[News] Resisting the New Conquistadors
Anti-Imperialist News
News at freedomarchives.org
Thu Dec 1 12:56:17 EST 2005
Resisting the New Conquistadors
http://www.narconews.com/Issue39/article1497.html
Salvadorans Mobilize Against Gold Mining
By Sean Donahue
Special to The Narco News Bulletin
December 1, 2005
Special thanks to Meredith DeFrancesco of WERU
Community Radio in Blue Hill, Maine, who taped
and transcribed many of the meetings and
interviews cited in this report. Her radio
documentary on mining in El Salvador can be found
at <http://radioactive.libsyn.com>http://radioactive.libsyn.com.
In the fields above Carasque, you can still find
shrapnel from bombs the Salvadoran Air Force
dropped on the village in the 1980s. Early this
fall, signs of a new threat began appearing on
the mountainside survey tags left by a Canadian
mining company searching for gold.
Benigno Orellana, the communitys representative
to the Municipal Council in Nueva Trinidad, says,
Right now, the permission is for exploration,
later it will be for exploitation. Hes worried:
If the mining companies come in, it will be
worse than the twelve years of war. This is a
project of death for our communities and a
project of wealth for those who exploit us. They
will leave behind a desert where we cant sustain
our crops, cant feed our animals, and cant get water to drink.
Thats a fate people in Carasque arent willing
to accept after surviving decades of violence
and repression, they are not about to allow a
mining company to force them off their land.
Earlier this year, the Salvadoran government
granted two Canadian companies Au Martinique
Silver and Intrepid Minerals licenses for gold
exploration in the department of Chalatenango,
near the Honduran border.
<http://www.aumartinique.ca/El%20Salvador.pdf>Au
Martiniques website promises investors that El
Salvador has the lowest risk profile for
investment in all of Central America. But what
they havent taken into account is the regions
strong history of community organizing, and the
lengths its people are willing to go to defend their land and their livelihood.
A Project of Death
According to
<http://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatwedo/campaigns/no_dirty_gold/background>Oxfam
America, Gold mining is one of the most
destructive activities in the world. The
production of one gold ring generates 20 tons of
waste. Cyanide, used to separate gold from ore,
can be deadly in small doses. It leaches into
groundwater and soil where it can persist for years.
Most people in Chalatenango are subsistence
farmers, growing what they can in poor soil, and
supplementing their meager earnings with money
sent by relatives living and working in the U.S.
Debt has already driven many families off the
land, and with cheap imports from subsidized
farms in the U.S. driving crop prices down, many
more will have to leave the land in the years to
come. Water and soil contamination from gold
mining could deal the final blow to communities
like Carasque that are already struggling to survive.
Community leaders dont believe the mining
companies promises of jobs and prosperity.
<http://jeffbogdan.net/usessc/archives/1000-women-for-peace/>Esperanza
Ortega, a legendary organizer from the town of Arcatao, says:
They tell us they are going to bring employment
to our community, but based on the investigation
weve done on the experiences of other
communities around, they say that, they give
employment to a few people for awhile, and then
when they decide its time to bring machinery in,
its just the specialists, the people that can
run the machinery, and they kick all the other workers out.
Though life in the countryside is hard, rural
poverty has advantages over urban poverty
people have food to eat and a close-knit
community. Maximino, the legal secretary for the
Carasques community council, says:
If the mining were to happen on our hillside, we
would be forced to move to other parts of the
country. After living in this community, and
having our land to work, relocating to huts, one
next to another, would be very hard.
Reports from neighboring countries confirm the
fears that people from Carasque express. Another
Canadian company, Greenstone Resources Limited,
carried out mining operations in Honduras in the
1990s. In a
<http://www.moles.org/ProjectUnderground/drillbits/6_03/2.html>recent
report published by the human rights group
Project Underground, Honduran activist Miguel
Miranda describes his communitys experience:
Our community has existed on this land for
nearly 200 years. When the company Greenstone
came they offered us employment and promised to
leave our road, the cemetery and surrounding
lands intact. But we were fooled. The companys
explosions shake our homes and their open pit is
swallowing our homes, causing landslides and
cracks in our walls and foundations. They close
our road so we have no access to our homes and
their heavy equipment put our childrens lives at
risk. When we complain, the Mining Department
says that we have to understand that this is for the good of the country
Mayan communities in
<http://www.rightsaction.org/Reports/Cuffe%20mining%20report%202005-03.htm>Guatemala
are facing similar struggles. The conflict over
Glamis Golds mining project in the San Marcos
highlands turned violent in January when the
military and police deployed to the region to
suppress protests and help a Canadian company
move new equipment into an indigenous community.
Security forces killed at least one man.
Benigno Orellana forsees a similar situation in
Chalatanango, Besides facilitating the miners
with whatever permits they need, the government
will give them security through the military and
police. But the people of the region are no
strangers to confrontation, and wont back down.
A History of Resistance
Chalatenango was and still is a stronghold of the
FMLN, the former guerrilla movement that has now
become El Salvadors main opposition political
party. In her book Insurgent Collective Action
and Civil War in El Salvador, New York University
political science professor Elizabeth Jean Wood writes that during the war:
in Chalatenango, guerrilla leaders encouraged
residents to participate in local organizations
called poder popular local (local popular power).
The purpose of these organizations was to provide
food and health to local residents as well as
guerilla forces, typically through cooperative
buying of seeds and fertilizers and marketing of
surplus as well as the cultivation of some land for cooperative consumption.
At the height of the war the FMLN blew up the
main bridge over the Rio Sumpul leading into
Chalatenango to prevent the military from
attacking these organized communities.
Wood notes that their infrastructure was
destroyed and participants widely dispersed
during the intensifying bombing campaign that
began in 1984. In the summer of 1984, a group of
displaced people in San Salvador formed
<http://perso.wanadoo.es/gbajolempa/cripdes.htm>CRIPDES
(then called the Christian Community for the
Displaced of El Salvador, now the Association for
the Development of Rural Communities of El
Salvador) and began helping refugees return from
camps in Honduras and Nicaragua to
<http://www.jeffbogdan.net/usessc/timemachine/cripdes.html>repopulate
their communities and reconstitute the community
councils the FMLN had established. Those who
returned faced severe violence and repression
from the Salvadoran military, but persevered with
the help of solidarity movements in El Salvador
and the U.S. The community councils which
include representatives of the church, the health
sector, womens groups, youth groups, the
schools, and the agricultural cooperatives
continue to form the basis of local government in
Chalatenango today. The Association of
Communities for the Development of Chalatenango
(CCR in its Spanish initials) pulls together
representatives of these community councils to
work together on common challenges.
In the fifteen-odd years since the end of the
war, the CCR has helped communities resist
threats ranging from the governments attempt to
shut down Rio Sumpul, the community radio
station, to a campaign visit from presidential
candidate of the ruling ARENA party, which has
strong links to the death squads that murdered
thousands of Salvadoran civilians in the 1980s.
Santiago Serrano of the CCR says:
In Chalatenango, weve always tried to defend
what is ours. They tried to take away our
community radio station, before it was a legal
station. The police came to try and take away our
equipment and take away our station. In the
community we all came out, and we occupied the
station and we didnt let them take it. They
tried to arrest community leaders, the community
came out and defended them, and they werent able
to take them away. The ARENA presidential
candidate came into our communities trying to
cover us all with lies, in the last presidential
campaign, we got him out with rocks and bees, and
we even got him all out of the whole province of
Chalatenango. So we even got a candidate out of
here. Now the mining companies come in and we
hope that everyone together will kick them out
too. They had to airlift the presidential
candidate out of there, because people were so angry.
Echoing Serranos words, Esperanza Ortega says
that the mining companies need to know that
If they come into this zone they are going to
have a lot of problems, because remember we are
dealing with people from these communities who
survived the war, and there some us, when we lose
control, we dont even know what we can do.
Organizing Against Mining
People in Chalatenango have been organizing
against the mining companies since the first
prospecting teams began to arrive in the region
earlier this year. Serrano explains:
First they came into the municipality of San
Jose Las Flores, and met with community council
and the mayors office to say that they wanted to
explore the area. And so the community leaders
said, lets talk to the entire community, and all
the population and then well tell you. And they
came back again. And they got their answer, that
No means no. But then they kept coming into the
community, this time without permission from
anybody and started doing some explorations.
Farmers began removing the concrete markers and
metal tags the mining companies left on their
land. And as the miners moved into new
communities, resistance began to spread. 15
mayors and virtually all the parish priests in
Chalatenango have come out against the mining projects.
At the national level, social movement
organizations are working with attorneys and
legislators to mount a legal challenge to the
mining licenses. They have also pulled together
key organizers to study the example of the
<http://www.narconews.com/Issue39//Issue34/article1049.html>popular
movement in Cochabamba, Bolivia that succeeded in
defeating water privatization in 2000 in order to
develop new strategies for road blockades and mass demonstrations.
The CCR has now mobilized people in 100
communities to oppose the mining. Serrano says:
Throughout the whole northeast region of
Chalatenango, people are getting to know about
the impacts of the mining projects and all of the
owners say they are not going to sell. This is a
historical province of the country, lots of
people died on these lands and the owners are not about to sell them.
And in October, Au Martinique Silver and Intrepid
Minerals saw for the first time the lengths to
which Chalaticos are willing to go to defend their land.
Confronatation on the Highway
On the morning of October 15 a team of workers
from Au Martinique Silver drove up the Northern
Highway toward San Jose Las Flores and Guarjila.
When members of the CCR spotted the miners, they
rang the church bells in the two communities,
and, in Serranos words, people came running like ants.
Before long, several hundred people had gathered
and were completely blocking the road. Ortega reports that:
There were people who were so excited and so
angry that they got their matches out and wanted
to start and set fire to the cars. We said No,
wait. This is the first time theyve come. Then
one of the war wounded got up on the cab of the
truck, stood on the cab of the truck, and said,
Listen, Sirs, I am a survivor of the war
,
and his hand, hes missing his arm I am a
survivor of this war, and I know these lands very
well. I know them step by step, and I am going to
defend them. We need a society thats
uncontaminated. We need a society thats safe for
our children, for our grandchildren. And I
struggled and gave my life to these lands and
this struggle. And so Im not going to let you take then now.
After about an hour, people pulled together all
the cars and trucks in the two communities and
formed a caravan to follow the miners back to the
departmental capital, the city of Chalatenango,
and make sure they didnt return.
A month later, on November 16, the anniversary of
the 1989 murder of six Jesuit priests, their
housekeeper, and her daughter by the Salvadoran
military, the MPR-12 (October 12 Popular
Resistance Movement), a coalition of labor
unions, farming cooperatives, and community
groups that came together to oppose the
<http://narcosphere.narconews.com/story/2005/7/24/145554/061>Central
American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) organized
coordinated demonstrations around the country,
and thousands turned out in Chalatenango to block
the main highway again. The MPR-12 sees the
mining project as part of the same corporate
agenda that drove the trade agreement, and the
demonstration in Chalatenango focussed largely on
the mining issue and on the construction of
hydroelectric dams being built to generate
electricity for factories in Honduras and Nicaragua.
Jesse Kates-Chinoy, a solidarity activist from Maine, reported that:
In Chalatenango, approximately 2,000 people
gathered under the intense sun to occupy all four
lanes of the Northern Highway, stopping traffic
for a full two hours. The Northern Highway is
used heavily for land transportation of products
from the U.S. and Mexico to points south, and for
the two hours that the protesters had the road
closed, the line of tractor-trailer trucks grew in both directions
Perhaps the issue which ignited people the most
was that of the proposed open-pit mineral mining
in the Chalatenango province. Canadian mining
companies have come into communities throughout
the northeastern region of Chalatenango, and
begun to conduct explorations, preliminary
excavations, and lay markers for mines from which
they say they plan to extract gold, silver, and
other valuable minerals. The communities,
however, are adamant that they will not let the
companies into their communities to exploit their
lands, and they will defend their rights at all
costs. Mineral mining by foreign companies in
our lands is foreign intervention in our
communities declared Lisandro Monje, historic
leader from the community of San José Las Flores,
one of the communities in the sights of the
mining companies. Mineral mining in Central
America has a dark history, and the organized
communities of Chalatenango are familiar with the
process of bribery, pressure, threats, violence
and displacement that the mining projects have
brought to other communities. The Chalatenango
communities are determined to not let it happen
to them. The moment that these Canadian
gentlemen try to come into our communities, we
are going to show them the true strength of the
organized Salvadoran people, Lisandro continued,
and if it becomes necessary to take the measures
that nobody wants to take in order to defend our
communities, then we will have to do so. Coming
from communities of people who despite 12 years
in a war zone under the Scorched Earth military
strategy came to reclaim their lands, and coming
from Lisandro, who led the early stages of
organizing the armed resistance movement to
defend their families, these are strong words.
The mining issue has mobilized people in an area
with a long history of fierce struggle, creating
a sense of urgency not seen since the end of the
war. Word is spreading to other parts of the
country affected by mining. Ortega says, People
from Calaienes, people from Cuzcatlan, who are
also facing mining projects have said, if you
start the struggle, were going to join it, and were going to continue it.
Au Martinique Silver and Intrepid Minerals are
already beginning to see that gold mining in El
Salvador may not be the safe business prospect
they expected and the struggle has just begun.
Read more of Sean Donahues work at
<http://www.seandonahue.org>www.seandonahue.org.
The Freedom Archives
522 Valencia Street
San Francisco, CA 94110
(415) 863-9977
www.freedomarchives.org
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