[News] Opposing Gaddafis massacre and foreign intervention in Libya
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Mar 24 13:36:54 EDT 2011
Opposing Gaddafis massacre and foreign intervention in Libya
Horace Campbell
2011-03-24, Issue <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/522>522
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/72004
Unless Libyans themselves own the struggle
against Gaddafi, opponents to his regime may find
that even if he has been removed from power,
Gaddafism will continue but this time propped
up by the West, Horace Campbell warns.
The Union shall have the right to intervene in a
Member State pursuant to a decision of the
Assembly in respect of grave circumstances,
namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against
humanity Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act of the African Union.
The images of Tomahawk cruise missiles and bombs
raining down on Libya from British, French, and
US warplanes have ensured that many people now
oppose the foreign military intervention in
Libya. Yet, the same people were condemning the
killing of civilians by the dying Gaddafi regime.
On the surface, it may seem to be a contradiction
to oppose both the West and Gaddafi, but this
contradiction arises from the reality that there
is no popular democratic force in Africa capable
of mounting the kind of intervention that is
necessary to translate Article 4(h) of the
Constitutive Act (the charter) of the African
Union into action. There is no international
brigade similar to the period of the Spanish
Civil War when anti-fascist forces mobilised
internationally to fight General Franco. There is
no Tanzanian Peoples Defence Force (TPDF) with
its tradition of supporting liberation that had
the capabilities to fight and remove Idi Amin who
was butchering Ugandans. The emerging new powers
such as Turkey, Brazil, Russia, India and China
are quite quick to do business in Africa but are
quiet in the face of mass killings. In short, the
world was willing to stand by as Gaddafi called
those who opposed him cockroaches, rats, and
germs and vowed: I will fight on to the last
drop of my blood. The sight of the array of
forces at the gates of Benghazi meant that this was not an idle threat.
Decent human beings who wanted to halt Gaddafis
massacre welcomed UN resolution for a no-fly
zone, especially the language of paragraph 6
which decided to establish a ban on all flights
in the airspace of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in
order to help protect civilians. France,
Britain, and the US quickly used this
authorisation for a no-fly zone to give
themselves a mandate that is wider than the UN
resolution, particularly capitalising on the
looseness of the formulation of all necessary
measures. Although the Africa Union issued a
statement saying that, the situation in North
Africa demands urgent action so that an African
solution can be found, the AU dragged its feet
and gave up its responsibility to prevent the
massacre of civilians in Libya, thus giving
justification to the Western intervention. After
forming a committee comprising of Mauritania,
South Africa, Mali and Congo and Uganda, the AU
sidelined itself at precisely the moment when
clarity was needed to both oppose the Western
intervention and to intervene to stop the killing
of humans that Gaddafi called rats and germs.
Opportunistically, France and Britain mobilised
to take the lead to intervene and were given the
green light by the passage of the United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1973 to establish a
no-fly zone over Libya. Ten countries voted for
the resolution on 17 March, while five (Brazil,
China, India, Germany and Russia) abstained. By
Saturday 20 March, it was clear that the bombing
campaign of the imperial forces went far beyond
the letter and spirit of the United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1973 whose mandate
was to protect civilians. For this reason, even
some of those states that voted for the UN
resolution now oppose the bombings. All
progressive persons must be opposed to any form
of Western military intervention in Africa in this revolutionary moment.
In this contribution, we want to reiterate our
opposition to the Western bombings. The Libyan
people who are opposed to Gaddafi must take the
leadership to fight Gaddafi. If they do not own
the struggle and clarify how their policies will
be different from Gaddafis, then we can end up
with Gaddafism without Gaddafi being propped up
by the West. We will agree with the statement by
Peter Falk that, Long ago, Gaddafi forfeited the
legitimacy of his rule, creating the political
conditions for an appropriate revolutionary
challenge. This revolutionary challenge is still
in its infancy and the imperial forces are acting
quickly to ensure that the Libyan revolution is
hijacked. The same people who armed and backed up
Gaddafi should not be allowed to establish
military foothold in Africa in the middle of a revolution.
From Equatorial Guinea to Ivory Coast and from
Swaziland to Djibouti, there is an increasing
need for a people-based African Union
intervention force. One need not look further
than the current AU chairman, Teodoro Obiang
Nguema, to grasp the reality that the African
revolution that started in Tunisia and Egypt and
now gripping Libya is a revolution against the
current leaders of the African Union.
THE AFRICAN UNION AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT
In the past 20 years the experiences of genocidal
violence, genocidal politics, and actual
incidents of genocide in Rwanda, Burundi, and
elsewhere in Africa forced the coming into being
of the African Union (AU). The Constitutive Act
of the AU as quoted above gave the legal
authority to the AU to intervene in situations
such as now unfolding in Libya and Ivory Coast.
It was Gaddafi who attempted to set himself up as
one of the primary leaders of the AU. One of the
ultimate tests of the commitment of the AU
leaders hinged upon the translation of AUs
responsibility to protect into action by
intervening to prevent crimes against humanity in
any corner of the continent. It was the energetic
work of the progressive movements within Africa
that pushed the AU to adopt the principle of the
Responsibility to Protect at the General assembly
of the UN to the point where this concept was
formally adopted by the Security Council of the
United Nations in 2006. The very idea of
responsibility to protect was aligned to Article
4(h) of the Constitutive Act of the African
Union. There are three core pillars of the
Responsibility to protect: First, an affirmation
of the primary and continuing obligation of
individual states to protect its population from
genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and
crimes against humanity, as well as incitement
thereof; second, a commitment by the
international community to assist states in
meeting these obligations; and third, acceptance
by UN member states of their responsibility to
respond in a timely and decisive manner through the UN Security Council.
It was this alignment of the goals of the
Constitutive Act of the African Union with the
core principles of the Responsibility to Protect
that influenced some Africans to support
intervention to stop the slaughter of civilians in Eastern Libya.
It is now much clearer that it is only
revolutionary changes in Africa that will bring
into being the kind of political/diplomatic and
military force that can give meaning to the
Constitutive Act of the African Union. For a
short period after the end of apartheid, Nelson
Mandela shamed the leaders of the OAU into
dropping the clause of the non interference in
the internal affairs of member states. Yet,
after the experiences of the Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Cote
dIvoire, it became clearer that the present
leadership stand as obstacle to fighting crimes
against humanity. As the leadership of the ANC
embraced neo-liberal capitalism and entered into
business deals with leaders such as Robert Mugabe
and Laurent Gbagbo, South Africa lost the moral
authority to galvanize forces who wanted peace and reconstruction in Africa.
We can see from Ivory Coast and Libya that many
African leaders look the other way because
condemning such crimes amounts to self-indictment
since most of them are involved in similar crimes
in their bid to either perpetuate themselves in
power or enrich themselves. That the current
leaders of Africa could support the elevation of
Teodoro Obiang Nguema to be the chairperson of
this organisation pointed to the fact that most
of these leaders such as Denis Sassou-Nguesso of
Republic of Congo, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe,
Omar al-Bashir of Sudan , Paul Biya of Cameroon,
Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso, Meles Zenawi of
Ethiopia, Ali Bongo of Gabon, King Mswati III of
Swaziland, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Ismail Omar
Guelleh of Djibouti, and Yahya Jammeh of Gambia
are not serious about translating the letters of
the Constitutive Act into reality. These leaders
oversee societies where there is repression of
the peoples aspirations to end decades of oppression and dictatorship.
The majority of the current leaders of the
African Union have used their greed and
insatiable hunger for political power to cause a
devastating impediment to the AUs ability
effectively assert itself, whether in Ivory Coast
or in Libya. Apart from leaders such as Museveni
who have come out lately with disharmonious
rhetoric in response to the situation in Libya,
there is yet another group. These are the leaders
who have maintained a high degree of audible
silence about the situation. Among these two
categories of African leaders, there are those
who are cautious either because they too operate
repressive governments or because they have
benefitted from Gaddafis largesse in his failed
bid to become Africas king of kings or both.
Gaddafis quest for power and his bid to become
king of kings in Africa must be condemned for
what it is: a backward thinking that was meant to
entrench a crude subjugation and suppression of
the African peoples, while posing to be
anti-imperialist. When Gaddafi rallied the
Mugabes and the Omar al-Bashirs of the continent,
telling them that revolutionaries never quit
power, true Pan-Africanists stood in opposition to this crude machination.
GADDAFI IS NOT ANTI-IMPERIALIST
Many progressive persons sympathise with Gaddafi
because he represented himself as
anti-imperialist leader who supported freedom
fighters. However, a close examination of the
political economy and cultural practices of
Gaddafi would show that far from being
anti-imperialist, he was like a semi-feudal
leader. Gaddafi used Libyan peoples money to try
to harness the reservoir of traditional rulers
and buy over leaders from across the continent in
order to gain support for his aspiration to
become the despotic king of kings of Africa. In
the process, Gaddafi was also grooming his son in
a monarchical tradition to reproduce a
semi-feudal political relation inside of Libya.
On the international front, while Gaddafi was
verbally anti-imperialist, over US$150 billion of
Libyas sovereign wealth fund was distributed
between New York, Paris, London, and Geneva to
support the speculative activities of
international financial oligarchs. At the same
time, Gaddafi used billions of dollars to support
arms manufacturers in the West.
In a previous article about Gaddafi, I drew
reference to his history of mischief making in
Africa, noting his support for elements such as
Charles Taylor, Foday Sankoh, and Idi Amin.
Immanuel Wallerstein in his contribution titled,
Libya and the World Left spelt out clearly the
reasons why Gaddafi cannot be considered as
anti-imperialist. Wallerstein was speaking
directly to Hugo Chavez and other left forces who
have articulated support for Gaddafi.
Revolutionaries in Latin America who oppose US
imperialism need to be better educated about the
real social conditions in African societies.
Even at this moment when the bombs are being
rained down on Libya, Gaddafi exposed his true
feelings about Africa when he threatened
Europeans that he would open the floodgate of
African immigrants to Europe. In other words,
Gaddafi is playing to the racism and chauvinism
of Europeans toward Africans. He was reminding
them that he had signed an agreement to be the
gate-keeper and immigration officer for Europe in
North Africa. This was not the first time Gaddafi
was making disparaging and racist remarks to
Europeans about Africans. In 2010, Gaddafi
demanded US$6.3 billion from the EU to help them
forestall what he called the emergence of a
black Europe by checking the immigration of
black Africans to Europe. Gaddafi referred to the
migration of black Africans to Europe as this
influx of starving and ignorant Africans, which
would determine whether Europe would remain an
advanced and united continent or if it will be
destroyed, as happened with the barbarian
invasions. According to the UK Telegraph
(http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/libya/7973649/Gaddafi-Europe-will-turn-black-unless-EU-pays-Libya-4bn-a-year.html
), when Gaddafi made his proposal, one Italian
member of parliament, Luigi de Magistris, accused
him of maintaining a concentration camp of
thousands of African migrants in the desert.
Progressives who see Gaddafi as anti-imperialist
are the ones who ought to be calling for the investigation of this claim.
Gaddafi cannot claim to be anti-imperialist after
he and his sons spent Libyan people's money to
finance the election of President Sarkozy. This
revelation of the funding of Sarkozy was made by
no other person than Gaddafi's son, Saif al Islam
This same Gaddafi was busy parading himself as an
anti-imperial Pan-Africanist, while refusing to
educate his people about the essence of Pan
African solidarity. Gaddafis regime has been
involved in the repression of black migrant
workers in Libya. In 2000, workers from Chad,
Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Sudan, Burkina Faso,
and Ghana were targets of killings in Libya after
the Gaddafi regime officials accused these
migrant workers of spreading diseases, crimes,
and drug trafficking. Accounts of migrant workers
from these countries have revealed that Gaddafis
deportation practices were so inhumane that
deportees were packed like animals on aircrafts
without seats for several hours of flight to their countries.
Progressive persons who accept Gaddafis claim as
a Pan-Africanist and anti-imperialist should
recall that it was in response to Gaddafis
racism that the UN Committee on the Elimination
of Racial Discrimination (CERD) expressed concern
over Libya's practices of racial discrimination
against dark-skinned migrants and refugees. In
2004 this committee accused the Gaddafi regime of
violating Article 6 of the 1969 International
Convention on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination (ICERD). This accusation states
that Gaddafi failed to implement proper
mechanisms for safeguarding individuals from
racist actions that undermine human rights. And
six years after this accusation, Gaddafi went
ahead to make his racist remarks about black
African immigrants turning Europe black.
Gaddafi espoused racism and divisiveness, and
thus could not pursue true African solidarity in
his 42 years of holding onto power. In the spirit
of solidarity, we empathize with those Libyans
who are opposed to the Gaddafi regime. In this
same spirit, we call on those freedom fighters to
educate their followers that Libya is an African
country. Those fighting as revolutionaries for
freedom and democracy cannot be targeting
Africans from the south of the Sahara.
Gaddafis kind of manipulation of
anti-imperialist sentiments while repressing the
peoples aspirations is not new. In the past,
leaders such as Saddam Hussein of Iraq and Idi
Amin of Uganda represented themselves as
anti-imperialists. Today, Russian oligarchs who
are in bed with the Western oil companies
represent themselves as anti-imperialists,
without proving it with a people-centered
solidarity. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran and
Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe are other good examples
of repressive leaders who are verbally
anti-imperialist. Robert Mugabe is so nervous
about the people organising for change that his
police arrested citizens who were watching a
video on the revolution in Egypt and charged them with treason.
Just as the forces of peace and social justice
forthrightly opposed Western invasion and
occupation of Iraq, we were also opposed to the
leadership of Saddam Hussein. So now, we are
making it clear: We oppose Gaddafi and his
semi-feudal leadership just as we oppose the Western bombings.
African civil society must be more organised at
this moment of revolution and counter-revolution.
One Kenyan writer captured the call for African
civil society to be more active to oppose the
present governments in Africa. Onyango Oloo,
called on African civil society to stand up and
demand action from governments. We have marches
in New York City but none in Africa. We need to
be part of the global voice against military
action. Innocent civilians are being killed we
need to put pressure on our governments. This
pressure on governments must include the support
for the forces fighting for social justice in all
parts of Africa. It is not too late for the
progressives in Africa to learn from the positive
lessons of the intervention of Tanzania to remove
Idi Amin of Uganda, or the positive lessons of
the Cuban assistance to defeat the apartheid army
in Angola. In the same vein, it is not too late
for those who organise the uprising in Libya to
organise a clear political front to be able to
build a strong internal political force to resist
and remove Gaddafi without imperial
complications. The UN resolution that authorised
the use of force also explicitly authorised all
necessary means to protect civilians and
civilian-populated areas, except for a foreign
occupation force. The West is using the
formulation of all necessary means to give
themselves the right to establish a new military
foothold in Africa when revolution is sweeping Africa and the Middle East.
AFRICA IS MORE THAN MINERALS AND OIL
Brazil, China, India and Russia who were aware
that Gaddafi was about to carry out massacres in
Benghazi are critiquing the bombing by coalition
forces. But it is time for members of the UN
Security Council such as Brazil, Russia, India,
and China to take a more forthright role against
dictatorship in Africa. These four countries have
expanded their commercial/mining relations in
Africa in the past 10 years, but in the main have
remained silent in relationship to stopping
leaders such as Laurent Gbagbo and Gaddafi. In
particular, Brazil represents itself as an
emerging power, but seems to see its power as
being in competition to sell arms to African
leaders. In a country with over 80 million people
of African descent and president of the UN
Security Council in February, Brazil failed to
take the lead in coordinating an international
support for an African solution to the massacre
in Libya. Similarly, China, India, and Russia
have been condemning the bombings, but sat in the
Security Council and allowed Britain, US, and
France to manipulate the United Nations to start
a new war. I agree with Peter Falk who has
written elsewhere that, The states that
abstained acted irresponsibly. These states
could have supported the no fly zone without
giving the USA, Britain and France the leeway to
insert language of to take all necessary
measures to enforce compliance with the ban on flights.
We want to reiterate that Brazil, Russia, India,
and China must realise that the interests and
human dignity of the African people must be
placed above the prospecting for minerals and
oil. It is not enough to stand on the fence and
decry Western military intervention; these
countries must be able to show people in
situations such as Benghazi that there is such a
thing as international humanitarian intervention
devoid of ulterior motives for oil, minerals, and
arms sales. Ultimately, it is the citizens of the
US, France, and Britain who must restrain their
governments that are implementing austerity
measures at home while funding the bombing of Libya.
STRENGTHENING THE AFRICAN UNION
The Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions have
changed the political calculus in Africa. We need
not repeat what has already been said about the
hypocrisy of the West in intervening in Libya and
not Bahrain and Yemen, where similar atrocities
are being carried out. Could this Western
intervention in Libya have been designed to plant
Western military forces on the ground in Africa
in order to derail the Egyptian and Tunisian
revolutions? At this time, the US is seeking to
use this intervention to give visibility and
credibility to the US Africa Command, a proxy
force for private US capitalist forces in Africa.
The Peace and Security Council of the AU has the
legal authority to intervene in Libya as well as
in Ivory Coast. It is up to the progressive
forces in Africa to agitate to remove those
leaders and governments that are standing in the
way of a strengthened people-centered African
Union. The Egyptian revolution has pointed to the
possibility for the people to transform the
African political process by their
self-mobilisation and self-organisation. These
forms of self-mobilisation would be called upon
to strengthen the African Union for a
people-centered intervention force, especially as
Western intervention has complicated the
struggles in Libya and has opened up new
possibilities for counterrevolution which have
dire consequences for the wind of revolution
blowing across Africa and the Middle East. As
noted by one commentator in the British newspaper, The Guardian:
The fragile consensus on intervention achieved
last week, when the UN security council approved
all measures necessary to protect Libyan
civilians against Muammar Gaddafi's forces, has
shattered in the wake of large-scale US, British
and French ground and air attacks. The attacks
were widely seen internationally as
disproportionate, careless of civilian lives, and
extending beyond the agreed plan to impose a defensive no-fly zone.
The present bombings in North Africa have again
alerted progressives to the laws of unforeseen
consequences. Revolutionaries must coordinate
internationally so that counter-revolution will
not be the outcome of the present opportunism of the imperial powers.
BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
* <http://www.horacecampbell.net>Horace Campbell is a teacher and writer.
* Please send comments to
<mailto:editor at pambazuka.org>editor at pambazuka.org
or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>Pambazuka News.
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