[News] The Incapacitation of Haiti before and after the quake
Anti-Imperialist News
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Thu Jan 14 12:38:36 EST 2010
http://www.counterpunch.org/
January 14, 2010
Before and After the Quake
The Incapacitation of Haiti
By ASHLEY SMITH
A devastating earthquake, the worst in 200 years,
struck Port-au-Prince on Tuesday, laying waste to
the city and killing untold numbers of people.
The quake measured 7.0 on the Richter scale, and
detonated more than 30 aftershocks, all more than
4.5 in magnitude, through the night and into Wednesday morning.
The earthquake toppled poorly constructed houses,
hotels, hospitals and even the capital city's
main political buildings, including the
presidential palace. The collapse of so many
structures sent a giant cloud into the sky, which
hovered over the city, raining dust down onto the wasteland below.
According to some estimates, more than 100,000
people may have died, in a metropolis of 2
million people. Those that survived are living in
the streets, afraid to return inside any building that remains standing.
Around the world, Haitians struggled to contact
their family and friends in the devastated
country. But most could not reach their loved
ones since phone lines were down throughout the country.
* * *
WHILE MOST people reacted to the crisis by trying
to find a way to help or donate money, Christian
Right fanatic Pat Robertson stooped to new depths
of racism. He explained that Haitians were cursed
because they made
<http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xbukkh_pat-robertson-on-haiti-disaster_news>a
pact with the devil to liberate themselves from
their French slave masters in the Haitian revolution two centuries ago.
The corporate media at least reported that
shifting tectonic plates along a fault line
underneath Port-au-Prince caused the
earthquake--and that Haiti's poverty and the
incapacity of the Préval government made the
disaster so much worse. But they didn't delve below the surface.
"The media coverage of the earthquake is marked
by an almost complete divorce of the disaster
from the social and political history of Haiti,"
Canadian Haiti Solidarity Activist Yves Engler
said in an interview. "They repeatedly state that
the government was completely unprepared to deal
with the crisis. This is true. But they left out why."
Why were 60 percent of the buildings in
Port-au-Prince shoddily constructed and unsafe in
normal circumstances, according to the city's
mayor? Why are there no building regulations in a
city that sits on a fault line? Why has
Port-au-Prince swelled from a small town of
50,000 in the 1950s to a population of 2 million
desperately poor people today? Why was the state
completely overwhelmed by the disaster?
To understand these facts, we have to look at a
second fault line--U.S. imperial policy toward
Haiti. The U.S. government, the UN, and other
powers have aided the Haitian elite in subjecting
the country to neoliberal economic plans that
have impoverished the masses, deforested the
land, wrecked the infrastructure and incapacitated the government.
The fault line of U.S. imperialism interacted
with the geological one to turn the natural disaster into a social catastrophe.
During the Cold War, the U.S. supported the
dictatorships of Papa Doc Duvalier and then Baby
Doc Duvalier--which ruled the country from 1957
to 1986--as an anti-communist counter-weight to Castro's Cuba nearby.
Under guidance from Washington, Baby Doc Duvalier
opened the Haitian economy up to U.S. capital in
the 1970s and 1980s. Floods of U.S. agricultural
imports destroyed peasant agriculture. As a
result, hundred of thousands of people flocked to
the teeming slums of Port-au-Prince to labor for
pitifully low wages in sweatshops located in U.S. export processing zones.
In the 1980s, masses of Haitians rose up to drive
the Duvaliers from power--later, they elected
reformer Jean-Bertrand Aristide to be president
on a platform of land reform, aid to peasants,
reforestation, investment in infrastructure for
the people, and increased wages and union rights for sweatshop workers.
The U.S. in turn backed a coup that drove
Aristide from power in 1991. Eventually, the
elected president was restored to power in 1994
when Bill Clinton sent U.S. troops to the
island--but on the condition that he implement
the U.S. neoliberal plan--which Haitians called the "plan of death."
Aristide resisted parts of the U.S. program for
Haiti, but implemented other provisions,
undermining his hoped-for reforms. Eventually,
though, the U.S. grew impatient with Aristide's
failure to obey completely, especially when he
demanded $21 billion in reparations during his
final year in office. The U.S. imposed an
economic embargo that strangled the country,
driving peasants and workers even deeper into poverty.
In 2004, Washington collaborated with Haiti's
ruling elite to back death squads that toppled
the government, kidnapped and deported Aristide.
The United Nations sent troops to occupy the
country, and the puppet government of Gérard
Latortue was installed to continue Washingotn's neoliberal plans.
Latortue's brief regime was utterly corrupt--he
and his cronies pocketed large portions of the $4
billion poured into the country by the U.S. and
other powers when they ended their embargo. The
regime dismantled the mild reforms Aristide had
managed to implement. Thus, the pattern of
impoverishment and degradation of the country's infrastructure accelerated.
In 2006 elections, the Haitian masses voted in
longtime Aristide ally René Préval as president.
But Préval has been a weak figure who
collaborated with U.S. plans for the country and
failed to address the growing social crisis.
In fact, the U.S., UN and other imperial powers
effectively bypassed the Préval government and
instead poured money into NGOs. "Haiti now has
the highest per capita presence of NGOs in the
world," says Yves Engler. The Préval government
has become a political fig leaf, behind which the
real decisions are made by the imperial powers,
and implemented through their chosen international NGOs.
* * *
THE REAL state power isn't the Préval government,
but the U.S.-backed United Nations occupation.
Under Brazilian leadership, UN forces have
protected the rich and collaborated with--or
turned a blind eye to--right-wing death squads
who terrorize supporters of Aristide and his Lavalas Party.
The occupiers have done nothing to address the
poverty, wrecked infrastructure and massive
deforestation that have exacerbated the effects
of a series of natural disasters--severe
hurricanes in 2004 and 2008, and now the Port-au-Prince earthquake.
Instead, they merely police a social catastrophe,
and in so doing, have committed the normal crimes
characteristic of all police forces. As Dan
Beeton wrote in NACLA Report on the Americas,
"The UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti
(Minustah), which began its mission in June 2004,
has been marred by scandals of killings, rape,
and other violence by its troops almost since it began."
First the Bush administration and now the Obama
administration have used the coup and social and
natural crises to expand the U.S.'s neoliberal economic plans.
Under Obama, the U.S. has granted Haiti $1.2
billion in debt relief, but it hasn't canceled
all of Haiti's debt--the country still pays huge
sums to the Inter-American Development Bank. The
debt relief is classic window-dressing for
Obama's real Haiti policy, which is the same old Haiti policy.
In close collaboration with the new UN Special
Envoy to Haiti, former President Bill Clinton,
Obama has pushed for an economic program familiar
to much of the rest of the Caribbean--tourism,
textile sweatshops, and weakening of state
control of the economy through privatization and deregulation.
In particular, Clinton has orchestrated a plan
for turning the north of Haiti into a tourist
playground, as far away as possible from the
teeming slums of Port-au-Prince. Clinton lured
Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines into investing $55
million to build a pier along the coastline of
Labadee, which it has leased until 2050.
From there, Haiti's tourist industry hopes to
lead expeditions to the mountaintop fortress
Citadelle and the Palace of Sans Souci, both
built by Henri Cristophe, one of the leaders of
Haiti's slave revolution. According to the Miami Herald:
The $40 million plan involved transforming the
now quaint town of Milot, home to the Citadelle
and Palace of Sans Souci ruin, into a vibrant
tourist village, with arts and crafts markets,
restaurants and stoned streets. Guests would be
ferried past a congested Cap-Haïtien to a bay,
then transported by bus past peasant plantations.
Once in Milot, they would either hike or
horseback to the Citadelle...named a world heritage site in 1982...
Eco-tourism, archaeological exploration and
voyeuristic visits to Vodou rituals are all being
touted by Haiti's struggling boutique tourism
industry, as Royal Caribbean plans to bring the
world largest cruise ship here, sparking the need for excursions.
So while Pat Robertson denounces Haiti's great
slave revolution as a pact with the devil,
Clinton is helping to reduce it to a tourist trap.
At the same time, Clinton's plans for Haiti
include an expansion of the sweatshop industry to
take advantage of cheap labor available from the
urban masses. The U.S. granted duty-free
treatment for Haitian apparel exports to make it
easy for sweatshops to return to Haiti.
Clinton celebrated the possibilities of sweatshop
development during a whirlwind tour of a textile
plant owned and operated by the infamous Cintas
Corp. He announced that George Soros had offered
$50 million for a new industrial park of
sweatshops that could create 25,000 jobs in the
garment industry. Clinton explained at a press
conference that Haiti's government could create
"more jobs by lowering the cost of doing business, including the cost of rent."
As TransAfrica founder Randall Robinson told
Democracy Now! "That isn't the kind of investment
that Haiti needs. It needs capital investment. It
needs investment so that it can be
self-sufficient. It needs investment so that it can feed itself."
One of the reasons why Clinton could be so
unabashed in celebrating sweatshops is that the
U.S.-backed coup repressed any and all
resistance. It got rid of Aristide and his
troublesome habit of raising the minimum wage. It
banished him from the country, terrorized his
remaining allies and barred his political party,
Fanmi Lavalas, the most popular in the country,
from running for office. The coup regime also
attacked union organizers within the sweatshops themselves.
As a result, Clinton could state to business
leaders: "Your political risk in Haiti is lower
than it has ever been in my lifetime."
Thus, as previous U.S. presidencies have done
before, the Obama administration has worked to
aid Haiti's elite, sponsor international
corporations taking advantage of cheap labor,
weaken the ability of the Haitian state to
regulate the society, and repress any political resistance to that agenda.
* * *
THESE POLICIES led directly to the incapacitated
Haitian state, dilapidated infrastructure, poorly
constructed buildings and desperate poverty that
combined with the hurricanes and now the
earthquake to turn natural disasters into social catastrophes.
While everyone should support the current
outpouring of aid to help Haiti, no one should do
so with political blinders on. As Engler said:
Aid in Haiti has always been used to further
imperial interests. This is obvious when you look
at how the U.S. and Canada treated the Aristide
government in contrast to the coup regime. The
U.S. and Canada starved Aristide of almost all
aid. But then after the coup, they opened a
floodgate of money to back some of the most
reactionary forces in Haitian society.
We should therefore agitate against any attempt
by the U.S. and other powers to use this crisis
to further impose their program on a prostrate country.
We should also be wary of the role of
international NGOs. While many NGOs are trying to
address the crisis, the U.S. and other
governments are funneling aid to them in order to
undermine Haitians' democratic right to
self-determination. The international NGOs are
unaccountable to either the Haitian state or
Haitian population. So the aid funneled through
them further weakens what little hold Haitians have on their own society.
The Obama administration should also immediately
lift the ban against Aristide's return to Haiti,
as well as the political ban on his party, Fanmi
Lavalas, from participating in the electoral
process. After all, a known drug criminal and
coup leader, Guy Philippe, and his party Front
for National Reconstruction (FRN) has been
allowed to participate in the electoral process.
Aristide and his party, by contrast, are still
the most popular political force in the country
and should have the right to participate in an open and fair vote.
The U.S. should also stop deportations of
Haitians who have fled their crisis-torn country
and grant Temporary Protected Status to Haitian
refugees. That would allow any Haitians who have
fled the political and social crisis since the
coup, the hurricanes and now the earthquake to remain legally in the U.S.
On top of that, we must demand that the U.S. stop
imposing its neoliberal plans. The U.S. has
plundered Haitian society for decades. Instead of
Haiti owing any debt to the U.S., other countries
or international financial institutions, the
reverse is the case. The U.S., France, Canada and
the UN owe the people of Haiti reparations to
redress the imperial plunder of the country.
With these funds and political space, Haitians
would be finally able to begin shaping their own
political and economic future--the dream of the
great slave revolution 200 years ago.
Ashley Smith writes for the Socialist Worker,
where this originally appeared. He can be reached
at: <mailto:ashley05401 at yahoo.com>ashley05401 at yahoo.com
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