[News] Surveillance Blowback -The Making of the U.S. Surveillance State, 1898-2020
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Mon Jul 15 12:14:56 EDT 2013
*Surveillance Blowback *
*The Making of the U.S. Surveillance State, 1898-2020
*
*http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175724/tomgram%3A_alfred_w._mccoy%2C_obama%27s_expanding_surveillance_universe/?utm_source=TomDispatch&utm_campaign=f7fb1e61ac-TD_McCoy7_14_2013&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_1e41682ade-f7fb1e61ac-308742345
*By Alfred W. McCoy <http://www.tomdispatch.com/authors/alfredmccoy>
The American surveillance state is now an omnipresent reality, but its
deep history is little known and its future little grasped. Edward
Snowden's leaked documents
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/the-nsa-files> reveal that, in a
post-9/11 state of war, the National Security Agency (NSA) was able to
create a surveillance system that could secretly monitor the private
communications of almost every American in the name of fighting foreign
terrorists. The technology used is state of the art; the impulse, it
turns out, is nothing new. For well over a century, what might be called
"surveillance blowback" from America's wars has ensured the creation of
an ever more massive and omnipresent internal security and surveillance
apparatus. Its future (though not ours) looks bright indeed.
In 1898, Washington occupied the Philippines and in the years that
followed pacified its rebellious people, in part by fashioning the
world's first full-scale "surveillance state" in a colonial land. The
illiberal lessons learned there then migrated homeward, providing the
basis for constructing America's earliest internal security and
surveillance apparatus during World War I. A half-century later, as
protests mounted during the Vietnam War, the FBI, building on the
foundations of that old security structure, launched large-scale illegal
counterintelligence operations to harass antiwar activists, while
President Richard Nixon's White House created its own surveillance
apparatus to target its domestic enemies.
In the aftermath of those wars, however, reformers pushed back against
secret surveillance. Republican privacy advocates abolished much of
President Woodrow Wilson's security apparatus during the 1920s, and
Democratic liberals in Congress created the FISA courts in the 1970s in
an attempt to prevent any recurrence of President Nixon's illegal
domestic wiretapping.
Today, as Washington withdraws troops from the Greater Middle East, a
sophisticated intelligence apparatus built for the pacification of
Afghanistan and Iraq has come home to help create a twenty-first century
surveillance state of unprecedented scope. But the past pattern that
once checked the rise of a U.S. surveillance state seems to be breaking
down. Despite talk about ending the war on terror one day, President
Obama has left the historic pattern of partisan reforms far behind. In
what has become a permanent state of "wartime" at home, the Obama
administration is building upon the surveillance systems created in the
Bush years to maintain U.S. global dominion in peace or war through a
strategic, ever-widening edge in information control. The White House
shows no sign -- nor does Congress -- of cutting back on construction of
a powerful, global Panopticon that can surveil domestic dissidents,
track terrorists, manipulate allied nations, monitor rival powers,
counter hostile cyber strikes, launch preemptive cyberattacks, and
protect domestic communications.
Writing for TomDispatch four years ago during Obama's first months in
office, I suggested
<http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175154/tomgram%3A_alfred_mccoy%2C_surveillance_state%2C_u.s.a>
that the War on Terror has "proven remarkably effective in building a
technological template that could be just a few tweaks away from
creating a domestic surveillance state -- with omnipresent cameras, deep
data-mining, nano-second biometric identification, and drone aircraft
patrolling 'the homeland.'"
That prediction has become our present reality -- and with stunning
speed. Americans now live under the Argus-eyed gaze of a digital
surveillance state, while increasing numbers of surveillance drones fill
American skies. In addition, the NSA's net now reaches far beyond our
borders, sweeping up the personal messages of many millions of people
worldwide and penetrating the confidential official communications of at
least 30 allied nations. The past has indeed proven prologue. The future
is now.
*The Coming of the Information Revolution*
The origins of this emerging global surveillance state date back over a
century to "America's first information revolution" for the management
of textual, statistical, and analytical data -- a set of innovations
whose synergy created the technological capacity for mass surveillance.
Here's a little litany of "progress" to ponder while on the road to
today's every-email-all-the-time version of surveillance.
Within just a few years, the union of Thomas A. Edison's quadruplex
telegraph with Philo Remington's commercial typewriter, both inventions
of 1874, allowed for the accurate transmission of textual data at the
unequalled speed of 40 words per minute across America and around the world.
In the mid-1870s as well, librarian Melvil Dewey developed the "Dewey
decimal system" to catalog the Amherst College Library, thereby
inventing the "smart number" for the reliable encoding and rapid
retrieval of limitless information.
The year after engineer Herman Hollerith patented the punch card (1889),
the U.S. Census Bureau adopted his Electrical Tabulating machine to
count 62,622,250 Americans within weeks -- a triumph that later led to
the founding of International Business Machines, better known by its
acronym IBM.
By 1900, all American cities were wired via the Gamewell Corporation's
innovative telegraphic communications, with over 900 municipal police
and fire systems sending 41 million messages in a single year.
*A Colonial Laboratory for the Surveillance State*
On the eve of empire in 1898, however, the U.S. government was still
what scholar Stephen Skowronek has termed a "patchwork" state with a
near-zero capacity for domestic security. That, of course, left ample
room for the surveillance version of modernization, and it came with
surprising speed after Washington conquered and colonized the Philippines.
Facing a decade of determined Filipino resistance, the U.S. Army applied
all those American information innovations -- rapid telegraphy,
photographic files, alpha-numeric coding, and Gamewell police
communications -- to the creation of a formidable, three-tier colonial
security apparatus including the Manila Police, the Philippines
Constabulary, and above all the Army's Division of Military Information.
In early 1901, Captain Ralph Van Deman, later dubbed "the father of U.S.
Military Intelligence," assumed command of this still embryonic
division, the Army's first field intelligence unit in its 100-year
history. With a voracious appetite for raw data, Van Deman's division
compiled phenomenally detailed information on thousands of Filipino
leaders, including their physical appearance, personal finances, landed
property, political loyalties, and kinship networks.
Starting in 1901, the first U.S. governor-general (and future president)
William Howard Taft drafted draconian sedition legislation for the
islands and established a 5,000-man strong Philippines Constabulary. In
the process, he created a colonial surveillance state that ruled, in
part, thanks to the agile control of information, releasing damning data
about enemies while suppressing scandals about allies.
When the Associated Press's Manila bureau chief reported critically on
these policies, Taft's allies dug up dirt on this would-be critic and
dished it out to the New York press. On the other hand, the Division of
Military Information compiled a scandalous report about the rising
Filipino politician Manuel Quezon, alleging a premarital abortion by his
future first lady. Quezon, however, served the Constabulary as a spy,
so this document remained buried in U.S. files, assuring his unchecked
ascent to become the first president of the Philippines in 1935.
*American Blueprint*
During the U.S. conquest of the Philippines, Mark Twain wrote an
imagined history of twentieth-century America. In it, he predicted that
a "lust for conquest" had already destroyed "the Great [American]
Republic," because "trampling upon the helpless abroad had taught her,
by a natural process, to endure with apathy the like at home." Indeed,
just a decade after Twain wrote those prophetic words, colonial police
methods came home to serve as a template for the creation of an American
internal security apparatus in wartime.
After the U.S. entered World War I in 1917 without an intelligence
service of any sort, Colonel Van Deman brought his Philippine experience
to bear, creating the U.S. Army's Military Intelligence Division (MID)
and so laying the institutional foundations for a future internal
security state.
In collaboration with the FBI, he also expanded the MID's reach through
a civilian auxiliary organization, the American Protective League, whose
350,000 citizen-operatives amassed more than a million pages of
surveillance reports on German-Americans in just 14 months, arguably the
world's most intensive feat of domestic surveillance ever.
After the Armistice in 1918, Military Intelligence joined the FBI in two
years of violent repression of the American left marked by the notorious
Luster raids in New York City, J. Edgar Hoover's "Palmer Raids" in
cities across the northeast and the suppression of union strikes from
New York City to Seattle.
When President Wilson left office in 1921, incoming Republican privacy
advocates condemned his internal security regime as intrusive and
abusive, forcing the Army and the FBI to cut their ties to patriotic
vigilantes. In 1924, Attorney General Harlan Fiske Stone, worrying that
"a secret police may become a menace to free government," announced "the
Bureau of Investigation is not concerned with political or other
opinions of individuals." Epitomizing the nation's retreat from
surveillance, Secretary of War Henry Stimson closed the Military
Intelligence cipher section in 1929, saying famously, "Gentlemen do not
read each other's mail."
After retiring at the rank of major general that same year, Van Deman
and his wife continued from their home in San Diego to coordinate an
informal intelligence exchange system, compiling files on 250,000
suspected "subversives." They also took reports from classified
government files and slipped them to citizen anti-communist groups for
blacklisting. In the 1950 elections, for instance, Representative
Richard Nixon reportedly used Van Deman's files to circulate "pink
sheets" at rallies denouncing California Congresswoman Helen Gahagan
Douglas, his opponent in a campaign for a Senate seat, launching a
victorious Nixon on the path to the presidency.
From retirement, Van Deman, in league with FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover, also proved crucial at a 1940 closed-door conference that
awarded the FBI control over domestic counterintelligence. The Army's
Military Intelligence, and its successors, the CIA and NSA, were
restricted to foreign espionage, a division of tasks that would hold, at
least in principle
<http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175718/todd_gitlin_the_wonderful_american_world_of_informers>,
until the post-9/11 years. So armed, during World War II the FBI used
warrantless wiretaps, "black bag" break-ins, and surreptitious mail
opening to track suspects, while mobilizing more than 300,000 informers
to secure defense plants against wartime threats that ultimately proved
"negligible."
*The Vietnam Years*
In response to the civil rights and anti-Vietnam protests of the 1960s,
the FBI deployed its COINTELPRO operation, using what Senator Frank
Church's famous investigative committee later called "unsavory and
vicious tactics... including anonymous attempts to break up marriages,
disrupt meetings, ostracize persons from their professions, and provoke
target groups into rivalries that might result in deaths."
In assessing COINTELPRO's 2,370 actions from 1960 to 1974, the Church
Committee branded them a "sophisticated vigilante operation" that "would
be intolerable in a democratic society even if all of the targets had
been involved in violent activity." Significantly, even this aggressive
Senate investigation did not probe Director Hoover's notorious "private
files" on the peccadilloes of leading politicians that had insulated his
Bureau from any oversight for more than 30 years.
After /New York Times/ reporter Seymour Hersh
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seymour_Hersh> exposed illegal CIA
surveillance of American antiwar activists in 1974, Senator Church's
committee and a presidential commission under Nelson Rockefeller
investigated the Agency's "Operation Chaos," a program to conduct
massive illegal surveillance of the antiwar protest movement,
discovering a database with 300,000 names. These investigations also
exposed the excesses of the FBI's COINTELPRO, forcing the Bureau to reform.
To prevent future abuses, President Jimmy Carter signed the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) in 1978, creating a special court
to approve all national security wiretaps. In a bitter irony, Carter's
supposed reform ended up plunging the judiciary into the secret world of
the surveillance managers where, after 9/11, it became a rubberstamp
institution
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/07/us/in-secret-court-vastly-broadens-powers-of-nsa.html>
for every kind of state intrusion on domestic privacy.
*How the Global War on Terror Came Home*
As its pacification wars in Afghanistan and Iraq sank into bloody
quagmires, Washington brought electronic surveillance, biometric
identification, and unmanned aerial vehicles to the battlefields. This
trio, which failed to decisively turn the tide in those lands,
nonetheless now undergirds a global U.S. surveillance apparatus of
unequalled scope and unprecedented power.
After confining the populations of Baghdad and the rebellious Sunni city
of Falluja behind blast-wall cordons, the U.S. Army attempted to bring
the Iraqi resistance under control in part by collecting
<http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/12/iraq-biometrics-database/>, as
of 2011, three million Iraqi fingerprints,iris, and retinal scans.
These were deposited
<http://www.consortiumnews.com/Print/2007/121307.html> in a biometric
database in West Virginia that American soldiers at checkpoints and
elsewhere on distant battlefields could at any moment access by
satellite link. Simultaneously, the Joint Special Operations Command
under General Stanley McChrystal centralized
<http://www.brookings.edu/%7E/media/events/2013/1/28%20mcchrystal%20zarqawi/mcchrystal%20transcript.pdf>
all electronic and satellite surveillance in the Greater Middle East to
identify possible al-Qaeda operatives for assassination
<http://us.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/09/09/iraq.secret/index.html> by
Predator drones or hunter-killer raids by Special Operations commandos
from Somalia to Pakistan.
Domestically, post-9/11, the White House tried to create a modern
version of the old state-citizen alliance for domestic surveillance. In
May 2002, President Bush's Justice Department launched
<http://www.villagevoice.com/2002-12-17/news/the-death-of-operation-tips/>
Operation TIPS with "millions of American truckers, letter carriers,
train conductors, ship captains, utility employees, and others" spying
on fellow citizens. But there was vocal opposition from members of
Congress, civil libertarians, and the media, which soon forced Justice
to quietly kill the program.
In a digital iteration of the same effort, retired admiral John
Poindexter began to set up
<http://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/30/opinion/poindexter-s-follies.html> an
ominously titled Pentagon program called Total Information Awareness to
amass a "detailed electronic dossier on millions of Americans." Again
the nation recoiled, Congress banned the program, and the admiral was
forced to resign.
Defeated in the public arena, the Bush administration retreated into the
shadows, where it launched secret FBI and NSA domestic surveillance
programs. Here, Congress proved far more amenable and pliable. In 2002,
Congress erased
<http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/30/us/threats-responses-law-administration-begins-rewrite-decades-old-spying.html>
the bright line that had long barred the CIA from domestic spying,
granting the agency the power to access U.S. financial records and audit
electronic communications routed through the country.
Defying the FISA law, in October 2001 President Bush ordered
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/09/us/revelations-give-look-at-spy-agencys-wider-reach.html>
the NSA to commence covert monitoring of private communications through
the nation's telephone companies without the requisite warrants.
According to
<http://bigstory.ap.org/article/secret-prism-success-even-bigger-data-seizure>
the Associated Press, he also "secretly authorized the NSA to plug into
the fiber optic cables that enter and leave the United States" carrying
the world's "emails, telephone calls, video chats, websites, bank
transactions, and more." Since his administration had already
conveniently decided
<http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/page/world/national-security-agency-inspector-general-draft-report/277/>
that "metadata was not constitutionally protected," the NSA began an
open-ended program, Operation Stellar Wind, "to collect bulk telephony
and Internet metadata."
By 2004, the Bush White House was so wedded to Internet metadata
collection that top aides barged into Attorney General John Ashcroft's
hospital room to extract a reauthorization signature for the program.
They were blocked
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/27/nsa-data-mining-authorised-obama>
by Justice Department officials led by Deputy Attorney General James
Comey, forcing a two-month suspension until that FISA court, brought
into existence in the Carter years, put its first rubber-stamp on this
mass surveillance regime.
Armed with expansive FISA court orders allowing the collection of data
sets rather than information from specific targets, the FBI's
"Investigative Data Warehouse
<http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/2006_hr/050206mueller.html>" acquired
more than a billion documents
<https://www.eff.org/issues/foia/investigative-data-warehouse-report>
within five years, including intelligence reports, social security
files, drivers' licenses, and private financial information. All of
this was accessible to 13,000 analysts making a million queries monthly.
In 2006, as the flood of data surging through fiber optic cables
strained NSA computers, the Bush administration launched
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/09/us/revelations-give-look-at-spy-agencys-wider-reach.html>
the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity to develop
supercomputing searches powerful enough to process this torrent of
Internet information.
In 2005, a /New York Times/ investigative report exposed
<http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/16/politics/16program.html> the
administration's illegal surveillance for the first time. A year later,
/USA Today/ reported
<http://yahoo.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-05-10-nsa_x.htm> that
the NSA was "secretly collecting the phone call records of tens of
millions of Americans, using data provided by AT&T, Verizon, and Bell
South." One expert called it "the largest database ever assembled in
the world," adding presciently that the Agency's goal was "to create a
database of every call ever made."
In August 2007, in response to these revelations, Congress capitulated.
It passed a new law, the Protect America Act, which retrospectively
legalized this illegal White House-inspired set of programs by requiring
greater oversight by the FISA court. This secret tribunal -- acting
almost as a "parallel Supreme Court
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/07/us/in-secret-court-vastly-broadens-powers-of-nsa.html>"
that rules on fundamental constitutional rights without adversarial
proceedings or higher review -- has removed any real restraint on the
National Security Agency's bulk collection of Internet metadata and
regularly rubberstamps
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/the-foreign-intelligence-surveillance-court/2013/06/07/4700b382-cfec-11e2-8845-d970ccb04497_graphic.html?Post+generic=%3Ftid%3Dsm_twitter_washingtonpost>
almost 100% of the government's thousands of surveillance requests.
Armed with expanded powers, the National Security Agency promptly
launched
<http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-06-06/news/39784046_1_prism-nsa-u-s-servers>
its PRISM program (recently revealed by Edward Snowden). To feed its
hungry search engines, the NSA has compelled nine Internet giants,
including Microsoft, Yahoo, Google, Facebook, AOL, and Skype, to
transfer what became billions of emails to its massive data farms.
*Obama's Expanding Surveillance Universe*
Instead of curtailing his predecessor's wartime surveillance, as
Republicans did in the 1920s and Democrats in the 1970s, President Obama
has overseen the expansion of the NSA's wartime digital operations into
a permanent weapon for the exercise of U.S. global power.
The Obama administration continued a Bush-era NSA program of "bulk email
records collection" until 2011 when two senators protested
<http://www.wyden.senate.gov/news/press-releases/wyden-udall-statement-on-the-disclosure-of-bulk-email-records-collection-program>
that the agency's "statements to both Congress and the Court...
significantly exaggerated this program's effectiveness." Eventually,
the administration was forced to curtail this particular operation.
Nonetheless, the NSA has continued to collect
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/06/nsa-phone-records-verizon-court-order>
the personal communications of Americans by the billions under its PRISM
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/politics/prism-collection-documents/>
and other programs.
In the Obama years as well, the NSA began cooperating with its long-time
British counterpart, the Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ),
to tap into
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2013/jun/21/gchq-cables-secret-world-communications-nsa>
the dense cluster of Trans-Atlantic Telecommunication fiber optic cables
that transit the United Kingdom. During a visit to a GCHQ facility for
high-altitude intercepts at Menwith Hill in June 2008, NSA Director
General Keith Alexander asked, "Why can't we collect all the signals all
the time? Sounds like a good summer project for Menwith."
In the process, GCHQ's Operation Tempora achieved
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2013/jun/21/gchq-cables-secret-world-communications-nsa>
the "biggest Internet access" of any partner in a "Five Eyes"
signals-intercept coalition that, in addition to Great Britain and the
U.S., includes Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. When the project went
online in 2011, the GCHQ sank probes into 200 Internet cables and was
soon collecting 600 million telephone messages daily, which were, in
turn, made accessible to 850,000 NSA employees.
The historic alliance between the NSA and GCHQ dates back
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jun/25/intelligence-deal-uk-us-released>
to the dawn of the Cold War. In deference to it, the NSA has, since
2007, exempted its "2nd party" Five Eyes allies from surveillance under
its "Boundless Informant" operation. According to another recently
leaked
<http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/secret-documents-nsa-targeted-germany-and-eu-buildings-a-908609.html>
NSA document, however, "we can, and often do, target the signals of most
3rd party foreign partners." This is clearly a reference to close
allies like Germany, France, and Italy.
On a busy day in January 2013, for instance, the NSA collected
<http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/secret-documents-nsa-targeted-germany-and-eu-buildings-a-908609.html>
60 million phone calls and emails from Germany -- some 500 million
German messages are reportedly collected annually -- with lesser but
still hefty numbers from France, Italy, and non-European allies like
Brazil
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jul/07/nsa-brazilians-globo-spying>.
To gain operational intelligence on such allies, the NSA taps phones
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/30/nsa-leaks-us-bugging-european-allies>
at the European Council headquarters in Brussels, bugs the European
Union (EU) delegation at the U.N., has planted a "Dropmire" monitor "on
the Cryptofax at the EU embassy DC," and eavesdrops on 38 allied
embassies worldwide.
Such secret intelligence about its allies gives Washington an immense
diplomatic advantage, says
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/02/world/europe/france-and-germany-piqued-over-spying-scandal.html>
NSA expert James Bamford. "It's the equivalent of going to a poker game
and wanting to know what everyone's hand is before you place your bet."
And who knows what scurrilous bits of scandal about world leaders
American surveillance systems might scoop up to strengthen Washington's
hand in that global poker game called diplomacy.
This sort of digital surveillance was soon supplemented by actual
Internet warfare. Between 2006 and 2010, Washington launched the
planet's first cyberwar
<http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2013/06/general-keith-alexander-cyberwar/all/>,
with Obama ordering
<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/01/world/middleeast/obama-ordered-wave-of-cyberattacks-against-iran.html>
devastating cyberattacks against Iran's nuclear facilities. In 2009, the
Pentagon formed
<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/24/technology/24cyber.html> the U.S.
Cyber Command (CYBERCOM), with a cybercombat center at Lackland Air Base
initially staffed <http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/01/us/01cyberwar.html>
by 7,000 Air Force employees. Over the next two years, by appointing
<http://www.af.mil/news/story.asp?id=123205791> NSA chief Alexander as
CYBERCOM's concurrent commander, it created an enormous concentration of
power in the digital shadows. The Pentagon has also declared
<http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/07/14/us-usa-defense-cybersecurity-idUSTRE76D5FA20110714>
cyberspace an "operational domain" for both offensive and defensive warfare.
*Controlling the Future*
By leaking a handful of NSA documents, Edward Snowden has given us a
glimpse of future U.S. global policy and the changing architecture of
power on this planet. At the broadest level, this digital shift
complements Obama's new defense strategy, announced in 2012, of reducing
costs
<http://content.usatoday.com/communities/theoval/post/2012/01/obama-defense-cuts/1#.UdzpKkK_LA4>
(cutting, for example, infantry troops by 14%), while conserving
Washington's overall power by developing a capacity
<http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense_Strategic_Guidance.pdf> for "a
combined arms campaign across all domains -- land, air, maritime, space,
and cyberspace."
While cutting conventional armaments, Obama is investing billions in
constructing a new architecture for global information control. To store
and process the billions of messages sucked up by its worldwide
surveillance network (totaling
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun/08/nsa-boundless-informant-global-datamining>
97 billion items for March alone), the NSA is employing
<http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/secret-documents-nsa-targeted-germany-and-eu-buildings-a-908609.html>
11,000 workers to build a $1.6 billion data center in Bluffdale, Utah,
whose storage capacity
<http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2012/03/ff_nsadatacenter/all/1> is
measured in "yottabytes," each the equivalent of a trillion terabytes.
That's almost unimaginable once you realize that just 15 terabytes could
store every publication in the Library of Congress.
From its new $1.8 billion headquarters, the third-biggest building in
the Washington area, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency deploys
<http://blogs.reuters.com/gregg-easterbrook/2011/01/20/undisciplined-spending-in-the-name-of-defense/>
16,000 employees and a $5 billion budget to coordinate a rising torrent
of surveillance data from Predators, Reapers, U-2 spy planes, Global
Hawks, X-37B space drones, Google Earth, Space Surveillance Telescopes,
and orbiting satellites.
To protect those critical orbiting satellites, which transmit most U.S.
military communications, the Pentagon is building an aerospace shield of
pilotless drones. In the exosphere, the Air Force has since April 2010
been successfully testing
<http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/jun/16/unmanned-air-force-space-plane-lands-calif/>
the X-37B space drone that can carry missiles
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-11911335> to strike rival
satellite networks such as the one the Chinese are currently creating.
For more extensive and precise surveillance from space, the Pentagon has
been replacing
<http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/06/spy-sat-faster-cheaper/> its
costly, school-bus-sized spy satellites with a new generation of light,
low cost models such as the ATK-A200
<https://directory.eoportal.org/web/eoportal/satellite-missions/o/ors-1>. Successfully
launched in May 2011, this module is orbiting 250 miles above the Earth
with remote-controlled, U-2 quality cameras that now provide the "U.S.
Central Command an assured ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and
Reconnaissance) capability."
In the stratosphere, close enough to Earth for audiovisual surveillance,
the Pentagon is planning to launch
<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/03/business/global-hawk-is-poised-to-replace-u-2-spy-plane.html>
an armada of 99 Global Hawk drones -- each equipped with high-resolution
cameras to surveil all terrain within a 100-mile radius, electronic
sensors to intercept communications, and efficient engines for
continuous 24-hour flight.
Within a decade, the U.S. will likely deploy this aerospace shield,
advanced cyberwarfare capabilities, and even vaster, more omnipresent
digital surveillance networks that will envelop the Earth in an
electronic grid capable of blinding entire armies on the battlefield,
atomizing a single suspected terrorist, or monitoring millions of
private lives at home and abroad.
Sadly, Mark Twain was right when he warned us just over 100 years ago
that America could not have both empire abroad and democracy at home.
To paraphrase his prescient words, by "trampling upon the helpless
abroad" with unchecked surveillance, Americans have learned, "by a
natural process, to endure with apathy the like at home."
/Alfred W. McCoy is the J.R.W. Smail Professor of History at the
University of Wisconsin-Madison. A //TomDispatch regular/
<http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175614/alfred_mccoy_superweapons_and_global_dominion>/,
he is the author /Policing America's Empire: The United States, the
Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State
<http://www.amazon.com/dp/0299234142/ref=nosim/?tag=tomdispatch-20>/
(University of Wisconsin), which is the source for much of the material
in this essay./
--
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