[News] Ecuador and the Struggle for Latin American Unity
Anti-Imperialist News
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Wed Sep 5 12:05:12 EDT 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/ross09052007.html
September 5, 2007
A Bolivarian Coordinate?
Ecuador and the Struggle for Latin American Unity
By CLIFTON ROSS
Back in 1989 or 1990, as I watched, along with
the rest of the world, the collapse of the "Evil
Empire," I remember thinking to myself, "one
down, one to go." I knew, and all the imperial
hubris of Fukyama's "end of history" just made me
that much more certain, that the time would soon
come for Evil Empire II. "Soon" is a relative
term. Here we are, a mere seventeen or eighteen
years later and Evil Empire II is on its way
down, as historical events go, at super action speed.
What I didn't expect was that new empires would
emerge, or attempt to do so, in the wake of the
collapse of the two empires that jostled for
position throughout the Cold War years. Brazilian
revolutionary theorist Ruy Mauro Marini would dub
these rising empires, "sub-empires," and he
claimed that the seeds of sub-empires are already
visible in Latin America. Of course that's what
we USAmericans were back in the early 19th
century, an ex-colony aspiring to sub-imperial
status, mingling with the full-fledged, grown up
empires of Britain, France and Spain and hoping
one day to play in the Major League ourselves.
I muse on all of this as I wait in my hotel room
in Quito, Ecuador, for Napoleon Saltos Galazara
to arrive. I had just finished reading his
article, "UNASUR: la coordenada bolivariana"
published in the extraordinary Ecuadoran review,
"La Tendencia," in which he considers
sub-empires, dying empires and what he calls "the
Bolivarian Coordinate" (1) with the skill of a
scientist. He is, after all, a scientist, among many other things.
Dr. Napoleon Saltos and I have in common our
passage through Liberation Theology into
socialism, although I'm not familiar with his
mentor, the widely admired Ecuadoran Liberation
theologian, Fr. Leonidas Proaño. But Napoleon,
rather than following in his mentor's footsteps,
seems to have flown over them. In addition to his
work as professor and former director of the
School of Sociology at the Central University of
Ecuador, Dr. Saltos was founder of Pachakutik,
the indigenous organization which, along with
CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Nations of
Ecuador) led the spectacular rebellions in
Ecuador throughout the '90s. He then served in
Parliament as a member of that party but left
when it allied itself with the traitorous
President Lucio Gutierrez, who rode the social
and indigenous movements to power and then turned
on them within days of becoming president. Saltos
went on to work within the social movements and
held the post of "Coodinator of Social
Movements." He also writes and publishes what has
become a yearly handbook on Ecuadoran reality
entitled "Ecuador: su realidad" (Ecuador: Its
Reality), a hefty tome full of current statistics
on employment, imports and exports, data from
census and an all around round-up of everything
you ever wanted to know about Ecuador but were
too ignorant to even know how to ask. Let me put
that in the first person. This is, after all, my
first visit to the country and I have very little
prior knowledge of "its reality." But I'm
confident, weighing his yearbook of information
in my hands, that Napoleon is the man to ask.
He has graciously agreed to a spur-of-the-minute
interview and has squeezed me into the space
between a meeting an a press conference: Napoleon
is also running for the Constituent Assembly on
the Polo Democrático slate, a united front of
fifty-two left groups, parties and organizations.
He arrives quickly with a man name Guillermo and
when I ask about Guillermo, Saltos explains,
"Guillermo always accompanies me. It's, well,
safer that way." I can almost forget that I'm in
a part of the world where politics can often get
you in big trouble, even as much as getting you
killed, especially if you organize the kinds of
subversive circles that Napoleon does. Neither of
the two ruling oligarchies of Ecuador are
particularly well-known for their kindness.
I hadn't had enough time to prepare for the
interview since I'd only finished reading his
article a little over an hour ago. But that
doesn't matter. Napoleon quickly takes control
when I explain that I was fascinated by his
analysis of the numerous potential power
struggles emerging from the vacuum the collapse
of U.S. imperial power in the region is leaving
in its wake, assuming, as nearly everyone down
here is so doing, that the U.S. empire is in collapse.
"The struggle is much more complex now," he says.
"On one side you have the North-South Axis with
the neoliberal project based in the United States
and Europe." But this axis is a waning economic
power, with ties to the local Ecuadoran
oligarchies, of which there are two: the
financial business oligarchy of the mountain
region, predominantly Quito, and the financial,
agricultural oligarchy of Guayaquil. This
North-South Axis, U.S/Europe-Local Oligarchy, is
the traditional enemy of the anti-imperialist,
anti-oligarchic left in Ecuador, as in all of
Latin America. This is the axis of power that has
received the most attention from political and
social scientists, economists and activists
worldwide. It has also been the object of most
resentment and attacks by the latter.
But Saltos wants to explain why Correa, a
university professor, backed largely by the
middle class, and not the social and indigenous
movements, is leading the anti-imperialist
struggle on these three fronts: against Oxy
Petroleum, the FTAA and the U.S. military base at
Manta. And why there may be more to Correa's
opposition to this three-fold struggle against
the North-South Axis than immediately meets the eye.
He talks about the rebellion of 2000, which
included social movements, the indigenous
movement and progressive military. Though that
movement brought Lucio Gutierrez to power, "we in
the movement didn't manage that well. Lucio
Gutierrez was an historical error," Saltos says,
"We were wrong. And he cost us; he weakened us."
"This current [anti-imperialist] struggle should
have been organized and led by the social
movements, as in Bolivia. I speak of Bolivia as
the process from below; Venezuela is a little
more a process from above. We should have
undertaken this current phase of the process as a
social movement but we were too weak to carry it
forth, too weak as a result of our errors."
I ask him to explain more precisely what these
"errors" were. He nods and unhesitatingly
explains. "We gathered great strength in the '90s
as we united the urban social movements and the
workers' movements, with the indigenous movement
and we struggled together all the way up to the
elections of 1996. And that's where you can see
two key errors. First, we always select someone
as our national representative from outside our
ranks. So, in 1996 and 1998 we called on a
journalist, Freddy Ehlers... who is Secretary
General of CAN, Andean Community of Nations. He
was our national representative, and then we
parted ways and he cut off our route. Then we
returned to the struggle and in 2000, not in an
election, but rather in a rebellion, we took
power with the military and, once again, we chose
someone from outside of our ranks to represent
us: Lucio Gutierrez. We repeated the error. "
The Ecuadoran revolutionary movement also erred
in its understanding of the military. "The
military can't be viewed as an institution that,
as a whole, would move toward social change,"
Saltos explains. "There are always internal
distinctions, as in Venezuela where Chavez also
had problems with his military: there were
sectors that were with Chavez, but others carried out the coup."
In the 2000 coup in Ecuador in which the
social/indigenous movements allied with the
military, they were turned back out of power
within 24 hours. Lucio Gutierrez seized control
and was supported by sectors of the
social/indigenous movement, most notably
Pachakutik. Saltos continued to serve in the
Parliament until he left Pachakutik in 2002 in
disagreement over its support for Gutierrez.
"Nevertheless, that desire for change has
continued to the present. It's a volcanic force
that continues to grow, not only in Ecuador, but
in all Latin America. But we, as a social
movement weakened due to our errors, haven't been
able to represent it. And so it has fallen to
Correa to gather all this energy together. He
says, 'we're going to confront imperialism and
the oligarchy; we're going to take on the right
wing, down with partyocracy!' And he won the
election. However, even though Correa confronts
this sector, he's allied with the second axis,
the Manta-Manaus axis, or the China-Brazil, East-West axis."
Here Napoleon mentions the theories of Theotonio
Dos Santos Ruy Mauro Marini who worked on the
theory of sub-empires from the Brazilian context.
Marini defines subimperialism as "the form that
the dependent economy assumes on arriving at the
stage of the monopolies and finance capital." It
is characterized by "the exercise of an
autonomous expansionist policy" and he added that
"only Brazil, in Latin America, fully expresses a
phenomenon of this nature," although he goes on
to add both Mexico and Argentina as countries
having "sub-imperialist characteristics." One
must keep in mind, however, that Marini wrote
this well before Argentina's economic implosion
in 2001 and that would leave only Mexico and
Brazil as countries in Latin America displaying
such "sub-imperialist characteristics." (2)
Meanwhile, Venezuela continues to promote its
"counterhegemonic" and anti-imperialist project
of regional unity, what Saltos calls "la
coordenada bolivariana" (the Bolivarian
Coordinate). In April of this year, President
Chavez proposed UNASUR during an energy summit of
the Americas on the island of Margarita. In
addition to coining the name and calling for a
Secretariat of the organization to be located in
Quito, Ecuador, Chavez pushed the idea of
regional unity a little farther in the process,
but some analysts think that Brazil may not be
amused, much less interested in playing ball,
even though both Chavez and Lula deny any sort of
rivalry. At least one analyst thinks that Brazil
prefers Mercosur to UNASUR "because it is a forum
that cannot do anything without its approval. But
Brazil's leadership might be diluted if UNASUR
gets off the ground -- in fact that is what
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is counting on.
UNASUR would have to function by unanimous
agreement, which would probably paralyze it, or
by majority, to which Brazil is unlikely to submit." (3)
This division between Brazil and Venezuela was
best symbolized by the brand of energy each
country promotes, ethanol and petroleum,
respectively, but there is much more to the story
than what goes into the gas tank of a car. And
Ecuador may be the key chess piece in the
regional Great Game. Among others, Ecuadoran
writer Kintto Lucas in his book on recent
Ecuadoran history, "Un pais entrampado," sees
Ecuador as an integral part of Brazil's
aspiration to carve a path to the Pacific, using
what is called the "Manaos-Manta multi-modal corridor."
Both Lucas and Uruguayan writer Raúl Zibechi
quote General Golbery do Couto e Silva, author of
"Brazil's Geopolitics," in which that Brazilian
strategist stated flatly that "Brazil must not
dwell on what it has already accomplished; it
must arrive hegemonically to the Pacific."(4)
Zibechi in his article on the subject goes on to
discuss the frontier expansionism of Brazil,
using the contemporary example of Brazil's
leadership of the occupation of Haiti under the
auspices of the U.N. as a point of departure to
discuss historical examples of Brazil's
occupation and conquest of neighboring territory.
"Between 1850 and 1950," Zibechi tells us,
"Brazil's 'Amazonian territory' doubled at the
cost of its neighbors; Bolivia, Peru, Colombia,
and Venezuela lost portions of their land during
that timeframe." Indeed, "Brazil's consolidation
as a regional and world power -though it
champions multilateralism- is leaving a bitter
taste in the mouth of those who feel Brazil's
steamroller-like advances are creating a new
disequilibrium on the subcontinent."(4)
The struggle between Venezuela and Brazil
potentially represents a much deeper division
emerging in Latin America today as the U.S.
empire tanks and digs its way deeper into the
morass it has created for itself in the Middle
East. The U.S., in its National Security Strategy
of September 17, 2002, proposed to prevent any
possible players from challenging its supremacy,
stating that "America (sic) will act against such
emerging threats before they are fully formed."
On the American continent it hoped to contain
such "emerging threats" as Brazil by means of
walling it in along the Pacific by means of "free
trade" agreements with Chile, Peru, Ecuador and
Colombia. The 2006 election of Correa to the
Presidency of Ecuador just as the nation
considered such a treaty changed all that. Since
that time, Ecuador has effectively broken the
US-imposed barrier to the Pacific and now clears
the way for the Brazilian dreams of empire, or at
the very least, the further strengthening of a great regional power.
Nevertheless, the struggle to contain Brazil
continues to be part of the greater problem of
constructing a regional unity that will enable
the southern nations to contend with their more
immediate concern, and that is the still-present
threat of the U.S. empire. Ecuador's current
strategy seems to be to build alliances with
Venezuela, Brazil and whatever other potential
allies may offer to consolidate a block of power against U.S. hegemony.
Tomás Peribonio, ex-Minister of Foreign Trade
under President Alfred Palacio, is now working as
a contractor for the current Correa government
designing the Manaos-Manta multi-modal corridor.
He's a handsome, friendly fellow who has also
granted me a spur of the moment interview when I
showed up at his penthouse office in the Ministry
of Public Works building. He offers to do the
interview in his excellent English, but quickly
slips into Spanish as he emphasizes that "the
most important thing is regional unity." The
construction of this multi-modal corridor, he
describes as a "mega-project" that would be
constructed "over the course of years and perhaps
even decades." The aim, he says, is to unite
"Pacific Asia, which, from my point of view, is
the area of major world commerce, managing about
fifty percent of world trade" with the Atlantic,
specifically Brazil, which is increasing its
cultivation of soy and other grains with an eye on exports.
For Peribonio regional integration begins at
home, with Ecuador, a country that commonly
characterizes itself as the "nation of four
regions," which are the Amazon, the mountains,
the plains and coast, and the Galapagos. These
regions have experienced strong tensions and this
fact has often been posed as a primary problem
confronting national leaders as they attempted to
unite the country. This multi-modal corridor,
Peribonio hopes, will serve to first unite the
country and then go on to unite Ecuador with Peru
and Brazil, since the corridor would also go
through Peru. Finally, says Peribonio, the
corridor would integrate Ecuador more firmly into the world economy.
Will that be Venezuela or Brazil, the plan of
Chavez for what Napoleon calls the "Bolivarian
Coordinate" as embodied in ALBA, the Bolivarian
Alternative for the Americas, or will it be the
model defined by Brazil's need for growth, or an
alliance between these two models? Is there
another option? Peribonio shrugs. "Our countries
have to unite in order to grow and develop.
Europe, for instance, has grown enormously as a
result of a complete integration. The model which
has the greatest support will be the one that
wins. But we can learn a lot from Europe and the
approach it has taken toward integrating the
smaller, poorer countries into its Union. But
what's most important is convincing our people,
the workers, indigenous people and people in the
neighborhoods that alone we're small and weak,
but that it's only through regional integration
and unity that we'll become strong."
Clifton Ross is the co-editor of Voice of Fire:
Communiques and Interviews of the Zapatista
National Liberation Army (1994, New Earth
Publications). His book, Fables for an Open Field
(1994, Trombone Press, New Earth Publications),
has just been released in Spanish by La Casa
Tomada of Venezuela. His forthcoming book of
poems in translation, Traducir el Silencio, will
be published later this year by Venezuela´s
Ministry of Culture editorial, Perro y Rana. Ross
teaches English at Berkeley City College,
Berkeley, California. He can be reached at
<mailto:clifross at gmail.com>clifross at gmail.com .
Notes
1. "UNASUR: la coordenada bolivariana", La Tendencia, May, 2007
2, Marini, Ruy Mauro, in
"<http://www.marini-escritos.unam.mx/006_acumulacion_es.htm>La
acumulación capitalista mundial _y el subimperialismo,"
3. http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=287656
4. Zibechi, Raúl,
"<http://americas.irc-online.org/am/3144>Brazil
and the Difficult Path to Multilateralism,"
5. http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html
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