[News] Haiti: one more shameful UN betrayal
Anti-Imperialist News
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Thu Nov 25 14:00:11 EST 2010
Haiti: one more shameful UN betrayal
Cholera is just the latest disaster to be linked
to the UN in Haiti and the election won't change the nature of the mission
* <http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/peter-hallward>Peter Hallward
* <http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardian>The
Guardian, Tuesday 23 November 2010
*
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/nov/23/haiti-shameful-un-betrayal
Almost everyone now accepts that the United
Nations brought cholera to Haiti last month. The
evidence is overwhelming and many experts
(including the head of Harvard University's
microbiology department, cholera specialist
<http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/39996103/ns/health-infectious_diseases>John
Mekalanos) made up their minds to that effect several weeks ago.
Poverty and a lack of rudimentary infrastructure
compels much of Haiti's population to drink
untreated water, but there has been no cholera
there for decades. Haitians have no experience
with and therefore litttle resistance to the
disease. All the bacterial samples taken froom
Haitian patients are identical and
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-11669079>match
a strain endemic in southern Asia. Cholera broke
out in Nepal over the summer, and in mid-October
a new detachment of Nepalese UN troops arrived at
their Haitian base in Mirebalais, near the
Artibonite river. A few days later Haitians
living downstream of the base started to get sick
and the disease spread rapidly throughout the
region. On 27 October,
<http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20101028/ap_on_he_me/cb_haiti_disease_outbreak>journalists
visited Mirebalais and found evidence that
untreated waste from UN latrines was pouring
directly into an Artibonite tributary.
By early November, Mekalanos couldn't see "any
way to avoid the conclusion that an unfortunate
and presumably accidental introduction of the
organism occurred" as a result of UN troops.
Mekalanos and others also refute UN claims that
identification of the source should be a low public health priority.
Probably as a result of UN negligence,
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-11802488>more
than 1,200 people are already dead and 20,000
infected, and the toll is set to rise rapidly
over the coming weeks. So is the number and
intensity of popular protests against this latest
in a series of UN crimes and misadventures in
Haiti in recent years, which include scores of
killings and hundreds of alleged rapes.
Rather than examine its role in the epidemic,
however, the UN mission has opted for disavowal
and obfuscation. UN officials have refused to
test Nepalese soldiers for the disease or to
conduct a public investigation into the origins
of the outbreak. Rather than address the concerns
of an outraged population, the agency has
preferred to characterise the fresh wave of
protests as a "politically motivated" attempt to
destabilise the country in the runup to
<http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-11811338>presidential
elections on 28 November. Protesters have been
met with tear gas and bullets; so far at least three have been killed.
So far, in fact, so normal. The truth is that the
whole UN mission in Haiti is based on a violent,
bald-faced lie. It says it is in Haiti to support
democracy and the rule of law, but its only real
achievement has been to help transfer power from
a sovereign people to an unaccountable army.
To understand this requires a little historical
knowledge. The basic political problem in Haiti,
from colonial through post-colonial to
neo-colonial times, has always been much the
same: how can a tiny and precarious ruling class
secure its property and privileges in the face of
mass destitution and resentment? The Haitian
elite owes its privileges to exclusion,
exploitation and violence, and only
quasi-monopoly control of violent power allows it
to retain them. This monopoly was amply
guaranteed by the US-backed Duvalier
dictatorships through to the mid 1980s, and then
rather less amply by the military dictatorships
that succeeded them (1986-90). But the Lavalas
mobilisation for democracy, which began in the
1980s, threatened that monopoly and with it those
privileges. In such a situation, only an army can
be relied upon to guarantee the security of the status quo.
Haiti's incompetent but vicious armed forces,
established as a delegate of US power, dominated
the country for most of the 20th century. After
surviving a brutal military coup in 1991, Haiti's
first democratically elected government led by
president Jean-Bertrand Aristide fi finally
demobilised this hated army in 1995; the great
majority of his compatriots celebrated the
occasion. Lawyer Brian Concannon recalls it as
"the most important step forward for human rights
since emancipation from France". In 2000,
Aristide was re-elected, and his
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fanmi_Lavalas>Fanmi
Lavalas party won an overwhelming majority. This
re-election raised the prospect, for the first
time in modern Haitian history, of genuine
political change in a situation in which there
was no obvious extra-political mechanism no army to prevrevent it.
The tiny Haitian elite and their allies in the
US, France and Canada were threatened by the
prospect of popular empowerment, and took
elaborate steps to undermine the Lavalas government.
In February 2004, Aristide's second
administration was overthrown in another
disastrous coup, conducted by the US and its
allies with support from ex-Haitian soldiers and
rightwing leaders of the Haitian business
community. A US puppet was imposed to replace
Aristide, in the midst of savage reprisals
against Lavalas supporters. Since no domestic
army was available to guarantee "security", a UN
"stabilisation force" was sent in at the behest of both the US and France.
The UN has been providing this substitute army
ever since. At the behest of the US and its
allies, it arrived in Haiti in June 2004. Made up
of troops and police drawn from countries all
over the world, it operates at an annual cost
that is close to twice the size of Aristide's
entire pre-coup budget. Its main mission, in
effect, has been to pacify the Haitian people,
and make them accept the coup and the end of
their attempt to establish genuine democratic
rule. Few Haitians are likely to forget what the
UN has done to accomplish this. Between 2004 and
2006, it participated in a campaign of repression
that killed more than a thousand Lavalas
supporters. It laid siege to the destitute
pro-Aristide neighbourhood of Cité Soleil in
<http://www.cod.edu/people/faculty/yearman/cite_soleil.htm>2005
and
<http://www.haitiaction.net/News/HIP/1_21_7/1_21_7.html>2006,
and has subsequently contained or dispersed
popular protests on issues ranging from political
persecution and privatisation to wages and food
prices. In the last few months the UN has also
kept a lid on the growing pressure in the
capital, Port-au-Prince, for improvement in the
intolerable conditions still endured by about 1.3
million people left homeless after
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/haiti>January's earthquake.
Today, cholera or no cholera, the
<http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE6AF5L220101117>UN's
priority is to ensure that next week's elections
go ahead as planned. For Haiti's elite and their
international allies, these elections offer an
unprecedented opportunity to bury the Lavalas project once and for all.
The political programme associated with Lavalas
and Aristide remains overwhelming popular. After
six years of repression and infighting, however,
the political leadership of this popular movement
is more divided and disorganised than ever. Fanmi
Lavalas itself has simply been
<http://ijdh.org/archives/13138>barred from
participation in the election (with hardly a
whisper of international protest), and from his
involuntary exile in South Africa, Aristide has
condemned the ballot as illegitimate. Many if not
most of the party's supporters are likely to back
its vigorous call to boycott this latest
masquerade, as they did in the spring of 2009,
when
<http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=46537>turnout
for senate elections was less than 10%. This time
around, however, half a dozen politicians
associated with Lavalas have chosen to run as
candidates in their own name. They are likely to
split the vote. Haiti's people will be deprived
of what has long been their most powerful
political weapon their ability to win genuine elections.
Since it is almost guaranteed to have no
significant political impact, this is one
election that might well achieve its intended
result: to reinforce the "security" (and
inequity) of the status quo, along with the many
profitable opportunities that a suitably secured
post-disaster Haiti continues to offer
international investors and its business elite.
"This will be an election for nothing," says
veteran activist
<http://dizzyshambles.wordpress.com/2010/11/21/interview-with-veteran-activist-patrick-elie/>Patrick
Elie. Properly managed, it may even provide an
opportunity for rightwing presidential candidates
like
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Henri_Baker>Charles
Baker to pursue the goal that has long been at
the top of their agenda: restoration, with the
usual "international supervision", of Haiti's own branch of the imperial army.
And if that comes to pass, then when the UN
eventually leaves Haiti its departure may only
serve as a transition from one occupying force to
another, reversing decades of popular sacrifice
and political effort. In the meantime, though, it
looks as if the UN may soon have more
opportunities than ever before to fulfil its mission in Haiti.
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