[News] Whatever Happened to Palestine?
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Thu Sep 20 12:27:12 EDT 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/
September 20, 2007
Justice Forgotten
Whatever Happened to Palestine?
By KATHLEEN CHRISTISON
A group of anti-war leaders held a conference call at the end of
August under the sponsorship of Michael Lerner's Network of Spiritual
Progressives to do some long-term strategic planning for the anti-war
movement. The discussants included leaders of the country's best
known peace groups -- United for Peace and Justice, Code Pink, Pax
Christi, the Department of Peace, and others -- as well as Lerner
himself and Democratic Congressmen Lynn Woolsey and Jim Moran. They
talked about Iraq, of course, but of virtually nothing else. There
was a bit about "peace and justice" in general, one passing mention
of trying to stop an attack on Iran, and a whole lot of talk about
avoiding action on all issues, including even Iraq, until Woolsey and
a couple of progressive colleagues try their hands at manipulating
weak-kneed congressional Democrats into "showing some backbone" on a
withdrawal from Iraq. This must be a new concept in opposing war: do nothing.
You would think there was nothing else wrong in the world. There was
no talk of the U.S. aggression in Afghanistan (which is assumed even
by the anti-war movement to be a "good" war, despite the excessive
number of innocent civilians -- never remembered -- who have been
killed there). There was nothing about safeguarding Lebanon from
frequent Israeli attack and nothing, of course, about supporting
Palestinian human and national rights or opposing Israel's gross
violation of these rights. There was nothing, in short, about any of
the massive injustices perpetrated around the world by the United
States, primarily as part of the so-called war on terror, and ignored
by the anti-war/peace movement. This is a peace movement but
apparently not a justice movement.
Interestingly, two of the discussants, Lerner and Rick Ufford-Chase,
a representative of the Presbyterian Church (USA), now lead
organizations formed after earlier efforts to address the
Palestinian-Israeli issue failed in the face of strong opposition
from Israeli supporters. Lerner formed the Network of Spiritual
Progressives after his Tikkun Communities faced too much opposition
from the Jewish community over the Tikkun effort to tread a middle
path between Israel and the Palestinians. Ufford-Chase was the
principal Presbyterian spokesman when the church launched a campaign
in 2004 to divest from companies supporting Israel's occupation, but
after the church backed away from that position in 2006 under heavy
attack from Israeli supporters, the Presbyterian Peace Fellowship,
headed by Ufford-Chase, formed a new organization focused
specifically on Iraq, called Christian Peace Witness for Iraq.
Thus has the anti-war movement abandoned Palestine and the
Palestinians to the Israeli-U.S. pro-war machine. This abandonment is
not new by any means; it just gets more and more unjust with time.
United for Peace and Justice has always been chary of speaking out on
behalf of the Palestinians. It organized a demonstration in June
opposing the Israeli occupation timed to coincide with the 40th
anniversary of the occupation, but this was such a pro forma event
that the section of UFPJ's website dealing with its
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0520217187/counterpunchmaga>
[]
"Palestine/Israel Just Peace Campaign" has not been updated since
mid-2004. Pax Christi regularly tackles nuclear disarmament, the
School of the Americas, Iraq, immigration, Haiti -- as, of course, it
should -- but Palestine? Rarely if ever. And so on, with a few
notable exceptions, through the catalogue of peace movements.
Scott Ritter's latest book on strategizing for the anti-war movement,
Waging Peace, makes no mention of the very unpeaceful situation in
Palestine-Israel. MoveOn.org and other political organizations give
little indication that they have ever even heard of Palestine. The
same for liberal talk radio hosts on Air America, particularly Thom
Hartmann and Randi Rhodes. Grassroots initiatives such as the
Declaration of Peace make no mention of Palestine and the very
preventable tragedy evolving there. None of the excellent films about
the Bush administration's aggression around the world -- neither
Fahrenheit 9/11, nor Uncovered, nor Hijacking Catastrophe, nor No End
in Sight, nor any of the others that have come out in the last
several years -- contains a word about the very large part Israel
plays in the U.S. imperial machine or about the carte blanche that
U.S. war-mongering has given Israel to step up its oppression of the
Palestinians and its murder of the Palestinian nation.
And this is the key point: Israel's war machine is essentially a part
of the U.S. war machine, Israel's assault on Palestinians is part of
the U.S. "war on terror," the U.S. and Israel do not go to war
anywhere in the region without close coordination and cooperation.
The U.S. enables Israel's occupation and oppression of Palestinians;
Israel facilitates and pushes U.S. war policy. One does not act
without the other, and the Palestinian plight cannot therefore be
separated from whatever other atrocities this war machine perpetrates
elsewhere in the Middle East, whether in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon,
or Iran. Although Israeli supporters roundly condemn any attempt to
link Israel to planning for the war in Iraq, they never hesitate to
link the Palestinians to the "terrorists" against whom the Iraq war
and the "war on terror" are supposedly being fought.
In their new book on the Israel lobby, John Mearsheimer and Stephen
Walt provide masses of evidence revealing Israel's and the lobby's
role in pushing for and enthusiastically backing the Iraq war.
Indeed, the war was heralded by its neocon proponents as a path to
Palestinian capitulation ("the path to Jerusalem goes through
Baghdad") -- the idea being that by defeating and humiliating Saddam
Hussein and Iraq, the U.S. would so intimidate the Palestinians that
they would surrender easily to Israel. But the peace community
studiously avoids recognizing the Israeli connection to the war. It
also studiously ignores the interlocking realities of the
U.S.-Israeli relationship when it argues that the Iraq war is the
urgent issue these days, that this is where Americans are being
killed and this is where protest efforts must be concentrated. One
wonders why "peace and justice" did not concern this peace community
before the Iraq war, when Palestinians had already been suffering
injustice and oppression at the hands of Israel and the U.S. for decades.
Outside the U.S., the interrelationship between conflict in
Palestine-Israel and turmoil in the rest of the region is well
understood. Public opinion polls in Europe and the Middle East have
demonstrated repeatedly that U.S. support for Israel is the principal
cause of increasing anti-Americanism everywhere. In Ireland,
according to the chairman of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity
Committee, James Bowen, writing in Haaretz, "disgust" with Israel's
injustices perpetrated against the Palestinians -- and particularly
with the land confiscations and home demolitions so reminiscent of
British practices in Ireland a century ago-- has reached "such a
level that even highly conservative institutions that normally try to
avoid politics are driven to express concern." A state-sponsored
Irish academy of artists, usually apolitical, issued a call early
this year encouraging Irish artists and cultural institutions to
"reflect deeply" before cooperating with state-sponsored Israeli
cultural events and institutions. "Detestation is spreading around
the world," Bowen wrote. In Britain as well, academic, cultural, and
labor boycotts of Israel have been called by various organizations.
But not in America. Despite disgust in Ireland, boycotts in England,
detestation around the world over Israel's U.S.-financed oppression
of another people, the peace community and the anti-war movement in
the U.S. are unfazed. Gross injustice to the Palestinians raises
little concern among those concentrated on the urgent problem in
Iraq. Yet the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, specifically the dire
situation of the Palestinians, is now, and has been since well before
Iraq became urgent, the central issue in Middle East politics, the
volatile center of the most volatile region in the world. It forms
the basis for the Arab people's strongest grievance -- a grievance
against Israel as perpetrator, against the U.S. as Israel's armorer
and benefactor, against the Arab state leaders who have failed to
help or stand up for the Palestinians. The anti-war movement ignores
the most explosive issue, the one underlying all others, when it
turns its back on the Palestinians and ignores Israel's increasingly
brutal treatment. By looking away from Palestine, it is looking away
from justice toward a false, at best incomplete peace.
So the anti-war movement essentially contents itself with protesting
the Iraq war for self-centered reasons, because it is killing
Americans and diverting huge monies from domestic needs. The anti-war
movement in many ways reflects the thinking and feelings of society
at large, and the fear among protesters, as among Democratic
politicians, of being perceived to be not "supporting the troops,"
not adequately supporting America, and therefore not properly
patriotic, is strong and pervasive because society in general has set
up this issue as a major focus.
But an even larger problem for the anti-war movement is the fear of
being labeled soft on terrorism and soft on Islam. In an era in which
the right wing is manufacturing a "clash of civilizations" between
the West and the Muslim world and a strong anti-Muslim bias
increasingly colors public discourse, it is simply too uncomfortable
for many on the left to be caught on the wrong side of the
barricades, advocating justice for Palestinians or any Arabs and
Muslims. Anti-war protesters fear being associated with Iraqi
insurgents and even more with Palestinians, who are all considered
"insurgents" and "terrorists" against Israel. Many who never caviled
at being labeled communists for supporting the Viet Cong during the
Vietnam war now fear being labeled Islamo-fascists (whatever that is)
or terrorists or, horror of horrors, PLO lovers. Being seen to
support Muslim or Arab rights at a time when Muslims are opposing
Americans in Iraq and Israelis in Palestine and elsewhere is simply
intolerable for most on the left. And so the us-versus-them attitude
of the Bush neocons has in many ways overtaken the anti-war movement
as well, even when this means allowing injustice to flourish.
Justice First
Some people call this racism. Israeli-British jazz musician and
activist Gilad Atzmon, an irreverent anti-Zionist who comments
frequently on Middle East issues, gave
<http://peacepalestine.blogspot.com/2007/04/gilad-atzmon-jazz-and-jihad-discourse.html>a
talk at the University of Denver in April in which he castigated
Western society in general for its "collective indifference" to
crimes committed in the Middle East "on our behalf and in our names"
and charged the anti-war movement with a self-indulgence that makes
it indifferent as well to the worst injustices. Noting that there is
a "common denominator between Palestine, Iraq, and Afghanistan"
largely attributable to the influence over U.S. policy exerted by
Israel and its supporters ("America has been operating officially as
an Israeli mission force . . . currently fight[ing] the last
sovereign pockets of Muslim resistance"), Atzmon pointedly accused
Americans and Europeans in general of caring about Muslims only "as
long as they stop being Muslims." The notion of a clash of cultures
and civilizations, he said, has resonance even in the solidarity movement.
"Naturally, we tend to expect the subject of our solidarity to
endorse our views while dumping his own. As much as Blair and Bush
insist upon democratizing the Muslim world, we, the so-called left
humanists, have our own various agendas for the region and its
people. In Europe some archaic Marxists are convinced that 'working
class politics' is the only viable outlook of the conflict and its
solution. Some other deluded socialists and egalitarians are talking
about liberating the Muslims of their religious traits. The
cosmopolitans within the solidarity movement would suggest to
Palestinians that nationalism and national identity belong to the
past. Noticeably, many of us love Muslims and Arabs as long as they
act as white, post-enlightenment Europeans."
Western society, including the anti-war movement, Atzmon charged, has
"managed to continuously fail to act for the people of Iraq,
Palestine, and Afghanistan." Supporting Muslims is "probably a bridge
too far for most Westerners." We cannot accept the "otherness" of
Muslims, and so we "self indulge with peace ideologies at the expense
of other people's pain."
This is a harsh indictment, but in fact, the truth is that the
anti-war movement today cares little about justice for those who are
different, whom it considers "other," and this gravely undermines the
movement's impact. It cares least of all about justice for those whom
Israel considers enemies. Ultimately, a little outrage is in order.
The anti-war movement needs a new focus, concentrated on achieving
universal justice around the world first, as a prerequisite for a
true peace. Only this new approach can accomplish the peace community's aims.
When CounterPunch published Bill Christison's article,
"<http://www.counterpunch.org/christison082707.html>A Global Justice
Movement" on August 27, he received numerous comments in a favorable
vein indicating that the concept of "justice as a prerequisite for
peace" or "justice before peace" was a new and revolutionary idea,
coming as a kind of epiphany for many people. This is an indication
of how little justice enters into the thinking of ordinary citizens
and peace activists. It should not be such a novel concept.
There were also a few comments from critics who claimed that the idea
of putting peace in a secondary position after justice was wrong
because Gandhi and Martin Luther King always worked for peace. But
this is a misunderstanding of Gandhian thinking and purpose. Gandhi
very clearly did not struggle for peace at the price of injustice,
for peace at any price. He already had that; India was peaceful under
British rule, but it was not just. The essence of Gandhi's
satyagraha, and of King's civil rights movement, was resistance to
injustice through nonviolent civil disobedience -- precisely, in
other words, to disturb the peace by conducting direct nonviolent
action against unjust laws.
But the idea of justice first is a novel thought in most people's
minds. Think how many anti-war organizations list only peace or
"peace and justice," in that order, in their names. United for Peace
and Justice comes to mind. But what if we reversed priorities and
spoke of "justice and peace" instead? Think of the much-touted Middle
East "peace process" as instead the Middle East "justice process,"
and a new light is cast on the issue, forcing us to recognize that,
no matter how much we may all talk about "peace and justice," few of
us truly have much concern for the justice half of that equation. And
justice fades away altogether as a concern when the perpetrator of
injustice is Israel; few, even in the active peace and anti-war
community, will deal in any way with Israeli injustice. The anti-war
movement is a "peace-at-any-price community," and for most activists,
achieving peace without achieving true justice for all peoples would suffice.
But the mere end of shooting is not peace. Justice does not simply
come along with peace as a kind of side benefit; justice must be
actively worked for, and it must be achieved before there can be real
peace. Peace is an empty concept without justice. The oppressed never
call for peace; their struggle is always for justice. Ending the war
in Iraq without bringing justice to the Iraqi people will not bring
real peace and, even more important, ending the U.S. role in Iraq
will most definitely not bring justice or true peace to the Palestinian people.
The concept of "justice" is not easy to define, but there do exist
standards of justice in international law and custom that limit the
concept and make an agreed definition readily discernible. The body
of international human rights laws drafted after World War II
provides an enlightened guide to ensuring the dignity and worth of
individuals and to guaranteeing the rights that "are considered vital
to life in a just society," as the Israeli human rights organization
B'Tselem puts it. These laws include the 1948 Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, which defines the rights of individuals and the
obligations of states toward those individuals, as well as various
covenants and conventions on political and civil rights. In addition,
humanitarian laws, such as the Hague and Geneva conventions,
governing the conduct of war, particularly the conduct of combatants
and occupying powers in war.
Similar standards of "peace" do not exist either in law or in custom.
"Peace" means something different for everyone, and one person's
peace is often another person's injustice. For Israel, peace means
security -- even if, and perhaps particularly if, Palestinians are
disadvantaged and denied justice. For Palestinians, peace means a
redress of injustices done to them for almost 60 years.
Many of history's most epic struggles for good have been struggles
not for peace but for justice. Why, for instance, have humanists
opposed bigotry and racism in modern times? Not primarily because
these fundamental violations of human decency impede peace, but
because they violate common standards of justice. White South Africa
lived peacefully during much of the apartheid period. Southern
slaveholders in the pre-Civil War United States lived in peace while
oppressing blacks. Israel has enjoyed peace for most of its nearly 60
years, even while dispossessing the Palestinian people, occupying
Palestinian territory, killing and ethnically cleansing Palestinians.
But South African blacks and American slaves had no justice despite
living in peace. Palestinians have had no justice since Israel's creation.
If we think about justice as the first priority and allow the
principles of justice to be the guide in moving toward a just and
peaceful end to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, we gain a clearer
picture of the situation and the only way out of it. We are led back
inevitably to 1948 and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, the
only time and event where justice rendered will ultimately resolve
this conflict. The Palestinians' dispossession is a fundamental
injustice from which all subsequent injustices have sprung, one that
can only be rectified by some mutual agreement on the Palestinian
right of return. This is the only way to true peace. It is important
to understand that Israel exists as a Jewish state only because it
was founded in 1948 on a grave injustice to the Palestinian people.
It is also critical to understand that Jews will not be "thrown into
the sea" if Zionism and its injustices are ended -- any more than
dismantling apartheid South Africa meant throwing whites into the
sea. (See the Appendix for a description of some of the specific ways
in which Israel perpetrates injustice against Palestinians.)
Israeli historian Ilan Pappe observed in his 2004 book
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0521683157/counterpunchmaga>A
History of Modern Palestine -- a history of struggle in Palestine
from the people's perspective, which stands out as a kind of Israeli
version of Howard Zinn's classic A People's History of the United
States -- that "for any political peace initiative to succeed, the
chapter of Palestine's dispossession needs to be closed." Far from
closing this chapter, he noted, the Oslo peace process rather asked
the Palestinians to forsake remembrance of that dispossession, "the
only reason for their struggle since 1948." An historian with a rare
sense of compassion and an even rarer sense of justice, Pappe went on
to envision a future of justice and peace for Palestinians and Jews
in Palestine: "Recognizing the very act of dispossession -- by
accepting in principle the Palestinian refugees' right of return --
could be the crucial act that opens the gate to the road out of
conflict. A direct dialogue between the dispossessed and the state
that expelled them can refresh the discourse of peace and may lead
people and leaderships alike to acknowledge the need to seek a united
political structure which, at different historical junctures in this
story, has seemed possible."
This is the hope and the promise of justice accorded to both sides.
Palestine stands as a challenge to the anti-war movement in this
country. The Palestinian situation is a monstrous humanitarian
catastrophe, of literally breathtaking scope. Until the anti-war
movement begins to seek justice for the Palestinians and not merely
some vague, undefined, and highly politicized "peace," it will never
be respected throughout the world. Only when it honestly begins to
protest injustice perpetrated against all peoples in the world
regardless of their ethnicity and religion -- whether they are
Palestinians, Iraqis, Israelis, Americans, or anyone else -- will the
world look to Americans as a decent people. Until that day comes, the
world can expect global injustice to deepen. The unfolding
catastrophe created by U.S. policies will only worsen, wars will be
endless, peace will never be achieved.
Appendix -- A Catalog of Injustices
Put plainly, Israel -- encouraged and supported morally, politically,
and financially by the United States -- is doing grave injustice to
the Palestinian people, and has been for 60 years. The first and most
grievous injustice occurred in 1948, when 750,000 Palestinians were
forced to flee their homes -- either because of fighting in their
towns and villages or because they were deliberately expelled by
Zionist/Israeli forces -- and were neither allowed to return to their
homes nor compensated. Ilan Pappe describes in grim detail the
Zionists' carefully laid-out and efficiently implemented plans for
the Palestinians' expulsion and dispossession in his latest book,
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1851685553/counterpunchmaga>The
Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Until these refugees, now with their
descendants numbering over four million, receive justice by being
allowed to return and/or being compensated under a mutually agreed
formula, neither Palestinians nor Israelis will ever enjoy true peace
and stability.
UN General Assembly Resolution 194 of December 1948 -- which stated
that Palestinian refugees "wishing to return to their homes and live
at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the
earliest practicable date" or should be compensated -- was the first
of numerous international affirmations of what has come to be
referred to as the Palestinian right of return. Justice will not be
served, nor peace achieved, until this issue is resolved equitably
and democratically, in a manner satisfactory to the human rights and
the national aspirations of both Palestinians, including those living
in refugee camps outside Palestine, and Israeli Jews.
Since Israel's creation in 1948, justice for Israelis has come at the
cost of a succession of injustices to the Palestinians. In
Palestine-Israel today, it is the Palestinians who live without
justice. Simply by virtue of the fact that Israel enjoys total
dominance over the Palestinians and over all the land of Palestine,
there cannot be full impartial justice for Palestinians. The absence
of justice in Israeli domination over the Palestinians is clear when
one examines individual aspects of the Palestinian situation. The
international community's demand, for instance, that any Palestinian
governing authority accept three pre-conditions to negotiations --
recognition of Israel's right to exist, renunciation of violence, and
adherence to past Palestinian-Israeli agreements -- without a
reciprocal Israeli acceptance of the same conditions, cannot
constitute impartial justice. True peace cannot be achieved until
Israel is required to do equal justice to the Palestinians on these
issues by recognizing the Palestinian people's right to exist as a
viable nation, by renouncing its own violence, and by agreeing to
adhere to all past agreements.
Justice is also violated as long as Israel retains control of land
and property inside the West Bank expropriated unilaterally and
without compensation from private and communal Palestinian ownership
for the purpose of building colonies and roads for the exclusive use
of Jewish citizens of Israel. Uncompensated seizure of land from one
people for any use, and particularly for the exclusive use of a
specific ethnic or religious population, cannot possibly be
characterized as impartial justice. No peace will be possible until
this grave injustice is first rectified. The Israeli organization
Peace Now issued a report in November 2006, updated in March 2007, on
the construction of Israeli colonies, or settlements, on privately
owned Palestinian land. Entitled
"<http://www.peacenow.org.il/data/SIP_STORAGE/files/6/2846.doc>G-U-I-L-T-Y!:
Construction of Settlements upon Private Land -- Official Data," the
report concludes that almost 32 percent of land appropriated by
settlements is actually privately owned by Palestinians. A total of
131 Israeli colonies sit entirely or partially on private Palestinian
land . An earlier Peace Now report, entitled
"<http://www.peacenow.org.il/site/en/peace.asp?pi=195&docid=1513>Apartheid
Roads," was issued in October 2005, describing the extensive network
of limited-access roads throughout the West Bank, also built on
Palestinian land and accessible only to Israelis, that connect
Israeli colonies to each other.
Virtually all aspects of Israel's continued presence in and control
over occupied East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza ultimately
deprive Palestinians of justice, as defined in international human
rights law. International law requires, for instance, that Israel as
an occupying power respect the right of Palestinians to move freely
in the occupied territories. This right is recognized under the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as in the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Israeli
human rights group B'Tselem has published a report, entitled
"<http://www.btselem.org/English/Freedom%5Fof%5FMovement/>Restrictions
on
Movement<http://www.btselem.org/English/Freedom%5Fof%5FMovement/>,"
on these and other rights denied to Palestinians. The report also
contains links to pertinent international laws . A more recent
report,
"<http://www.btselem.org/english/Publications/Summaries/20070807_Ground_to_a_Halt.asp>Ground
to a Halt: Denial of Palestinians' Freedom of Movement in the West
Bank," was published in August 2007.
Another, fuller B'Tselem report, entitled
"<http://www.btselem.org/English/International_Law/Index.asp>International
Law<http://www.btselem.org/English/International_Law/Index.asp>,"
describes how international law applies to the occupied territories .
The reports provide links to a variety of international human rights
and humanitarian laws, including the four Geneva Conventions of 1949,
which provide for the protection of civilians during war and under
occupation (and which Israel signed). The Fourth Geneva Convention
Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War in
particular applies to Palestinians living in the occupied territories
and the conduct of the Israeli occupier. It prohibits, among other
practices, collective punishment, deportation of the occupied
population, settlement of the occupier's population in the occupied
territory, and the confiscation of property belonging to the occupied
population -- all of which Israel has carried out in occupied East
Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza.
The separation wall that Israel has been constructing inside the
occupied West Bank since 2002 constitutes a grave human rights
violation against the Palestinians and a denial of justice. The wall
-- composed for most of its length of a 50- to 100-yard-wide expanse
including patrol roads, trenches, and coils of barbed wire on both
sides of an electronic fence, as well as in urban areas a
26-foot-high concrete wall -- is built almost entirely on Palestinian
land inside the occupied territory. It appropriates approximately 10
percent of the West Bank by placing this land on the Israeli side,
where most of it is inaccessible to Palestinians. Many Palestinian
villages are separated from their agricultural lands by the wall. As
many as 50 Palestinian communities, home to 245,000 people, are
surrounded by the wall on three and in some cases four sides; entry
or exit to some of these communities is only permitted on foot, while
the remainder can be reached only by one Israeli-controlled road.
More than half -- up to 90 percent, according to some estimates -- of
the Palestinians' fresh water wells are on the Israeli side. Scores
of Palestinian homes have been demolished to make way for the wall.
The wall surrounds occupied Arab East Jerusalem, placing some 200,000
Palestinian Jerusalemites on Israel's side of the barrier and cutting
them off from their West Bank hinterland. The wall around Jerusalem
also cuts off most West Bank Palestinians from their religious,
political, and economic capital in Jerusalem. Altogether, the wall
directly affects half a million Palestinians, cutting people off from
schools, jobs, hospitals and destroying commerce. The Israeli human
rights group B'Tselem has issued a detailed report, with several
subsections, on the wall's consequences, entitled
"<http://www.btselem.org/English/Separation%5FBarrier/>Separation Barrier".
In July 2004, the United Nations' International Court of Justice
found by a vote of 14 to 1 (the lone dissenting vote was cast by the
American judge) that construction of the wall is
"<http://www.icj-cij/.org/icjwww/idocket/imwp/imwpframe.htm>contrary
to international law" . Israel has defied the ICJ injunctions. No
peace is possible as long as the injustice of the wall remains. Peace
cannot exist when one people believes it needs a wall of any sort
between itself and its neighbor. Building this wall deep inside the
neighbor's territory is an even graver injustice, and the wall will
remain an insurmountable obstacle to peace unless it is dismantled or
at least entirely relocated inside Israel's recognized borders.
A wall also surrounds the tiny 130-square-mile territory of Gaza, and
has done so since the beginning of the Oslo "peace process" in the
early 1990s. Despite Israel's so-called disengagement from Gaza in
2005 and the removal of Israeli settlers and Israeli soldiers, Israel
maintains total control over Gaza, literally imprisoning its 1.3
million inhabitants. Gaza's population density makes it one of the
most heavily populated places on earth. Israel controls all four
sides of Gaza, not only its northern and eastern borders with Israel,
but also its southern border with Egypt and its coastline on the
Mediterranean. Gaza's airspace is also controlled by Israel, and
there is no functioning airport or port. Neither people nor cargo can
enter or exit Gaza without Israeli permission, and in periods deemed
by Israel to be crisis periods, entry and exit points are closed
entirely, often for weeks on end, so that critical imports such as
food are stopped; products for export, particularly produce, are
halted; and Gaza's inhabitants cannot leave for any purpose,
including for medical treatment and schooling. Israel controls, and
occasionally halts, the supply of gas and electricity to Gaza.
B'Tselem has issued a detailed report on the situation in Gaza,
entitled "The Gaza Strip after Disengagement"
[http://www.btselem.org/English/Gaza_Strip/].
Palestinians do commit injustices against Israelis -- primarily in
the form of suicide bombings against civilians and the firing of
rockets onto civilian areas in Israel, actions that must be condemned
-- but as a non-sovereign governing authority with no security or
judicial control over Israel or Israelis and little way to exert
security control even over the Palestinian population, Palestinians
are incapable of committing the kind of systematic abuse of justice
that Israel perpetrates against them. Although Palestinian attacks on
civilians are to be condemned, fairness and balance dictate that
Israel's government-perpetrated terrorism against civilians be
equally condemned, along with Israeli violations of Palestinian human rights.
As a matter of justice, the Palestinians have the right to resist
domination by Israel. Protocol 1 Additional to the Geneva Conventions
considers struggles against "colonial domination and alien occupation
and against racist regimes" to be legitimate as part of any people's
right to
<http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/93.htm>self-determination. Ohio
State international law expert John Quigley has laid out a legal case
for Palestinian resistance in a 2005 book entitled
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0822335395/counterpunchmaga>The
Case for Palestine: An International Law Perspective. International
law, Quigley makes clear, in the form of the UN Charter and repeated
UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, affirms the
right of peoples to enjoy self-determination and to resist
infringements on that right by all means necessary, including force,
but short of attacking civilians. In considering other cases of
foreign domination over colonial peoples, the Security Council has
even recognized a superior right by guerrilla organizations to use
force against colonial powers, and in resolutions during the 1970s
concerning Israeli reprisal attacks against Palestinian guerrilla
raids, the Council found the latter to be lawful and "dealt with them
as attacks by a colonized people entitled to the right of
self-determination," according to Quigley.
The late Israeli sociologist and political commentator Baruch
Kimmerling, writing in Haaretz shortly after the al-Aqsa intifada
began in 2000, affirmed the Palestinians' right to oppose the
occupation forcibly. The "continuing circumstances of occupation and
repression," Kimmerling said, "give them [the Palestinians], by any
measure, the right to resist that occupation with any means at their
disposal and to rise up in violence against that occupation. This is
a moral right inherent to natural law and international law."
Kathleen Christison is a former CIA political analyst and has worked
on Middle East issues for 30 years. She is the author of
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0520217187/counterpunchmaga>Perceptions
of Palestine and
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/097125480X/counterpunchmaga>The
Wound of Dispossession. She can be reached at
<mailto:kathy.bill.christison at comcast.net>kathy.bill.christison at comcast.net.
Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
415 863-9977
www.Freedomarchives.org
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