[News] Chávez in Haiti
Anti-Imperialist News
news at freedomarchives.org
Tue Apr 10 13:10:47 EDT 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/joseph04102007.html
April 10, 2007
Chávez in Haiti
Solidaridad?
By MARIO JOSEPH
and BRIAN CONCANNON
Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez found a hero's
welcome when he visited Haiti on March 12. People
from Port-au-Prince's poor neighborhoods lined
the streets of the capitol to cheer, to chant, to
dance and sing, with the infectious enthusiasm of
Haitian celebrations. President Chávez returned
the affection. He jumped from his motorcade and
joined the party, marching, even running with the
crowd. At the National Palace, Mr. Chávez climbed
up on the perimeter fence to shake and slap
hands, like he had just scored a World Cup goal.
He publicly thanked the Haitian people for their
hospitality and enthusiasm, and for their
historic support for liberty in the world.
President Chávez and the Haitian people hit it
off so well for reasons of principle and of
practice. Haitians consider Chávez a leader in
the global fight against the global power
inequalities that keep people in Haiti, Venezuela
and the rest of Latin America poor, hungry and
uneducated. They see him standing up to the most
powerful leader in today's world- President Bush
(whose name was frequently invoked that day, not
charitably) - and to the World Bank and other
powerbrokers. Even better, unlike their President
Aristide (whose name was frequently, and
charitably, invoked), Chávez keeps getting away
with standing up to the powerful.
President Chávez in turn knows that the Haitian
people have been relentlessly standing up to
inequality and other oppression for more than 200
years. He knows that Haitians won their own
independence in 1804 by beating Napoleon- the
most powerful leader of his day- and that Haiti
became the first country to abolish slavery. Mr.
Chávez knows- and acknowledged at the National
Palace- that Haiti played a critical role in his
own country's independence. He also understands
that the Haitian people are still fighting for
their sovereignty, and will keep fighting as long as necessary.
President Chávez was also welcomed because he
came bearing much-needed, tangible gifts. At the
Palace, he signed a $100 million agreement with
Haiti's President Préval to provide Venezuelan
oil, development assistance, and financial
support for the Cuba/Haiti partnership that
maintains over 800 Cuban medical professionals in
Haiti's poorest areas, and is training the same
number of Haitians in Cuban medical schools
(Fidel Castro joined the Chávez-Préval meeting by
phone). These gifts are particularly welcome
because unlike the North American and European
donors, Venezuela and Cuba do not condition their
largesse on Haiti decreasing social spending or
restructuring its economy to benefit multi-national corporations.
This public display of mutual affection
contrasted sharply with the Haitian poor's
relationship with other Latin Americans in Haiti,
a relationship that is hostile for reasons of
principle and practice. A few days before Chávez'
visit, Edmond Mulet of Guatemala, the Special
Representative of the United Nations
Secretary-General, dwelled on the negative when
he told Brazil's Folha newspaper that "a photo of
Haiti today would reveal a horrible situation:
poverty, the absence of institutions, debility,
and the absence of the State." Brazil's
Ambassador to Haiti, Paulo Cordeiro Andrade
Pinto, told the newspaper that President Préval was "passive" and "sluggish."
Ambassadors Mulet and Andrade Pinto do not jump
from motorcades to join the infectious enthusiasm
of Port-au-Prince's street celebrations. They
travel quickly between homes in wealthy
neighborhoods and offices in wealthy
neighborhoods, with armed escorts in large cars,
windows tinted and rolled up, air-conditioning
on. Their employees, the soldiers of MINUSTAH,
the United Nations (UN) "peacekeeping" mission
that Mr. Mulet directs and Brazil leads, do go to
poor neighborhoods, but they stay in armored
personnel vehicles, their automatic weapons,
rather than their hands, extended to the Haitian people.
Too often, MINUSTAH troops do more with their
guns than just point. In December, January and
February, they conducted repeated assaults on the
crowded, poor neighborhood of Cité Soleil.
MINUSTAH spokespeople claimed the troops were
pursuing gang members, but their automatic rifles
shot enough high-powered bullets into Cité
Soleil's thin-walled houses (MINUSTAH estimates
it shot 22,000 bullets in one 2005 raid) to kill
dozens of people- women, children, the elderly-
with no possible connection to gang activity.
Mr. Mulet diplomatically refers to the civilians
as "collateral damage." They are collateral
enough that MINUSTAH did not transport any of the
civilians wounded in the December and January
raids to hospitals. UN ambulances were on the scene, but for soldiers only.
The neighborhoods MINUSTAH hits hardest- Cité
Soleil, Bel-Air and others- supplied the crowds
that greeted President Chávez with such
enthusiasm. They are also the urban base of
Haiti's Lavalas movement, which supplied the
votes that brought landslide victories to
Presidents Aristide and Préval in 1990, 1995,
2000 and 2006. The neighborhoods never accepted
the February 2004 overthrow of their
constitutional government, sponsored by the
United States, Canada and France, or the forced
exile of President Aristide, banished to Africa
on a U.S. Government plane. Nor have they
accepted MINUSTAH, the only peacekeeping mission
in UN history deployed without a peace agreement.
MINUSTAH's mission was to consolidate George
Bush's coup d'etat. It originally supported the
brutal and unconstitutional Interim Government of
Haiti (IGH), led by Prime Minister Gérard
Latortue, a Bush supporter and television host
flown in from Boca Raton, Florida. The mission
included backing up the IGH police force's
campaign of terror against Lavalas, but it also
included MINUSTAH's own attacks in the poor
neighborhoods. After Haiti's return to democracy
in May 2006, the Haitian police stopped their
murderous raids in places like Cité Soleil. But
MINUSTAH, under frequent pressure from the Bush
Administration and Haitian elites to take a "hard
line" against the poor neighborhoods, keeps shooting.
People in Cité Soleil do not minimize gang
violence- like the poor everywhere else, they
bear the largest burden of street crime. But they
understand that the violence will never be
defeated by violence; that their violence can
only be successfully attacked with healthcare,
jobs, and dignified living conditions. Those are
the weapons deployed by President Chávez, and by
their own President Aristide, who was criticized
for providing too many jobs to Cité Soleil's
youth. So week after week, Haitians take the
streets, to call for MINUSTAH to leave and for
President Aristide to come back. On March 12,
along with "Viv Chávez, Viv Aristide", they chanted "Aba Bush, Aba MINUSTAH."
MINUSTAH at least understands the appeal of
President Chávez' generosity. After negative
publicity following the December and January
raids in Cité Soleil, the mission's
communications department started stressing its
efforts to "win the hearts and minds" of Cité
Soleil by providing healthcare, water and food in
areas where they dislodged gang members. In
March, Cité Soleil residents brought us to a
basketball court, near a suspected gang
headquarters. That same day, glowing press
reports were posted on the internet, complete
with photos of MINUSTAH's humanitarian work.
Brazilian Colonel Afonso Pedrosa bragged that
MINUSTAH had provided 200 bottles of water and
1000 plates of food to the people, to show that
things had really changed with the gangs' departure.
The basketball court had been one of the heralded
sites where MINUSTAH demonstrated how things had
changed in Cité Soleil. The day the peacekeepers
took over, the court was quickly transformed into
a busy humanitarian center, with water
distribution, food and a field hospital. But the
Cité Soleil residents told me that the
humanitarian center lasted only a day. After the
photographers, reporters and PR specialists had
documented MINUSTAH's largesse, and returned to
their hotel rooms, the whole operation was taken
down. The humanitarian center quickly reverted to
what we saw: a hot, dusty, basketball court.
MINUSTAH soldiers reverted to patrolling Cité
Soleil from armored personnel carriers, guns pointed out.
The Haitians we spoke with felt that MINUSTAH's
"hearts and minds" campaign targeted the hearts
and minds that read newspapers and watched
televisions in South America and the United
States, while messages to Cité Soleil were
delivered by automatic rifle. They reciprocate
the antipathy and the cynicism of Ambassadors
Mulet and Andrade Pinto, and MINUSTAH, calling the mission "TOURISTAH."
President Chávez and MINUSTAH are taking two
different paths of solidarity to Haiti, both
pioneered by Simon Bolivar, South America's
Libertador. After Bolivar and his followers
arrived in Haiti on Christmas Eve 1815, having
been expelled from Venezuela then pushed out of
Jamaica. Haiti's President Pétion welcomed the
freedom fighters, providing them shelter, guns,
ammunition and a printing press. On his way out
to start an uprising in Venezuela in April 1816,
Bolivar asked how he could repay Haiti's
generosity. Pétion replied the best thanks Haiti
could receive was the liberation of all the
slaves in the Spanish colonies. Once in
Venezuela, Bolivar the idealist freed the 1500
slaves his family owned, and on July 6 printed a
proclamation, on Pétion's printing press,
abolishing slavery in Spanish America. Presidents
Chávez and Préval commemorated this cooperation
by placing flowers at Port-au-Prince's monuments to Pétion and Bolivar.
But Bolivar had another setback, and by September
he was back in Haiti. Pétion again provided
shelter and supplies, and Bolivar launched
another attack in December 1816. This time he was
successful, liberating a wide swath of territory
from Venezuela to Bolivia. But this time the
freedom he sought was more limited. El Libertador
had become a "realist," willing to compromise his
most fundamental ideals to satisfy his allies.
This time he did not print out an emancipation
proclamation, and Venezuela retained slavery and
its horrors almost as long as the United States did, until 1854.
Bolivar also passed up other opportunities to
thank Haiti for making his revolution possible.
He declined to recognize Haiti (Venezuela did not
send an Ambassador until 1874). When in 1826 the
new Republic of Colombia organized the Congress
of American States to bring together all the
newly independent countries of the Americas, the
"realists" acquiesced to the United States'
request that Haiti, the country that had
sheltered their freedom fighters in their hour of need, be excluded.
Many of Haiti's neighbors have taken the path of
Bolivar the idealist. Cuba does not have
Venezuela's oil and money, but it does have
doctors, so for the last decade it has supported
a team of over 800 Cuban medical professionals,
deployed to Haiti's poorest and most remote
areas. About the same number of Haitian students,
many of them from poor families that could never
afford medical school, are studying under
scholarships in Cuba. The Caribbean Community and
Common Market (CARICOM) stood up for Haiti's
democracy when it was under attack in 2004,
calling for international support for the
democracy and refusing to recognize the illegal
replacement. CARICOM gave the rest of the world a
civics lesson, by sticking to its democratic
principles while the United States, Europe and
most of Central and South America (but not
Venezuela) embraced the dictatorship.
Many of Haiti's other neighbors- generally the
more powerful ones- have followed the path of
Bolivar the "realist" and compromised their
fundamental ideals to satisfy potential allies.
The Organization of American States (OAS) is a
successor to the Congress of American States in
more ways than one. In principle the OAS has
stronger democracy requirements than CARICOM, but
in practice the organization accepted Haiti's
2004 unconstitutional regime change without
flinching. Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador,
Guatemala, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay have sent
soldiers to join Brazil in MINUSTAH.
MINUSTAH's participants do know what they are
doing, and it does trouble them. Lieutenant
General Urano Bacellar, the Brazilian Commander
of MINUSTAH, committed suicide in January 2006,
apparently because he was unable to reconcile his
duty to fulfill his "mission" of taking a hard
line in poor neighborhoods with his moral
convictions. His predecessor, General Augusto
Heleno Ribeiro, complained to a Brazilian
congressional commission that "we are under
extreme pressure from the international community
to use violence" in Haiti's poor neighborhoods.
But General Heleno Ribeiro's concern did not
extend to poor Haitians who did not deserve to
live, as determined from his Armored Personnel
Carrier. He told Haiti's Radio Metropole in
October 2004 that "we must kill the bandits but
it will have to be the bandits only, not everybody."
A year ago, Brazil's Folha interviewed returning
Brazilian soldiers. One said "the name 'Peace
Mission' is just to pacify the people. In reality
no day goes by without the troops killing a
Haitian in a shootout. I personally killed at least two."
So far Latin America's "realists" have been able
to live with their consciences, confident that
the advantages of participating in George Bush's
idea of a peacekeeping force will yield benefits
to compensate for what they are doing to the
Haitian people. For Brazil the benefits include
an improved chance of a permanent seat on a
potentially-expanded UN Security Council. For
other countries, it is money for cash-strapped
government budgets (the UN reimburses the
countries several times a poor soldier's salary),
or a chance to appease the Bush Administration
without compromising on trade issues or opposition to the Iraq War.
But the "realists" should see that the winds in
Latin America are changing. The Bush
Administration's approach to the world, that
MINUSTAH embodies, is losing credibility and
failing, and not just in Iraq. While President
Chávez was basking in the crowds' energy in
Port-au-Prince and other cities of Latin America,
President Bush was traveling the region too. Mr.
Bush was not caught up in the infectious
enthusiasm of street celebrations. His itinerary
was carefully orchestrated to avoid the large
protests held in every single country he visited.
In the last two months, citizens of Argentina,
Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Peru have
taken to the streets to protest their country's
complicity in MINUSTAH's brutality. The MINUSTAH
countries may soon find that in pursuing George
Bush's Haiti policy, they have tied their destiny to a sinking ship.
Mario Joseph, a Human Rights Lawyer, manages the
Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Haiti,
<http://www.ijdh.org/bureau.htm>www.ijdh.org/bureau.htm.
Brian Concannon Jr. is the Director of the
Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti,
<http://www.HaitiJustice.org/>www.HaitiJustice.org,
and an analyst for the International Relations
Center's Americas Program. He was a Human Rights
Observer for the United Nations in Haiti in 1995 and 1996.
The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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