[News] Chile's New Right
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Wed Jan 20 11:28:31 EST 2010
http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff01192010.html
January 19, 2010
The Future of the South American Left
Chile's New Right
By NIKOLAS KOZLOFF
For those who believe that South America is in
the grip of some kind of left revolutionary
fervor, this weeks election in Chile may have
come as a surprise. With partial results from
60% of the countrys polling stations now
available, it appears that conservative
billionaire Sebastian Piñera has ousted the
ruling center left Concertación, 52% to 48%. It
is a stunning upset in light of the fact that the
right has not won an election in Chile for fifty years.
Its an ironic and difficult pill to swallow for
the governing coalition, made up of Socialists
and Christian Democrats. Current president
Michelle Bachelet, herself of the Concertación,
is enormously popular. Chiles first woman
president, she enjoys an approval rate of nearly
80%. Unfortunately, Chilean law prevents
immediate reelection and so Bachelet will have to
wait until 2014 if she wants to run again.
As a result of the legal restrictions,
Concertación ran lackluster candidate and former
president Eduardo Frei who pledged to uphold
modest continuity of Bachelets welfare
programs. Its a big setback for the
Concertación, which has ruled Chile since the end
of the Pinochet military dictatorship in
1990. Despite Bachelets personal popularity,
the coalition has become synonymous with corruption.
Piñera, a kind of Chilean Berlusconi who owns a
television channel amongst other business
holdings, and who piloted his private helicopter
around the country to make campaign stops in
isolated regions, is one of the words 700
richest people. The politician opposes human
rights prosecutions for military and police
officers implicated in abuses during the Pinochet
military dictatorship, and as such represents a
political step backwards for Chile.
Piñera also stands against reform of the Chilean
constitution, a relic of the Pinochet
era. Moreover, some members of Piñeras
coalition served in General Pinochets cabinet,
and Piñeras brother was the generals labor
minister and an architect of the dictators neo-liberal economic strategy.
A much better electoral outcome for Chile would
have brought Marco Enríquez-Ominami to power. An
intriguing and novel figure on the Chilean
political scene, Ominami is an independent who
broke away from the Concertación. A youthful
36-year old filmmaker and son of a leftist
revolutionary leader killed by Pinochets army
during a 1975 firefight, Ominami resigned his
position as a socialist congressman to run for
president. Memorably, he called his opponents
dinosaurs ... who kidnapped democracy and
called for scrapping Chiles bicameral Congress
in favor of a single chamber of parliament
elected by proportional representation.
Though Ominami got the endorsement of Chiles
newly formed Ecologist party and benefited from
voter fatigue with the Concertación, he was
eliminated in the first electoral round after
garnering 20% of the vote. Particularly
unfortunate was Ominamis failure to electrify
Chilean youth disaffected with the political
establishment. In recent years youth has shown
some signs of engagement, and could constitute a
potent political force for change in future.
In 2006 during the so-called penguin
revolution, tens of thousands of high school
students, many wearing uniforms with little dark
ties on white shirts, protested throughout Chile
to demand educational improvements. Shocked by
the protests, Bachelet wound up negotiating with
student leaders and actually gave in to most of youths demands.
* * *
Though disappointing, the electoral turn of
events in Chile should not come as an incredible
shocker. With the exception of students and
Mapuche Indians who have been fighting for land
rights, Chile has not seen the emergence of
dynamic social forces in recent years which could
move the political agenda forward.
Its a reality sorely bemoaned by veterans of
Chiles historic political struggles. Manuel
Cabieses is a journalist who I interviewed in
Santiago for my book Revolution! South America
and the Rise of the New Left (Palgrave-Macmillan,
2008). During the 1960s, Cabieses was a reporter
with the Communist party paper and was picked up
the military two days after General Augusto
Pinochet took power in a coup detat. Cabieses
was later imprisoned but made his way to Cuba
after being released. Astonishingly, he later
returned to Chile and worked with the underground
Revolutionary Leftist Movement (known by its
Spanish acronym MIR) against Pinochet. Today, he
publishes a political magazine called Punto Final.
The media environment in Chile has proven
challenging for the likes of Cabieses. Unlike
Venezuela for example, Chile has no television
station that espouses the views of the
left. There are two left-wing bi-monthlies, El
Siglo of the Communist Party and Punto
Final. Both have notoriously low
circulation. The Communist Party owns a radio
station, and there are a few other progressive
leaning stations. On the internet there is more
political diversity than in TV and print, but
digital media is still incipient in Chile where
most people lack internet access.
Without a vibrant progressive media, progressive
forces have had difficulty getting off the
ground. The Mapuches, Cabieses said, were
atomized just like the rest of society and the
most radical Indians had been beaten back and
repressed by the police. Labor unions meanwhile
had suffered a severe decline since the
1970s. The dictatorship, Cabieses remarked,
through repression and imposition of its
economic model, were able to fracture social
movements and almost succeeded in liquidating any
kind of left political movement.
***
Just a few years ago it seemed as if the left was
sweeping across South America, but the question
on many observers minds right now is whether
this tide may be turning. Already, the
mainstream media is salivating over the prospect
that Hugo Chávez and his ilk may have hit a road block.
In a recent Newsweek feature entitled Latin
America isnt tilting left, its tilting right,
Mac Margolis writes that many voters throughout
the region are experiencing incumbent fatigue
coupled with the fallout of the economic
downturn. In this sense, what is happening
politically in South America might bear some
resemblance to the United States where voters
have become dissatisfied with Obama and the Democrats in Washington.
Another explanation, Margolis writes, might be
that the Latin American left is no longer what it
used to be. Or rather, it was never what it was
made out to be. Make no mistake, he
writes. Beating the gringo devil and bashing
capitalism can still make pulses race in much of
the hemisphere, but, when it comes to casting
ballots, what appears to move the majority is pragmatism.
Juan Forero, no friend of the Chávez regime in
Venezuela, has also chimed in. Writing in the
Washington Post, he remarks that while the right
is not making a comeback pragmatists are on the
upswing. Voters, he says, are showing a
preference for moderates rather than firebrand
nationalists who preach class warfare and state intervention in the economy.
Theres a bit of smug self satisfaction here
though Foreros argument is worth
considering. Take a look at Chiles major
political figures and its clear they hardly
differ in the nature of their
proposals. Bachelet has pumped money into social
programs and publically criticizes neo-liberal
economics and the Washington
Consensus. Fundamentally however she never
rocked the broad consensus around free trade and
Chiles fiscal conservatism. So ingrained is
free trade in Chile that even had the
Concertación won, the country would not have
shifted its adherence to this underlying economic ideology.
***
Such pragmatism and political conservatism is bad
enough in Chile, but what is really distressing
is the possibility that such a trend could spread
into neighboring countries and thereby derail the
left within the wider region. Indeed, 2010 is
fast shaping into an anti-incumbent year which
could water down and dilute many recent political gains.
Take for example the case of Brazil. Though Lula
of the Workers Party has promoted important
anti-poverty programs, Brazil boasts one of the
most conservative monetary policies on
earth. After he rattled financial markets during
his first presidential campaign in 2002, Lula won
over skeptical investors by embracing economic
pragmatism. Brazilian labor may not care for
such economic policies, but the fact is that
Lula, like fellow pragmatist Bachelet, is enormously popular.
But now the Brazilian left, such as it is, may be
headed on a similar collision course to
Chile. Like Bachelet, Lula is barred by law from
running for a third consecutive term. He has
backed his chief of staff, Dilma Rousseff, to be
his presidential successor and to run in the
October, 2010 election. However, Rousseff has
little political savvy and none of Lulas charm
and charisma. In polls, she trails centrist São
Paulo governor José Serra of the opposition
Brazilian Social Democracy Party or PSDB.
Regardless of who wins, neither candidate is
expected to undertake dramatic changes to Lulas
market friendly policies. Investors meanwhile
are enchanted by a race between two mainstream
candidates. For its part, the left is placing
its hope in either Ciro Gomes, a former governor
of the state of Ceara, or Marina Silva.
Lulas former minister of the environment, Silva
has said she might run on the green party
ticket. A remarkable woman whose personal story
I recount in great detail in my upcoming book,
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0230614760/counterpunchmaga>No
Rain in the Amazon: How South Americas Climate
Affects the Entire Planet (Palgrave-Macmillan,
April 2010), Silva could appeal to women voters,
amongst others. However, she trails in
popularity and polls show that voters are more
interested in jobs, crime and other concerns more
than the environment --- Silvas signature
issue. Moreover, the green party has little clout and is viewed as fringy.
***
With pragmatism on the rise, South America needs
to foster the creation of a solid bloc of left
leaning countries that can counter Brazils huge
political influence throughout the region. The
problem however is that within the immediate
neighborhood there are very few candidates which could fill this void.
Across the border from Chile in Argentina, the
Peronist party stands for the political and
social status quo and President Cristina
Fernández de Kirchners political fortunes have
waned as of late. Uruguay and Paraguay have
progressive leaders but have been rather centrist
and politically quiet. In any case, neither
country carries much economic weight. That
leaves the perpetually convoluted Andean
region. The problem here however is that
Colombia and Peru still have right wing, pro-U.S.
regimes in power and the future does not bode well for the left.
To the Latin left, remarks Mac Margolis of
Newsweek, there is no leader more reviled than
the Colombian president [Álvaro
Uribe]. Nevertheless, there is no denying that
Uribe, who has clamped down on FARC guerrillas
and revamped bullet-ridden cities like Bogotá,
Medellín and Cali, enjoys huge popularity.
If Colombias constitutional court rules that he
can run for a third term in the May, 2010
election Uribe would probably win. Even if the
change is not put into place, experts anticipate
that Uribes handpicked successor Juan Manuel
Santos would prevail in the election. In Peru
meanwhile, disgraced former President Alberto
Fujimoris daughter Keiko is a political
frontrunner for the 2011 election and wants to
pardon her father for past human rights abuses
and crimes against humanity. Ollanta Humala, a
dubious left populist, trails in polls.
At least Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia dont
seem to be moving towards pragmatism. But more
than ten years on, Chávezs Bolivarian Revolution
remains a bundle of social and political
contradictions. The ALBA barter program,
creation of an alternative Sucre currency and
Bank of the South are all positive and innovative
initiatives which stand to foster alternative
economic development. If they are designed in
such a way as to encourage radical democracy and
not top-down decision making, the communal
councils ought to continue and to be strengthened.
In other ways however Chávez has conducted
himself as a rather conventional populist
advocating for classic resource
nationalism. There may be a ceiling on the
Chávez model, however: if oil prices surge again
expect Venezuela to gain new
adherents. Otherwise, one might expect the
Bolivarian alliance to lose traction. If the
opposition can unite for legislative elections in
December, 2010, it could win a majority as
recession, inflation and mismanagement erode Chávezs support.
In any case, Chávez has already lost some ground
in Central America with the toppling of ally
Manuel Zelaya. In El Salvador, the new left
under Mauricio Funes seems more partial to
Brazilian pragmatism than any kind of populist,
Chávez-style populism. Chávez himself meanwhile
seems to have become mentally unhinged and
recently remarked that former Ugandan dictator
Idi Amin was a patriot. Such comments suggest
that the South American left should look elsewhere for a new standard bearer.
Andean populists confront other contradictions
and problems, chief amongst them the extractive
model of development. Across the region, leaders
have been pushing boondoggle infrastructure
projects in order to facilitate the export of raw
resources. Historically, this extractive model
has not fostered equitable economic development let alone social harmony.
As Ive been writing on my blog Senor Chichero,
Ecuador is enmeshed in oil extraction and this
has sparked deep social and environmental
unrest. Apprehensive about oil development
proceeding on their lands, Indians recently
protested the Correa regime by blocking Amazonian
roads. Condescendingly, Correa called Indians
infantile for objecting to legislation which
would deny them consultation on mining and oil drilling projects.
Tragically, protests along the blocked roads led
to violence. The Indians claimed that 500 police
attacked them which resulted in two deaths and
nine wounded by gunshots. The Correa government,
the Indians declared, had blood on its hands
and pledged to carry out international legal
action over violations of their collective and human rights.
Because of these inherent contradictions, the
most politically and socially hopeful country
right now in the Andean region is not Venezuela
or Ecuador but Bolivia. Thats not too surprising
given the nations long tradition of grass roots
indigenous mobilization. Indeed, it was the
Indians who propelled Evo Morales to his recent
and second electoral victory which has solidified
the presidents desire to proceed with his socialist program.
Less demagogic and messianic than Chávez, Morales
has also pursued resource nationalism and has a
compelling vision of Bolivia as a
plurinational, multi-ethnic state. However,
unless electric cars take off and Bolivia becomes
an energy powerhouse by developing its lithium
deposits, Morales wont have nearly as much cash to throw around as Chávez.
***
South America is no longer following a right wing
political trajectory or extreme economic
neo-liberalism. However, as Chile demonstrates,
the region could easily fall into uninspiring pragmatic leadership.
From the United States, its easy to romanticize
South America as being in the throes of dramatic
political upheaval and a move towards some kind
of radical left. The reality however is that
right now social movements, with the possible
exception of Bolivia, are not powerful enough to
truly effect deep seated change or to transform
the intrinsic, fundamental structures of society.
If Chile becomes a trend and Brazil elects more
uninspiring pragmatic leadership, the South
American left will have to reinvent itself if it
wants to remain relevant in future.
Nikolas Kozloff is the author of the upcoming
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0230614760/counterpunchmaga>No
Rain In the Amazon: How South Americas Climate
Change Affects The Entire Planet (Palgrave
Macmillan, April 2010). Visit his website,
<http://senorchichero.blogspot.com/>senorchichero.
Freedom Archives
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