are 
nothing. The Cuban revolution has been in existence for 55 years, and 
with political will, it has achieved things that the US government, with 
all the money in the world, has been unable to do. So that’s a bad example.

And I’ve told my students: Can you imagine that the Indignants in Spain, 
the thousands and millions of workers out of work in Spain, that the 
Greeks, that all those people in all the world, know what we’re doing? 
Can you imagine that these people get to know who Chávez is? Or who 
Fidel is? Or of the things we’re doing here? Or the things we’re doing 
with so few resources, only the will to make revolution and share the 
wealth? What will happen to capitalism? How much longer will capitalism 
last, which has to spend billions of dollars, every day, to build its 
image and fool the people? What would happen if the people knew who we 
really are? What is the Cuban Revolution, really, and what is the 
Venezuelan Revolution? Because, if you talked to a Spaniard and asked 
him about Chávez, and he gives you a terrible opinion of Chávez, because 
it’s what they’ve constructed in his mind/ And you meet an unemployed 
person who tells you that Chávez is a bad guy, because the media have 
convinced him of that, but if these people knew how things really were! 
So they can’t allow that such formidable enemies as ourselves should be 
there, at the door.

*/Q. From the viewpoint of the national sovereignty of our people, how 
can we stop the CIA? We’ve already talked about the consciousness of the 
people, which is fundamental in these types of actions, but, in the 
concrete, how does one foresee the CIA’s work? What can be done? What 
recommendations do you have?/*

I think of a thing that Chávez said, and that Fidel has always said, 
that is the key to defeating the empire, and that is unity. It’s not a 
slogan, it’s a reality. It’s the only way you have of defeating a 
project like that. A project that comes from the Special Services and 
from capitalism. One can only do it with the unity of the people.

*/Q. Are we talking about the civilian-military?/*

Yes, unity in all senses. Unity based in diversity, in the peoples, but 
unity as a nation, unity as a project. Wherever the people are divided, 
there is another reality.

*/Q. Where do they have to concentrate? In what area must they 
concentrate forces to defend us from this type of actions, this type of 
attacks?/*

The army to defeat that is the people. I believe that the Cuban 
experience has taught that very well. There are experiences in the world 
which mark you very clearly. What has happened in the world, when the 
people have not been protagonists in defence of the Revolution? And when 
the people have been protagonists, what happened? And there’s the case 
of Cuba. We have managed to defeat the CIA and the empire millions of 
times, because the people have been the protagonist.

*/Q. Does the CIA use the databases of the social networks, and that 
sort of thing, to define their plans?/*/
/
They’re the masters. They’re the masters of that. Fine, there are the 
denunciations of Snowden and all that has come out of Wikileaks, and all 
those things that are no secret to anyone, because we suspected, but 
it’s been demonstrated. It’s been demonstrated that the servers, the 
Internet, are theirs. All the servers in the world, in the end, die in 
the North Americans’ servers. They are the mother of the Internet, and 
all the networks and services are controlled by them. They have access 
to all the information. And they don’t hesitate to record it. Facebook 
is an extraordinary database. People put everything on Facebook. Who are 
your friends? What are their tastes, what movies have they seen? What do 
they consume? And it’s a source of firsthand information.

*/Q. Have you been in contact with Kelly Keiderling, after what happened 
in Venezuela?/*

No, I haven’t had contact with her. I don’t know what was her final 
destination, after what happened (she was expelled from Venezuela 
<http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/10054> for meeting with and financing 
terrorists).

*/Q. With the experience she has, how far was she able to penetrate into 
Venezuela, and Venezuelan universities?/*/
/
I am certain that she got quite far. She’s a very intelligent agent, 
very well prepared, very capable, and very convinced of what she’s 
doing. Kelly is a person convinced of the job she is doing. She is 
convinced of the justness, from her point of view, of what she is doing. 
Because she is an unconditional representative of capitalism. Because 
she comes from capitalism’s elite. She is organic of the actions she is 
doing. There is no contradiction of any kind. And, based on the 
experience of her work, of her capability, I am sure that she managed to 
get very far, and gave continuity to a job which is not just for now, 
it’s a job she will go on doing for a long time, to reverse the process 
in Venezuelan universities. What’s going on is that up to whatever point 
they can reach, in the long term, that is what will show the Bolivarian 
process, in the measure of which the people are aware of what could 
happen. If that fascist right wing becomes uncontrollable, it could get 
into power again.

*/Q. What kind of person who has contacts, who could reach the people, 
such as by being an activist in a movement, could be captured by the CIA?/*

They will find them, they will try to do it. If it’s a young person and 
a leader, they will try to capture them for their interests. We have to 
train our leaders. We can’t leave that to spontaneity, we can’t leave 
that to the enemy. So, if we leave them to the enemy, those are spaces 
which the enemy will occupy. Any alternative project that we leave 
unattended, any alternative project that we don’t realize the necessity 
of getting close to, that is a project that the enemy will try, by all 
means, to take advantage of. Using the enormous amount of money they 
have for that, which has no limits, in terms of resources to be used, 
because they are playing with the future and, above all, the young are 
the key.

The good thing is that the young are the present of Latin America. The 
Latin American revolution which is there, which is everywhere, is of the 
young. If not, fine, it will never have results, and if you manage to 
make young people think differently, if you succeed in getting these 
youngsters to believe that savage capitalism is the solution to all 
their problems, then there will be no revolution for Latin America. It’s 
that simple.

-- 
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