[News] Honduras: The Coup That Never Happened
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Tue Dec 22 12:51:42 EST 2009
<http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/>The B u l l e t
Socialist Project E-Bulletin No. 290
December 22, 2009
Honduras: The Coup That Never Happened
http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/290.php
Tyler Shipley
When the media goes quiet, the walls speak. graffiti in Tegucigalpa.
What strikes a visitor to the Honduran capital
most immediately in this moment is the degree to
which the social and political conflict that has
erupted since the golpe de estado (coup detat)
on June 28th is actually written on the walls,
the fences, the rockfaces, bridges, errant bits
of siding, abandoned buildings, and even the
concrete upon which one walks. Though the
discourse in the international press is muddled
and misinformed, the situation in Honduras is
very obvious to those who are here as a quick
taxi ride around Tegucigalpa demonstrates.
Honduras has been long dominated by a handful of
some ten to fifteen wealthy families. Everyone
here knows their names Facusse, Ferrari,
Micheletti and now they are scrawled on walls
everywhere, next to accusations of golpista
(coup-supporter) and asesino (assassin). These
oligarchs used to be satisfied by controlling the
economy and buying off the politicians, but they
now increasingly insist upon exercising direct
political control themselves, and their names
show up more and more in congress, in the supreme
court and now even in the executive branch.
It is in that context that an event that fit
perfectly the definition of a coup is being
recast by the Honduran elite, and its foreign
allies, as a constitutional transfer of power.
Never mind that the democratically elected
President was abducted from his home and flown
out of the country in his pyjamas on the morning
of a non-binding referendum on re-opening the
constitution to reform. Never mind that the
movement to reform the constitution was driven by
a social movement that wanted to re-found the
country along more equitable lines, breaking the
decades of uncontested dominance by the few over
the many. Never mind that President Manuel
Zelayas only transgression was that he was
appealing directly to the people, in defiance of
a congress and supreme court that was subservient
to the oligarchy and would never consent to
reforming a constitution that was written to serve their interests.
These details say the golpistas are not
important. Instead, they spin a tale in which
Zelaya was a minion of Venezuelas President Hugo
Chávez (who according to this discourse is
inherently bad) and claim that Zelaya intended to
change the constitution to make himself
president-for-life. In order to preserve
democracy, the story says, the congress and
supreme court proceeded with a legal process to
remove the elected president and replace him
until new elections could be held. This story has
been taken up by the international press, despite
its being patently untrue, and repeated ad
nauseam in the hopes of giving legitimacy to a
process that seeks to re-entrench an oligarchy
feeling its power threatened for the first time in decades.
The U.S.S. Honduras
The central issue at stake in Honduras today
and the spark for the oligarchys risky decision
to carry out the coup in June is the
increasingly adamant insistence on the part of
Honduran social movements for a constituyente,
the striking of an assembly to re-write the
constitution. It was, indeed, this very question
that was to be put to a non-binding referendum on
the morning of the coup and it was expected that
the people would support the idea overwhelmingly.
Like many of its Central and South American
neighbours, Honduras principle legal code was
written during a period dominated by U.S. Cold
War imperialism and local comprador
quasi-fascists. The legacy of the Operation
Condor/School of the Americas era was, among so
many other tragedies, legal and political
structures that ensured the continued dominance
of the elite few and Honduras was a perfect case study.
In fact, the current constitution of Honduras was
ratified in 1982, during the period in which it
earned the nickname U.S.S. Honduras. The most
successful resistance group in Honduras in the
1970s was called the National Federation of
Honduras Peasants (FENACH) and wasnt able to
muster the kind of strength that the Sandinistas
in Nicaragua built, nor even to achieve the
limited level of challenge of the guerillas in
Guatemala or El Salvador. As a result, Honduras
became the perfect base for U.S. operations in
Central America, and indeed the Contra Wars
against Nicaragua were waged from the U.S.
military base at Palmerola, just outside of
Tegucigalpa, among countless other interventions
and terror campaigns in the region.
In addition to the 18 military bases it
established and the 10,000 American troops
stationed there, the U.S. also provided the
Honduran armed forces with over $100-million
between 1980-84. This infusion of money and
technical support to the military and business
elite reinforced the strength of the oligarchy in
Tegucigalpa and led to dramatic increases in
poverty, inequality and political repression. The
1982 constitution was written after decades of
military dictatorship while Honduras was playing
host to a U.S.-led paramilitary contra force of
over 15,000 soldiers trained in what we now call
counter-insurgency specializing in campaigns
of terror against primarily poor and ill-equipped
guerilla forces and their supporters. During that
period, according to Joan Kruckewitt, the use of
repression, instead of concessions and reform,
became the norm and that the military emerged
from the period of U.S.-led militarization as the
most powerful sector in the country, with few
checks and balances to restrain them.[1] Indeed,
between 1981-84, while the new constitution was
being written, ratified and established into
political order, the military carried out 214
political assassinations, 110 disappearances, and 1,947 illegal detentions.
Given that context, calling the 1982 constitution
representative of any but the most elite strata
of Honduran society would be patently absurd; the
vast majority of people in the country were
living in abject poverty and ceaseless fear of
their own soldiers and police. But as the
political climate in Latin America has shifted,
and as new openings for emancipatory projects
have emerged, Hondurans have become increasingly
insistent on the need to re-establish the country
on their own terms. Social movements centered
around trade-unions, human rights and campesino
groups increasingly drew people from a wide
variety of Honduran civil society into a broad
movement for significant reform, and had their
greatest successes between 2005-2008 under President Manuel Mel Zelaya.
June 28th and the Demise of Democracy
Perhaps the most interesting thing about June
28th was the way that it created Mel Zelaya as a
popular figure in Honduras. He was elected
President in 2005 as a member of the Liberal
Party, one of the two primary parties, neither
known for any history of radicalism. Zelayas own
background was as a junior-member of the
oligarchy, a wealthy rancher from the south, and
his long political career had never shown any
signs of divergence from the standard
conservatism of Honduran politics. In fact, the
only thing that separated Zelaya from someone
like Roberto Micheletti the tremendously
unpopular figure who emerged as de facto
President after the coup was that he recognized
the growing popularity of the movements for
social reform. His decisions to raise the minimum
wage, to declare a moratorium on foreign mining
concessions and to veto a law banning
birth-control pills were not simply
manifestations of his own radical spirit, no
matter how noble his intentions may have been.
No, Zelaya executed in a calculating way
through undeniably positive political decisions
that kept him palatable to the people on whom his
support relied. Indeed, he relied on that support
increasingly after his support for the
constituent assembly broke him from his allies in
the Liberal Party. But Zelaya before June 28th
was simply a means to an end for the social
movements in Honduras a politician who had
proven to be malleable to demonstrations of
popular politics. His endorsement of the
constituyente was the most important move he made
and, in fact, he conducted the process with due
diligence to the existing constitution and,
despite its being repeated in every AP news
bulletin since the coup, it never contained even
the possibility of giving Zelaya another term in office.
The process was to be as follows: on June 28th,
Hondurans would vote in a non-binding referendum
on whether they supported the addition of a
fourth ballot in the general elections scheduled
for Nov. 29th. Normally, Honduran elections
feature three ballots, corresponding to each of
the three levels of government. If the referendum
came back with a strong yes, Zelaya would have
added the fourth ballot asking the question do
you support the creation of a national
constituent assembly to re-draft the
constitution? Accordingly, the constitution
could not have possibly been changed before the
Nov. 29th elections, and so Zelaya could not have
possibly stood for re-election. Furthermore, the
primaries for that election had already taken
place and, again, Zelayas name was not put
forward even had he wanted to, it was illegal.
The notion that Zelaya intended to manipulate the
process to stay in power is patently absurd. But
the Honduran Congress, packed with members of the
oligarchy, felt that the re-opening of the
constitution could represent a real threat to
their stranglehold on power and refused to accept
the idea. Zelaya, in response, appealed directly
to the people implicitly rejecting the
legitimacy of the Honduran form of representative
democracy that had brought him to power in the
first place and vowed to pursue the constituyente if the people asked for it.
Of course, that process never went ahead, because
the morning that the first non-binding poll was
supposed to happen, Zelaya was abducted by the
military and flown to Costa Rica. Roberto
Micheletti was sworn in as de facto President,
and the referendum was cancelled. Dramatic
footage from that morning showed people in the
early hours of the day, coming out to vote and
finding the military in the streets outrage
turned to despair which, in turn, was channeled
into absolute determination to resist this
transparently coercive undermining of popular
will. Demonstrations erupted in the immediate
aftermath of the coup, and the golpista regime
expected them to last for only a few days. Unlike
Zelaya, they underestimated the strength and
commitment of the Honduran movement for reform.
Resistencia!
Im proud that Hondurans are usually so
peaceful, but Im even more proud that were
finally standing up for ourselves. Rosa Mayda
Martinez, office worker, Jutiapa.
What followed was the largest sustained
demonstration in Central American history. For
156 straight days, Hondurans took to the streets
of Tegucigalpa. The numbers fluctuated from as
high as hundreds of thousands to the still
impressive thousands that were protesting right
up to the day of the elections on Nov. 29th.
Predictably, they met widespread and violent
repression. Between June and November, 33 people
were killed in political violence and hundreds
more were detained, beaten, kidnapped, raped and
otherwise victimized by an increasingly
militarized state apparatus. In September,
President Zelaya returned to the country and took
refuge in the Brazilian embassy, where he still
remains, guarded by police who are under orders
to arrest him the moment he leaves Brazilian territory.
There is much more to be said about the nature of
the resistance than space here permits. For the
time being, it will have to suffice to say that
the coup produced the unintended consequence of
uniting an otherwise fragmented group of
organizations into a broad coalition the Frente
Popular Nacional de Resistencia (National Popular
Resistance Front) which has become the most
important popular organization in Honduras. Its
members come primarily from the poorest classes
workers and campesinos but are also drawn from
the relatively small middle classes, including
teachers, lawyers, doctors, left-liberal
politicians and civil servants etc. They have
worked closely with local human rights
organizations and some foreign NGOs, but they
have maintained absolute autonomy from foreign
interlocutors (whatever their intentions) in
defiance of the characterization of the Frente as
a Chávez-exported ring of professional troublemakers and socialists.
The demonstrations have not been limited to
Tegucigalpa. The second largest city in Honduras,
San Pedro Sula, is a major industrial center and
is the epicenter of foreign-owned Honduran
maquiladora-style production. Protests have
erupted there regularly, including one on the day
of the Nov. 29th elections. It was repressed
with tear gas and rubber bullets injuring dozens
of people, including a Reuters photographer from
Brazil. Furthermore, rural Hondurans have been
active in the resistance, blocking highways,
distributing information and protesting outside
government offices. Only a few areas of Honduras
have not seen major movements against the coup
primarily Roatan and the Bay Islands, a ring of
tropical island destinations off the north coast,
dotted with, and politically controlled by,
foreign-owned resort hotels (many of them Canadian).
The foreign and local elite who have turned the
islands, and most of their inhabitants, into
tools for their personal profit have been the
most vocally supportive of the coup. They pump
out misleading or, at best, willfully ignorant
anti-Zelaya rants everywhere they can, notably on
internet news sites; my own reports have been
consistently attacked and, in
<http://canadiandimension.com/blog/2609/>one
instance, they even went as far as to threaten my
life. These attacks are most likely motivated by
the insistence of the social movements for tax
reforms that would bring a share of their profits
back to the state for the purposes of
re-distribution through increased support for
education, housing, health care and other social
programs. Foreign-owned companies currently
operate in an almost-entirely tax free
environment, one of the many grievances that the
proponents of the constituyente were hoping to redress.
The Re-Emergence of State Terror
In my case, I am known by the police, they can
do anything to me. I thought about moving to a
new house with comrades, do you think this is a
good idea? Rosner Giovanni Reyes, member of
Resistance, in a meeting with COFADEH representatives, Nov. 28th, 2009.
But the golpistas and their beneficiaries are
bound and determined to block that process
indefinitely. Repression of the resistance has
been violent and thorough. Human rights groups
like the Committee of the Families of the
Disappeared and Detained in Honduras
(<http://www.cofadeh.org/>COFADEH) have worked
tirelessly since June 28th to produce detailed
documentation of the brutality. Their reports,
not surprisingly, fall on deaf ears. The campaign
of state terror they have documented is too
far-reaching to possibly reproduce here, but they
provided a very useful summation in a report on
Nov. 28th. This report, produced by the five
leading human rights groups in Honduras, was
presented to the Tribunal Supremo Electoral (TSE)
on the day before the elections in a formal
declaration demanding that the elections be
cancelled on account of the impossibility of
their being fair and free in the context of the coup and state terror:
(These elections are being conducted) in a
context of grave and systematic violations of
human rights. Since the day of the coup, we have
documented 33 violent and politically motivated
deaths, torture, cruel and inhuman and degrading
treatment, sexual assault and restrictions on
freedom of association, assembly, expression, opinion and more.[2]
They go on to note that holding elections under
these circumstances is absurd, given that the
same people who are committing this violence are
those who are supposed to be responsible for
running fair elections. They also note some of
the most high-profile cases of repression. Carlos
H. Reyes, a member of the social movements and
initially an independent Presidential candidate,
was hospitalized after a brutal blow from police
in a peaceful demonstration. Ulises Sarmiento, a
well-known member of the Liberal Party who
sympathized with the resistance had his home
ransacked by soldiers with automatic weapons in
the province of Olancho. Eliseo Hernandez Juarez,
a vice-mayoral candidate, was assassinated.
Not surprisingly, the violence has not been
limited to high-profile politicians. Victor
Corrales Mejia and his son, members of the
resistance, were arrested the night before the
elections and beaten in their home. Police came
to their home, hit Victor in the head and spine
with batons and threatened to kill him. They
kicked in my door, they threw me out like I was a
sack of corn, they want to intimidate us, he
told me. But our desire for democracy is
stronger than they are. In Comayagua, where the
resistance is strong and led by teachers,
campesinos and womens and indigenous rights
activists, the Mayor threatened to give the names
and addresses of anyone who interfered with the
election to the military. In fact, the military
sent a letter a month before the elections
demanding such lists from all the Mayors across
the country. Meanwhile, state henchmen shot
Alejandro Villatoro, the owner of Radio Globo
one of the few media outlets brave enough to
speak out against the coup and stole the
computer from which the station was broadcasting.
Indeed, Radio Globo had by that point resorted
almost exclusively to broadcasting online from
secret locations, after months of repression.
Radio Globo, along with Radio Progreso and Radio
Uno, television station Canal 36 and newspaper El
Libertador are among the media outlets that have
faced relentless repression since the coup. Some,
like Canal 36, have shut down altogether after
having equipment destroyed, signals interrupted,
offices ransacked and editors assassinated. Even
organizations that are not directly linked to the
resistance are being targeted in the context of
police impunity. Red Comal, a campesino
organization that helps small farmers to market
their produce and runs educational campaigns
designed to build networks between campesinos and
social movements, had its offices attacked,
computers and money stolen, and employees beaten.
Miguel Alonzo Macias, the director of the
organization, explained to me, we teach people
why they are poor. For that, we are a threat.
Whitewashing the Coup
No to the coup regime elections! Free men and
women of Honduras, they want to use your vote to
legalize the coup. Each vote is a blow to your freedom. Resistencia poster.
Given the context described above, it is hard to
imagine how anyone could seriously claim that
the event on Nov. 29th could be called a free
or fair election. On the day of the vote, the
Frente urged Hondurans to stay home and boycott
la farsa (farce). And that is precisely what
happened on a day that is normally a boisterous
street party filled with red or blue flags
representing to the two primary political
parties, Honduras was quiet and subdued. Most
polling stations had more military and police
than civilians. The TSE itself admitted that only
around 1.7 million people voted, in a country of
nearly 8 million, with 4.6 million eligible to
vote. That makes a turnout of around 35%, the
lowest since the end of military dictatorships in
the early 80s. Inexplicably, on the night of Nov.
29th, the TSE announced a projected turnout of
60%, which became the number repeated in almost
every international news source. Fox News in the
United States was one of the few exceptions,
reporting the absurd figure of 70% no one has
yet been able to explain where that number came from.
A few days after the election, video journalist
Jesse Freeston of the Real News was able to get
into the TSE headquarters and produced a
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1O_0uJqoVtI>video
documenting fraudulent reporting of voter totals,
designed to create the illusion that Hondurans
had not boycotted the election. This
documentation is important in demonstrating to
the international community that these elections
should never be recognized as legitimate in any
way. But it is totally unnecessary for Hondurans
themselves, who knew long before the elections
ever took place that they would be a sham, and
had that knowledge confirmed on Nov. 29th. As the
human rights organizations explained in their Nov. 28th document:
holding reliable elections does not depend
solely on the implementation of sophisticated
technology, international observers or the strict
adherence to the formal process; it also requires
knowing that there was a clean process preceding
the elections, produced by a climate of full
freedom, one where candidates and the electorate
can express themselves openly and in a context of
absolute equality, without fear of assassination,
torture, detention and incarceration.[3]
Indeed, an interview I conducted with Edward Fox,
a former USAID official, Republican campaign
financer and an elections observer sent from
Washington to legitimate the process,
demonstrated quite plainly that the few
organizations who went to Honduras for Nov. 29th
were not interested in investigating what was
happening away from the polling stations. As we
spoke on camera from Miami International Airport
on Dec. 1st, Fox claimed to know nothing about
alleged human rights violations, cast suspicion
on the groups documenting the violence despite
not being able to name a single one of them, and
justified his endorsement of the elections by
telling me that he had spoken to the U.S.
Ambassador who is, Fox reminded me, there all
the time. His organization, the Washington
Senior Observer Group, reported that they:
witnessed the enthusiastic desire of thousands
of Honduran citizens to cast their ballots. Many
took time to thank us for our presence today.
Without exception, they expressed confidence in
the electoral system, pride in exercising their
right to vote, and a profound hope that their
election is a decisive step toward the
restoration of the constitutional and democratic order in Honduras.[4]
They further asserted that they saw no voter
intimidation by any group, individual, or party
and that their observations coincide with those
reported by other observers and by the media
throughout Honduras. Nonetheless, when I asked
Edward Fox about those other observers, the
groups who have been documenting the violence and
terror, he admitted that he had not spoken to any
of them. Avoiding them must have taken some
effort, because when those groups presented their
report to the TSE on Nov. 28th, the U.S.
observers were there; in fact, the human rights
delegation had their meeting scheduled for 2:00
p.m. but had to wait until well after 4:00 p.m.
because TSE officials were meeting with the U.S.
observers. We were all there together, and at one
point I overheard the U.S. observers chatting
amongst themselves derisively about the human
rights group and about Honduras in general.
Looking Ahead
Where are the people? The people are in the
streets, struggling for their freedom! Resistencia chant.
Sadly, though not surprisingly, reports like
Foxs bolstered the positions taken by
governments of the global North and their
right-wing allies in Latin America. Both have
fallen all over themselves to legitimate the
election process and, in so doing, legitimate the
coup itself. Canadas foreign affairs minister
Peter Kent responded to the elections announcing that Canada:
congratulates the Honduran people for the
relatively peaceful and orderly manner in which
the countrys elections were conducted. While
Sundays elections were not monitored by
international organizations such as the
Organization of American States, we are
encouraged by reports from civil society
organizations that there was a strong turnout for
the elections, that they appear to have been run
freely and fairly, and that there was no major violence.[5]
Much more needs to be said about Canadas
relationship to Honduras and the golpistas.
<http://petitiononline.com/helect>A petition,
calling for non-recognition of the elections is
circulating and has garnered nearly 400 names a
small step toward building public awareness of
Canadas complicity in this desecration of democracy and human rights.
In the meantime, a death squad killed five more
people on a street corner on Dec. 6. A human
rights worker with links to Amnesty International
was murdered on Dec. 14. The teenaged daughter of
a critical journalist was found dead on Dec. 16.
Repression has increased and turned even more
vicious and calculated since the farce elections;
the regime has evidently been emboldened by their
successful misrepresentation of the fiesta
democratica and the willingness of the
international media to ignore the reality facing
the majority of Hondurans. Nonetheless, the
resistance continues, having realized long ago
that this will be a long struggle. It is hard to
predict at this point what shape the struggle
will take in the coming months, though it is
clear that the Jan. 27th transfer of power to
golpe-President-elect Pepe Lobo Pepe Robo (the
Robber) as the walls call him will be another
flashpoint for the resistance. The police keep
telling us they will come to our homes and take
us away, and it makes us want to run, says
Francisca, a high school teacher in Comayagua.
But we have worked too hard for too long to build the homes we have.
Tyler Shipley is a doctoral candidate and
activist from Toronto, Canada. He did research
and human rights observation in Tegucigalpa with
a delegation organized by Rights Action,
reporting on the resistance to the coup and the
Nov. 29 elections. The entire photo essay
Honduras Police State A Week In Pictures is
at available at
<http://toronto.mediacoop.ca/blog/tyler-shipley/2375>toronto.mediacoop.ca.
Notes
1. Joan Kruckewitt, U.S. Militarization of
Honduras in the 1980s and the Creation of
CIA-backed Death Squads, in Cecilia Mejivar and
Nestor Rodriguez, When States Kill: Latin
America, the U.S., and Technologies of Terror,
University of Texas Press, Austin, TX, 2005.
2. Official Statement by representatives of
CODEH, COFADEH, FIAN, CDM, CPTRT, CIPRODEH to the
TSE, Nov. 28, 2009. Translated from Spanish.
3. Ibid.
4.
<http://www.hondurasnews.com/2009/12/01/washington-observers-statement/>Statement
on the National Elections in Honduras, Washington
Senior Observer Group, December 1, 2009.
5. Peter Kent,
<http://www.peterkent.ca/EN/8128/102689>Canada
Congratulates Honduran People on Elections, December 1, 2009.
Freedom Archives
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