[News] Political Prisoners in Venezuela?

Anti-Imperialist News news at freedomarchives.org
Fri Apr 9 18:42:44 EDT 2010



Political Prisoners in Venezuela?

Apr 8th 2010 , by Eva Golinger - Correo del Orinoco International

When politicians and political actors commit 
crimes, can they hide behind cries of 
persecution? As international organizations 
backed by Washington condemn the Chavez 
administration for alleged political persecution, 
the facts shed light on the difference between activism and crime.

Amnesty International sent out an urgent action 
appeal last week, claiming five individuals were 
under intense political persecution by the 
Venezuelan government. The international human 
rights defense organization alleged that “over 
recent years, the Venezuelan government appears 
to have established a pattern of clamping down on 
dissent through the use of legislative and 
administrative methods to silence and harrass 
critics. Laws are being used to justify what 
essentially seem to be politically motivated 
charges, which would indicate that the Venezuelan 
government is deliberately targeting opponents”.

What Amnesty International fails to outline or 
detail is who the individuals at issue really are 
and what the facts behind the crimes they are 
accused of actually contain. The urgent action 
appeal mentions Venezuelan Oswaldo Alvarez Paz, 
an ex governor of the State of Zulia who was 
arrested and charged with “public instigation of 
criminality” and “spreading false information” 
two weeks ago. Alvarez Paz, who participated in 
the April 2002 coup d’etat against the Venezuelan 
government and has consistently promoted publicly 
the violent overthrow of the Chavez 
administration, stated on live television that 
the Venezuelan government was supporting 
terrorist groups and facilitating drug 
trafficking. In the context of his statements, 
Alvarez Paz was supporting allegations from a 
Spanish court and several right-wing 
international organizations that were calling for 
international condemnation of the Venezuelan government.

Those defending Alvarez Paz shield themselves 
behind concepts of freedom of expression. But are 
citizens free to go on live national television 
and accuse the president of a nation of drug 
trafficking and terrorism without presenting any 
evidence? Would that happen in any other country 
without consequence? Imagine a former governor in 
the United States going live on NBC news and 
accusing President Barack Obama of terrorism and 
drug trafficking with no evidence to back such 
dangerous claims. The individual would be 
immediately arrested by Secret Service and 
prosecuted to the full extent of the law for not 
only spreading false information, but also for 
endangering the life and image of the US presidency.

In most democracies that recognize and cherish 
the right to freedom of expression, limitations 
are imposed when it comes to jeopardizing the 
security of a nation or its leaders. Furthermore, 
no one has the freedom to defame and slander 
others publicly with no evidence and no 
consequences. Hence, Alvarez Paz’s actions 
violated not only Venezuelan laws, but also 
international principles of free speech. Freedom 
of expression is not absolute under international 
law – it’s limitations are imposed when such 
speech clearly infringes on the rights and safety of others.

But in Venezuela, many believe they are above the 
law, especially those from the ruling class that 
dominated the nation during the last century. 
Most of those involved in the April 2002 coup 
d’etat that overthrew the government, for 
example, haven’t been prosecuted for their 
crimes, and they continue to organize to bring 
down the Chavez administration. Only three police 
commissioners were brought to justice for the 
April 2002 coup, after a court ruled they were 
responsible for ordering the massacre of 
Venezuelans protesting in the streets eight years 
ago. Nevertheless, the three police 
commissioners, Ivan Simonovis, Lazaro Forero and 
Henry Vivas have appealed to international 
organizations claiming they are political 
prisoners because they oppose President Chavez. 
Their conviction was upheld this week in Venezuela by an appeals court.

Releasing Prisoners Illegally, a Right?

Another case mentioned by the Amnesty 
International alert is that of Maria Lourdes 
Afiuni, a Venezuelan judge arrested on December 
10, 2009 for aiding a prisoner to escape from a 
courtroom and flee the country. Judge Afiuni was 
charged with allowing Eligio Cedeno, a Venezuelan 
banker prosecuted and imprisoned for corruption 
and embezzlement, to exit her courtroom out a 
back door. She had called Cedeno into a hearing 
without notifying the prosecutor’s office, in 
clear violation of legal proceedings, and once 
she had him physically in the courtroom, she 
released him through a back door, allowing for his escape to Miami.

Judge Afiuni was subsequently detained and 
charged with corruption. President Chavez did 
publicly cite the case as evidence of corruption 
in the legal system and called on the Attorney 
General’s office to take action. But, the 
Venezuelan President was not responsible for the 
Judge’s detention, and her arrest was not 
arbitrary, but rather was based on solid evidence 
of judicial misconduct and abuse.

Violent Protest and Corruption

A New York Times article from last Sunday 
brutally attacked the Chavez administration and 
accused it of “stifling dissent” through the 
arrests of these individuals. The article cited 
the case of General Raul Isaias Baduel, a former 
Defense Minister and Chavez ally currently 
imprisoned for corruption. The Times article 
attempted to portray Baduel as a victim of 
President Chavez, yet failed to mention the 
former military official was caught red-handed 
with stealing more than $30 million USD while in 
office. Baduel had acquired businesses, farms and 
properties inside and outside of Venezuela while 
in his capacity as Defense Minister. Only after 
Chavez forced his resignation and he was later 
investigated for corruption did General Baduel 
claim he was a victim of political persecution.

Richard Blanco, an opposition leader, was also 
cited in the Amnesty International alert, 
alleging some kind of political persecution. Yet 
Blanco was detained in broad daylight after 
physically attacking a police officer during a 
public protest and inciting others present at the 
demonstration to violate the police barricade and 
engage in violent protest. His actions took place 
on live television and can hardly be disputed.

Other opposition leaders charged with crimes such 
as corruption have fled the country, unwilling to 
face charges or undergo the judicial process. 
Several of these higher profile individuals have 
obtained asylum in the US and Peru, both havens 
for criminals from Latin America. Former governor 
of Zulia, Manuel Rosales, who was found with 
millions of dollars of stolen wealth from his 
years as governor and mass, illegal land 
accumulation, fled justice last year after 
initial charges were brought against him. From 
Peru, where he was given asylum, Rosales alleges 
he is a political prisoner of the Chavez 
government. He is joined by other corrupt and 
violent criminals, including Nixon Moreno, 
charged with attempted rape of a female police 
officer and Oscar Perez, charged with armed 
violence and criminal incitement during protests last year.

Ideology is not an exemption from criminality. 
After a lengthy period of impunity in Venezuela, 
the judicial system is finally beginning to risk 
imposing the law, at whatever cost. In November 
2004, Federal Prosecutor Danilo Anderson, charged 
with investigating individuals involved in the 
April 2002 coup d’etat, was assassinated in an 
atypical terrorist act after his vehicle was 
blown up. To date, his case remains unsolved.
Correo del Orinoco International
http://www.correodelorinoco.gob.ve/english-edition/

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Source URL (retrieved on 09/04/2010 - 6:11pm): 
<http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5261>http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/5261




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