[News] Ferguson: Escaping Post-racial Hypnosis
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Aug 21 12:16:40 EDT 2014
Ferguson: Escaping Post-racial Hypnosis
on 20 Agosto 2014
*http://commonware.org/index.php/cartografia/436-ferguson-escaping-post-racial-hypnosis*
Interview with GEORGE CICCARIELLO-MAHER - by ANNA CURCIO and LENORA HANSON
/Our first question has to do with the way that Ferguson exploded after
Michael Brown's murder and the police response. What are the social
dynamics that led to and preceded these intense riots? What led to the
uprising of the black community and how can you explain the violence of
the police response there?/
To get into the broad historical context, especially for those not in
the US, it is important to say that police violence here is not an
abstract or universal phenomenon. It is a phenomenon that has focused on
certain peoples and certain "problem" populations, specifically although
not solely on African-American and black Americans. When we look at
Ferguson and the fact that it is a suburb of St. Louis, this in
historical and racial terms is already in many ways a point of conflict
and racial tension. Ferguson itself was almost entirely white until the
1970s, but has become a city that is in its large majority black, around
70-65%, and yet the police force is almost universally white. And when
we look at some of the recent FBI data has come out we find that, for
example, 92% of those arrested in Ferguson for disorderly conduct are
black, which gives a good insight into the way that people are
systematically harassed. People in Ferguson are harassed by police and
petty charges like disorderly conduct are used by them as a social
control over this population. And again what we have is not an abstract
problem but a manifestation and repetition of historical, white,
supremacist police violence in which black lives are worth nothing and
black death is almost always legitimized. And this is continuing to play
out with the media narrative that follows, as if coherence were
completely irrelevant, the 3-4 police explanations that serve to
legitimize this violence against this young man to the public. They say
Michael Brown was maybe involved in a robbery, which the police claim
was earlier that day although he seems to be wearing different clothes
if that's him in the videos they released; maybe he was jaywalking,
which again needs to be understood in a context where the police are
harassing people for minor crimes. And, of course, this makes it very
clear to the white populations nearby that this is a question of black
or white, just as when the police released images of the so-called
"looters" in Ferguson, which they did to remind everyone that police
were out there protecting property against the so-called violence of others.
/You referenced "white flight" in the Midwest above. Can you talk about
its relationship to deindustrialization, which has important class
implications, and how that "white flight" has produced class and racial
tensions in Ferguson?/
We're talking about the geography of race, and race is always a
phenomenon that manifests geographically. The way that it manifests in
the US more often than not has been the flight of whites into the
suburbs, which began as a process a long time ago but especially in the
periods of deindustrialization in the 1970s when it accelerated. So you
have large cities in the Midwest and elsewhere, such as where I live in
Philadelphia, where what you find in this so-called post-racial era is
that race is more likely to be coded geographically than it is to be
coded openly in racial terms. So whether it is through a coded language
of school districts or dangerous areas or moving to the suburbs to give
your kids opportunities, what we're talking about are the ways that
segregation is actually an /increasing/ phenomenon in the U.S. Ferguson
is clearly one example of those places that once was exclusively white
and has now become a predominately black town; so you know, we're
talking about another example of this geographic manifestation where the
police are there not just to police the population but also the borders.
The function of the police is to keep people in line and in their zone
or in their lane as it were, and Ferguson, a city that went from being a
white city to a black city, is a city where the population has to be
terrorized by police, but where the police also have to keep the
population away from whiter suburbs in that area.
/Because you were just talking about the police and the black community,
can you suggest what the people in Ferguson are bringing to the streets,
or what kinds of experiences and feelings they are bringing there?/
This is one thing that many white observers but also liberal observers
just don't grasp about the police killing of blacks in the States, which
is that it is always embedded in this long historical trajectory that is
not even a long memory. I mean, we are even talking about the highly
publicized murders of at least 5 black men in the last month by police
in this country, so this is a constant trajectory of police murder. And
the off-the-cuff expressions of people in Ferguson attest to that when
they say that this is about everything from Emmett Till to Trayvon
Martin to the present, that is a long trajectory, and the failure to
recognize it is a failure to grasp the depth of rage in these moments.
That rage is in many ways a product of feeling slightly helpless about
the constant repetition of this violence, but is also the dedication and
the insistence that something must be done, and that in the absence of
legal reform which accomplishes anything, in the absence of electing
officials and congressman accomplishing anything, maybe these rebellions
and riots will work. Which, historically speaking, is actually not a
terribly inaccurate judgment if you look at cases throughout U.S.
history. Riots and rebellions have played a huge role in, if not
directly, then at least indirectly in transforming the political sphere
and political action and leading to concrete results. If we look at
Ferguson we see the withdrawal of the St Louis county sheriff from
policing the situation as a direct result of this intervention in the
streets and the conflicts with this heavily militarized police force.
/Can we follow up on your point about how liberal whites deal with
situations of violence or the question of violence in protests? It seems
that within the past day or two the media has latched on to images of
police officers marching with protesters, giving preference to vigils
and peaceful actions over what appeared in the beginning to be not only
riots but also looting and protests in the streets. What does such
privileging of "peacefulness" over "violence" do to obscure the history
of racism in the U.S. but also to misunderstand what it might take to
respond to that history?/
Absolutely. We should be perfectly clear. There's a headline now from
when the state highway patrol went to the protests yesterday, and the
headline was "Police Join Protests." We should be perfectly clear: the
police were not joining the protests. This is counter-insurgency, this
is a historic strategy of counter-insurgency that involves backing away
from the heavy-handed, iron fist of military response, which is what the
police force brought initially, and a turning to the velvet glove or
soft strategy to disarm protest. This doesn't change the fact that the
goal is to disarm the protest and weaken the mobilization of the people
and to do so through cooptation, and that should be understood as a
starting point. It is not a good thing that the police went to the
protests, although it is a less brutal phenomenon. And this gets to the
second part, which is that what is going on in Ferguson is not about the
militarization of police. That militarization is a huge phenomenon that
has occurred over the past decade, especially since Sept. 11, through
which police departments acquired military grade technology through the
Department of Defense, through grants and counter-terrorism funding. But
if the terrorist threat never existed or if it dissipates, this military
hardware is there and asking to be used. The old saying goes that if you
have a hammer, everything looks like a nail. This is exactly what we're
seeing in the streets with these county sheriffs deploying armored
personnel carriers. If you're sitting on the top of one of these
personnel carriers looking through a scope of a sniper rifle, then
everything looks like an insurgent. Everything looks like an enemy
combatant. And that's crucial but its not at the essence of what is
going on; because if we look at the essence of what is going on with the
militarization of police we neglect the fact that the police of the
1950s, 60s, and 70s were not militarized but were still racist, brutal
occupiers of black communities. And so we need to keep both these
threads in our analysis, while avoiding the easy recourse to simply
saying that we need to reform the police or take away their tanks.
Again, Ferguson police are almost entirely white and policing a black
community, doing so brutally and terroristically. Taking away their
heavy weaponry won't solve that. We need to understand this within the
long-term history of white supremacy, which is one of continuity rather
than change. And we can pair that up with the transformation of
policing, which has indeed been a progressive process of militarization.
/To your point about the continuity of race relations and violence in
the US, we could propose two poles that could be mapped onto Ferguson,
MO and New Orleans, LA. So on the one hand in New Orleans, the impact of
Hurricane Katrina attested to the mass, systemic abandonment of a
largely black population, and in Ferguson, we see the intervention of
direct violence on the part of the police applied to a black population.
How might these two instances point to an important historical relation
in the U.S. that suggest that when there's not direct violence, there is
always a consistent environment of abandonment?/
This question of abandonment versus direct violence is actually more of
a spectrum. I've never been to Ferguson, but my guess is that it's
somewhere in between in the sense that in the course of becoming a
heavily black city that it was increasingly abandoned. And yet this was
not simply a city that was sealed off and allowed to govern itself. It
was structured according to this systematic police violence as many
black cities are. And so that two really work hand in hand. So
understood in the long context we're talking about firstly, in the most
recent history, this process of deindustrialization, as a process that
renders huge numbers of the U.S. population irrelevant to the process of
production, and these populations are almost entirely black; in other
words these become surplus populations. And the response of the state is
to incarcerate them on a massive level or to essentially warehouse them
in facilities and maybe then extract some surplus through forced labor.
But the point is really about warehousing and abandonment on a certain
level. Seen in the broader context this is also a shift in the
historical tension, especially in the 20^th century, which has to do
with the process of formal abolition and the anxiety that results
immediately upon abolition, which is namely what do we do with these
former slaves. And here again, continuity is a huge part of the
aftermath of slavery, which was an aftermath of sharecropping and also
the immediate turn to convict leasing in which prisoners could be could
be legitimately enslaved thanks to the 13^th amendment of the U.S.
Constitution. And this entire process of developing police institutions
begins directly with that continuity of slavery. The police are a part
of this process, because they emerge as an institution in response to
the threat posed by free black labor, the mobility of free black labor
after abolition. And so this is really one long historical complex that
we see playing out.
/To pick up on this point about incarceration we might think about the
popularity of Michelle Alexander's book, "The New Jim Crow", which has
been important in the U.S. for demonstrating that continuity between the
end of slavery and the advent of mass incarceration. But much of the
response to that book has been to advocate for reforming the law around
incarceration. How does Ferguson demonstrate the failure of something
like legal reform to address the history of race in the U.S.? /
On the one hand the question of reform is the constant temptation in
these moments and it goes hand in hand with the question of pacification
and of essentially shutting up and silencing the people who are in the
streets in Ferguson, who are after all some of the most silenced people
already. And you have this really unfortunate tendency of liberal
commentators to engage in this double silencing, when they say, "yes
maybe its legitimate to resist and protest, but we would really like to
police and dictate the terms of that protest." They make certain claims
about understanding how social change occurs, when actually those claims
are almost entirely wrong. The way that social change occurs is often
through these moments of mass eruption and spontaneous riots and the way
change often unfolds is through this attempt by reformists to co-opt
them. So on the one hand I think we definitely need to be hesitant and
resistant and critical to these reformist temptations. We also need to
recognize that they are inevitably going to surface and that's actually
more likely how change is going to occur. But the danger, especially in
this situation, is the question of what kind of reforms are we talking
about? Are we talking about reforms to police training, about
sensitivity training for police, are we talking about some kind of
quotas to change the demographic nature of the Ferguson police
department? The reality is that the function of the police will remain
the same. You can have a police department that is entirely black and
the function of that police department will still be white supremacist,
not only because they protect property but because of the relationship
between property and whiteness in the U.S. Police protect whiteness as
well, they uphold the color line by dictating which populations are
subject to violence and which are not, and which populations need to be
contained and which do not. So the reforms won't really solve these
questions and this again brings us again to the question of so-called
post-racial America, in which the election of a president allegedly
tells us a great deal about the nature of society. In reality in can be
understood in dialectical terms as the opposite, it can be the latest in
a new strategy to counteract popular resistance to white supremacy and
to obscure that fact. So we have Obama going on television saying things
that are correct about the police in regards to the protest, but also
saying that there's never any excuse for violence against the police.
Which even just on the face of it, even though people were eating it up,
was a nonsensical statement, because it doesn't say anything about the
Civil Rights struggles in which the police were violently abusing black
Americans. Even Obama himself would have to recognize the legitimacy of
self- defense in these things. So reformism also doesn't tell us much
about how to respond in the present to those very same phenomena. The
danger of reformism is easy to see in the request to the FBI to handle
investigations; the FBI, I mean, come on, this is not a serious
suggestion. And yet, many so-called civil rights organizations are going
in for that as opposed to going in for claims about more substantive
community control over police, which themselves often are too reformist.
These community oversight boards are often toothless institutions that
don't have any potential to fire violence and abusive police officers.
/Can we think about the frequent murders of blacks by police that you
mentioned above as a strategy to control the black community that works
together with the mass incarceration?/
Absolutely. And I think mass incarceration is not just about prisons, it
is the police and prisons as a complex. It is a process of terrorizing
communities and gathering nearly at random certain members of those
communities to put them in prison---we say nearly at random but again
92% of those arrested in Ferguson for disorderly conduct are black. It
doesn't even need to be said that the statistics show that white people
don't get charged with disorderly conduct because it's the kind of
bullshit charge that you throw at someone who is either talking back to
you, or as Michael Brown allegedly was, jaywalking in the street. If
you've ever been near a police officer in the States, and I'm guessing
many other places, all you have to do is question their authority to
really see the fury that they are prepared to unleash. This is because
what the system requires is that they have not only the legal force that
they're granted, but also a discretion on the street which is really a
sovereign discretion to decide who is going to jail and who is not, who
is subject to including legal violence and who is not subject to that
violence. I myself walking down the street am not judged to be subject
to that violence for the most part, but any black youth is always
already potentially a legitimate target for violence. And so policing is
part of this mass incarceration system that inflicts terror on these
communities, that destroys communities and tears families apart just as
slavery did for the most part, and it is really an attempt to contain
through submission these communities. It is not simply to take away a
large percentage of their numbers, which it does, but it is also to
terrorize and force the others into submission. You have had, as I said,
young black men killed several times in the past month but what stands
out about Ferguson is not the killing but the resistance, and the really
truly heroic nature of the resistance. This is not a resistance of
thousands of people, but a resistance of small numbers in a small town
who regardless of all of the force and all the attention and attempts at
cooptation are in the streets every single night, who are responding in
many ways to the police attempts at cooptation which were touted in the
media yesterday, by again rebelling last night and saying we're not
going to buy this line about police being on our side.
/In response to what you said above about the resistance of small
numbers of people, we could talk about the importance of
subjectivization in what is going on in Ferguson, or in other words how
the black community in Ferguson has been able to transform a fear of
police control into a will to take to the street. Sometimes this
transformation happens but not always, so what could account for this
change? And has the preceding event of the murder of Trayvon Martin
contributed to that capacity?/
That's right. We're in a historical moment that needs to be understood
as very specific and the same time, which is part of a long historical
trajectory. This means that the emotional response to another killing in
your community of a young black man is the cause for anger but also the
cause for desperation and a sort of helplessness, as I said before, that
maybe nothing will happen to change this, that this is constant and not
a new thing or an exception. It's a constant reality but at the same
time the very same course of helplessness gives rise to sense that
there's not a great deal to be lost by resisting. If you're talking
about putting yourself in the shoes of a young black man, who merely as
a result of being a young black man has a 30% chance of spending a good
portion of their lives in prison, there the stakes of continuing the
status quo are almost as high as the stakes of going out and resisting,
even if you're not guaranteed any kind of transformation. So you have to
combine that underlying situation with the sense that we are breaking
out of the post-racial hypnosis that reached a peak around 2008 with the
election of Obama. Ever since then the morning of Jan. 1 in 2009, just
before Obama took office, Oscar Grant was murdered by a police officer
in Oakland, sparking a series of riots in which I was involved in, and
giving rise to a major transformation of the political situation in
Oakland and in CA. Not long thereafter Trayvon Martin brought to the
national stage a very similar debate and discussion. And so you do see
people gradually realizing that the idea of post-racial is a sick brutal
joke and moving out of the comfort zone of the Obama presidency to enter
into a greater willingness to resist. I think that is a huge step in
historical terms, and despite everything it was important for Obama to
be elected because it was very important for people to come to this
realization that he was not going to save us. Now that we've passed
through this and we have a black president who is willing to turn a
blind eye to this kind of racialized violence, to make such ridiculous
statements about Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown, to continue to fund
the Israeli government when it continues to bombard Gaza, and now that
we have a potential candidate in Hillary Clinton who is willing to do
much worse, then it gets much easier for people to come to a clear
conception of the reality of the situation and to act accordingly.
/One other historical precedence to ask about is that of the Occupy
movement and the national connections that it established, which we see
quickly emerging between Ferguson and other cities in the U.S. Can we
think about Occupy as a key moment that activated the level of
collective resistance we see today?/
The answer as with the answer to any question about Occupy is yes and
no. Yes, because Occupy is an important touchstone for recent political
phenomena in the U.S. it certainly influenced a whole generation of
radicals and militants nationwide, and it has galvanized the willingness
to act and it has forged and reinforced certain modes of action like
assemblies, popular democracy, street protests. No, in the sense that we
need to understand Occupy itself as part of a historical trajectory; in
the Bay Area, Occupy had its radical, militant nature in large part
because of the organizing around Oscar Grant's death in 2009. That
organizing provided an understanding of the reality of police and a
willingness to engage in street action and recognition that that action
could bring very real transformation and benefits. These were all
lessons that were brought into Occupy. And even beyond that local
reality, if we're talking about Occupy on a global scale then we're
talking about the Arab-North African Spring, we're talking about the
/indignados/ in Spain, the waves of rebellions across the world and that
have become a defining element of the last ten or twenty years. And so
Occupy itself is part of this broader trajectory that allowed it to
press forward in certain ways and that has drawn from existing
understandings and connections. And part of the reason we can't center
on Occupy is that then we run the risk, again, of failing into civil
libertarianism or falling into neglect of the historical realities of
what policing means in the U.S. So you have, for instance, Anonymous,
which for all the criticisms you can have of them has played a very
important role in many political advances and in the events of Ferguson,
and has done more for the events of Ferguson than all of the other
liberals out there on Twitter. But even Anonymous is calling for limited
reforms in regard to police oversight and militarization, because if you
abstract away from the history of police and white supremacy, you can
understand what's going on in Ferguson as a question of the technical
apparatus that the police carry as opposed to the structural function
that the police play. And that's where we need to keep both these things
together. That relates in many ways to Occupy, which itself was torn and
divided over this question of are we simply reforming US democracy in a
way that brings us closer to the U.S. Constitution or are we
radicalizing U.S. democracy in a way that understands the white
supremacist history that Constitution is a part of?
/A last question could be again about the black community in Ferguson,
because we have seen some images of black males in the mainstream media
that were talking against violence, but without producing a distinction
between police violence. Instead everything became violence. And so our
question is, do you think this could be a sign of a fracture in the
black community, both in Ferguson and outside, that runs around class
issues? /
Yes, but understanding and bearing in mind that class is not manifesting
strictly as an economic phenomenon, but as a political one, in the sense
that to be middle class is very much a mindset and very much an identity
regardless of one's income. So I think you do have this fracture, and
the phrase often used in the U.S. has to do with what is called
respectability politics, in other words demonstrating that how
well-behaved you can be, in the hopes that behaving well will actually
transform social relations, when we know in reality that that's not the
case. And so the constant argument that is made is that if young black
men would dress a little better and pull their pants up, if they would
talk better, then maybe their situation would change. But we know from a
structural reality that that's not the case, that there are not jobs out
there waiting for people who behave better and that the situation is a
far more structural one. But you do see the same thing manifesting and
you see it even in some of the ore radical spokespeople, you see it in
Al Sharpton coming out and grabbing the family of Michael Brown and
putting them behind him and trying to urge people to calm down. And you
have a whole number of liberal commentators doing the same thing and
emphasizing the question of violence of the protests, which is really an
amazing an inverse perversion of the reality of protests that are
protests /against/ violence. It almost doesn't need to be said, but the
protestors in Ferguson haven't killed a single human being, which cannot
be said for the police in the streets. So if we're talking about
anything other than the violence of the police then we're really already
in enemy territory. But it even goes beyond that, because even those who
emphasize the violence of the police, who say well, this is about the
militarization of the police or about how the police responded in a
brutal way they do so in a way that excises and cuts off the actual
cause of the protest---namely, the violence against Michael Brown. And
so that needs to be the starting point. People did not go to the streets
to protest against the police response to protest, they went to the
streets to protest against white supremacist murder of Michael Brown.
That needs to be kept in focus and there will be a number of voices
calling for a more non-violent response, but if we understand violence
as violence against human beings, there really hasn't been much if any
violence in these protests. The violence has been in the violence
against Michael Brown and the violence of the police against protesters
and we shouldn't g in for this rhetoric although it will be very
dangerous. I think the protestors themselves in their response last
night sent a very clear message about those self appointed mediators
that they don't speak for them, that they don't speak for the people in
the streets who, I argue, have a better understanding of social change
then these liberal spokespeople who insist that the best way to change
US society is to go through the established channels, to elect
representatives, to elect a Democrat. I think that all of U.S. history
and the arguably the history of the world shows that that is quite
simply not true, that the Civil Rights movement succeeded as a result of
the threat of the Black Power movement, that political institutions in
Oakland when Oscar Grant was murdered only began to move when people
rioted and rebelled. And the same exact thing is happening in Ferguson
today. We can simply point to the fact that the county sheriff has been
withdrawn from the streets to say that these protests have already begun
to work.
--
Freedom Archives 522 Valencia Street San Francisco, CA 94110 415
863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org
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