[News] Otto Reich .. a career in disservice
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Tue Jul 13 09:03:06 EDT 2004
http://www.vheadline.com/readnews.asp?id=21987
Published: Monday, July 12, 2004
Bylined to: <mailto:coha at coha.org>Council on Hemispheric Affairs
Council on Hemispheric Affairs: Otto Reich .. a career in disservice
* A master at deconstructing US-Latin American relations
* Greed, chicanery and raw ideology add up to the vulgarization of
hemispheric issues.
* Reichs secret formula: promote skewed pseudo-democracy by utilizing
thuggish tactics
* He accuses his leftist adversaries, like Aristide, of lying; but no
one in public life has so persistently manipulated the truth than Otto Reich.
Having just resigned on June 16 from his position as a controversial White
House adviser on Latin American issues, Otto Reichs highly visible career
has spanned three decades during which he has held a series of senior
public positions. During this period he has worked as a highly paid
lobbyist for a number of corporations and controversy has never been far
from his door.
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During this entire period, the profoundly extremist Cuban-American exile
has been the proponent of an abrasive US foreign policy aimed at the heart
of Latin American dignity, targeting any of its leaders who did not share
his Zoroastrian world view of absolute darkness versus absolute light.
Until his resignation took effect in late June, Reich was an indefatigable
warrior against whatever he decided was a leftwing cause. During his years
of ostensible public service to the US, he routinely violated domestic laws
by working behind the scenes to overthrow the radical but
democratically-elected Sandinista government in Nicaragua. In El Salvador,
he was an assiduous apologist for the death squads, at a total cost of
85,000 lives (mostly innocent civilians that included Catholic Priests),
and condoned brutal human rights violations by the Contras, a US-created
force for which he later to broke the law to support. In so doing, Reich
made the choice to protect drug traffickers to service the higher goal of
putatively fighting communism. It would not be an exaggeration to say that
Reich never met a liberal who he did not view a covert operator for Moscow,
or an extreme rightwing cause that was not shrouded in rectitude. As head
of the notorious Office of Public Diplomacy during the Iran-Contra era of
the mid-1980s, Reichs skullduggery was so infamous that he was repeatedly
reprimanded by federal authorities for violating proper financial procedures.
The War of the Titans: Reich vs. Castro
Reich is primarily known for being an unflagging champion of an anti-Castro
obsession that has done great damage to Washingtons Latin American
relations by focusing them almost entirely on the US-Cuba conflict. Reich
viewed Chile as good because it obediently fell in line with US interests,
while Haiti and Venezuela were bad because they did not. Promoted as a
leader of the extreme rightwing segment of the Cuban-American leadership
due to his rabid hatred of Fidel Castro, he relentlessly stalked the Cuban
communist leader as being the apotheosis of diabolism in our time. If
someone failed to share his perception, he would be in great risk of being
instantly denominated as being a communist.
Ironically, Castro was essential to Reichs own fame and fortune because
without him, Reichs talents would have likely landed him little better
than the job of an apparatchik, which was the fate of Assistant Secretary
of State Roger Noriega, who, many would contend, was the one Bush official
less intellectually prepared than Reich.
Reichs moments in the spotlight came about due to his prominent role in
both the Iran-Contra Affair and in his later capacity as a big-time player
in the attempted April 2002 coup against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
Reich built a murky relationship with predatory big business interests
including Bacardi Rum and Lockheed-Martin, and an array of questionable
private Cuban-American militant groups, as both a private lobbyist in the
1990s and later as a candidate to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Affairs in President George W. Bushs State Department.
These bitterly controversial actions persuaded Senator Christopher Dodd
(D-CT), of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to block Reichs
confirmation to that diplomatic post in January of 2002, prompting
President Bush to exercise his right of executive privilege by appointing
Reich on an interim basis for a one-year period, thus skirting the need for
Senate approval.
Henchman in the Anti-Castro Effort, Pork Meister Supreme in Diverting
Taxpayer Funds for His Ideological Causes
Ever since fleeing Cuba with his family at the age of fourteen, Reich has
passionately sought the demise of Castro and his regime. Reichs personal
crusade inevitably led him to a broad range of affiliations with radical
right-wing Cuban-American exile groups that he was always ready to finance
with US taxpayer funds. He has served as a trustee for the Center for a
Free Cuba and worked for the US-Cuba Business Council, a nonprofit
organization that, to a large extent, is financed by the ultra-rightwing
owners of the Bacardi Company, which is at least as focused on undermining
the Castro regime as it is on producing rum. Cuban-American leadership in
Miami and members of the US rightist pantheon have helped make Reich
perhaps the most visible contemporary radical right figure available to
champion the extremist wing of the passionate anti-Castro movement.
Secretary of State Colin Powells egregious lack of feel for Latin American
issues has led to a willingness to defer to non-mainstream and ill-prepared
hyper-ideologues like Reich and Roger Noriega, who succeeded the former as
Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs. Under the
aegis of these two prominent Cuban bashers, US-Latin American relations
have arguably hit their lowest level in years, with Washington losing much
of its leverage over the outcome of regional issues in which its commanding
economic and trade clout presumably should have brought success. This
coupled with the non-stop political intrusions coming from Governor Jeb
Bush of Florida (himself with absolutely solid extremist credentials),
acting on behalf of the older generation of the leadership of the
Miami-Cuban exile community, has led the handling of US-Latin American
policy into total disarray.
Reichs role as head of the Latin American section of USAID in the early
80s, and then as the director of the Office of Public Diplomacy during the
Reagan presidency, was based on his ability to ingratiate himself with
powerful political figures whom he could count on to advance his own
personal welfare, including then Vice President and former CIA director
George H.W. Bush. Reichs relationship with the Bush family was undoubtedly
facilitated by his connection with Miamis influential rightwing nexus,
including the late Jorge Mas Canosa and his ultra-right Cuban-American
National Foundation. Reichs indisputable zeal in the anti-Castro mission
made him part of the team that helped deliver some of the all-important
Cuban-American vote to the Reagan-Bush ticket in the crucial state of
Florida, and later to George W. Bush in his extremely controversial 2000
presidential election victory.
Architecting the Anti-Castro Struggle
Such activities placed Reich at the center of a Miami-linked cadre of
anti-Cuban-American militants who uniquely perceive Washingtons Latin
American policy as a method to pursue their narrow agenda. As a private
lobbyist for the venomously anti-Castro Barcardi family in 1995-96, Reichs
company provided free legal service to Senator Helms in the drafting of the
near-universally condemned Helms-Burton Act. Under that measures Title III
(routinely suspended by the Bush and Clinton Administrations) and Title IV,
US authorities may penalize any foreign company or individual engaged in
commerce involving previously confiscated and once American-owned Cuban
property. This measure brought about a dangerous confrontation between the
US and the EU and was only resolved by the Clinton administration and
current Bush administrations repeated non-enforcement of the laws main
provisions.
Reichs MO
As Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs (2002-2003),
Reich continued to press the administration to reinforce existing sanctions
against Cuba, frequently resorting to blatantly counterfeit charges as he
did in a speech given in 2002 at Heritage Foundation, a Washington
conservative sanctuary. In that address, he stated that Cuba is a state
sponsor of terrorism. We believe that Cuba has at least a limited offensive
biological warfare research and development effort and also that Cuba has
engaged in a deliberate effort to confuse, distract and divert US
intelligence from its vital counter-terrorism mission by dangling false
leads. When pressed for evidence, neither Reich nor any of his colleagues
came forth with any proof beyond his and Undersecretary of State for Arms
Control and Nonproliferation, John Boltons hoax that Havana was exporting
bio-terrorism.
The administrations uninterrupted drive to create a contrived situation in
order to pump up sanctions against Havana, prompted Oscar Arias, former
president of Costa Rica and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, to remark to the
Los Angeles Times: I believe many American farmers and businessmen are
aware that US economic warfare against Cuba harms broader US interests,
while at the same time injuring the people, but not the government, of
Cuba. The new anti-Castro measures being implemented by the Bush
administration at the urging of Reich, Noriega and their immediate coterie
include a controversial proposal on May 6 to attempt provocative, and
perhaps illegal, flights through Cuban airspace by the American military
with specialized equipment meant to prevent Cubas jamming of US funded,
anti-Castro propagandistic broadcasts of TV Marti.
Although many consider the tactics of Reich and his fellow exile demagogues
as largely ineffective, they still greatly damage general US foreign policy
objectives, Powell, who appears to have abdicated all responsibility for US
policy towards Cuba, or for that matter, the rest of Latin America, has
become merely one more choirboy in the administrations anti-Cuba rant.
That said, Reich has shown that he was willing to promote nearly every
affliction on the Cuban people, be it hunger through embargoes, violence
through Cuban domestic terrorist Orlando Bosch, or destruction through an
anti-Castro uprising, if such steps promised to weaken the Castro regime.
Ignoring all existing peaceful precedents for handling allegedly
unregenerate or totalitarian states by engaging them through commerce and
aid, Reich offered only sinister and coercive tactics to force Cuba to
embrace his version of democracy. In the spring of 2002, after a failed
confirmation, President Bush appointed Reich as special envoy to the White
House. In this position, Reich displayed his bitter hard-line rhetoric in
response to a reporters inquiry about how the United States would promote
freedom in Cuba: One way we can help [
] is not throwing a lifeline to a
failed, corrupt, dictatorial, murderous regime. We're not going to do it.
We are not going to help Fidel Castro stay in power by opening up our
markets to Cuba. Libya and China, it seems, are another matter.
Working in the Satanic Mills
When not officially involved in the public spotlight plying his ideological
trade, Reich founded RMA International, a lobbyist firm, in 1996. This
event did not, however, signify any major change in lifestyle. Since 1996,
Reichs clients have included the Cuban-American owned Bacardi Corporation,
from which he has reportedly received US$600,000 in compensation. Upon his
later failed nomination as Assistant Secretary of State for Western
Hemisphere Affairs, Reich failed mention his employment as a paid lobbyist
for the Helms-Burton Act (pushed through the legislature in the mid 1990s)
in a required financial disclosure report. Not until it was revealed in
other federal reports filed with the Department of Justice concerning the
Helms-Burton campaign (which handsomely paid Reich for his efforts to pass
the anti-Havana legislation), did Reich lightly excuse the omission of this
information as simply a clerical oversight. Lockheed-Martin, British
American Tobacco and Mobil Oil were also on Reichs list of big business
clients. Although Reich is no longer employed by Bacardi, you do not have
to be a cynic to see a dangerous conflict of interest, wrote the
Guardians Duncan Campbell.
While working for Bacardi, Reich facilitated the inclusion of Section 211,
denying trademark protection to Cuba in the 1998 Omnibus Appropriations
Bill. This measure, coupled with the drafting and passing of the
Helms-Burton Act, the process in which Reich played an integral role
(including arranging the loan of Bacardi lawyers to help draft the
measures most controversial provisions for now retired Senator Helms),
ended up dangerously straining trade relations with the European Union,
which filed a complaint against the U.S. at the World Trade Organization.
While Reich and the big business groups that served as his clients may have
realized handsome profits thanks to his career-long commitment to seeking
out clients who applaud his raw ideology and abusive campaigns against the
regions assortment of lefties, many US businesses and agricultural groups,
as well as Americans in other commercial and public sector pursuits, have
certainly not. One glaring example of Reichs grossly negative impact on US
business interests was when Cuba, in retaliation to Section 211, vowed to
produce AIDS pharmaceuticals despite existing US patents, inevitably
sparking a trade war that will do more harm than good to US commercial
interests.
Reichs seeming inability to easily distinguish between the boundaries of
public and private funds and his repeated indifference to ethical standards
was again exhibited upon his return to government in 2001. In response to
questions regarding possible conflicts of interest between his private
lobbying and his State Department nomination, he submitted a report to the
Senate that stated he would surrender control of his private lobby, RMA
International, but would continue to receive commissions from RMA clients.
Only after a reporter questioned the integrity of such a proposal did Reich
concede that these lucrative payoffs could pose an ethical dilemma. His
financial statement was later revised and resubmitted without the provision
for his continue compensation from the private sector.
Although not allowed to directly receive funds from his former clients,
Reich has shamelessly used his position to promote their interests. There
was the attempted anti-Chavez coup in Venezuela in April 2001 in which
Reich played a key role in meeting with the conspirators and in arranging
for them to receive US tax. Coincidentally, the coup, if successful, would
certainly have been in the best interests of Mobil Oil, a former Reich
client. Subsequently, by lobbying hard for Lockheed-Martin, which had been
given permission by the Pentagon to sell F-16 fighter jets with advanced
missile systems to Chiles historically brutal military, Reich helped to
lift the two-decade-old congressional ban on the sale of advanced weaponry
in Latin America, thus risking the inception of a destructive Chilean-led
arms race with Argentina and Peru.
In 2000, Reich became vice-chairman of WRAP, an apparel industry lobby that
was seen by its foes as an avenue through which domestic clothing importers
could avoid scrutiny of their non-union production. Critics claim, that
WRAP facilitated continued maintenance of sweatshops throughout Latin
America and elsewhere in the developing world.
Master of Deception: OPD (1983-86)
As the head of the ill-reputed US Office of Public Diplomacy, Reich
orchestrated the "White Propaganda" campaign of running unacknowledged
op-ed editorials in newspapers across the nation. In an initiative
illegally coordinated with the CIA, these articles were designed to
manipulate and intimidate unwitting major American media outlets to favor
the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. Such efforts were intended to generate a
public following in the US and abroad for Washingtons support of a
Sandinista overthrow and to suppress widely circulating reports at the time
of atrocities being committed by the US-backed Contras against Nicaraguan
civilians. While bearing the names of some well-known academic and public
figures, the bogus op-eds and other material were authored in Reichs
office by professional speech writers. In 1987, the Comptroller-General of
the US, a Republican appointee, formally found that Reich had acted
illegally: We conclude that the [OPDs] activities involving the
preparation and dissemination of certain types of information violated
restriction on the use of appropriated funds for publicity or propaganda
purposes not authorized by Congress.
Ambassador to Venezuela (1987-89)
Reichs most ethically questionable behavior during his ambassadorship to
Venezuela was his controversial role in the release and ultimate
arrangement for asylum of accused Cuban-American terrorist Orlando Bosch.
Although Bosch had smuggled a bomb onboard a Cuban airliner in 1976,
killing all 73 onboard, his subsequent conviction on overwhelming evidence
in a Venezuelan court was shockingly overturned on appeal. After fleeing
Venezuela, Reich helped him to procure refugee status inside the US,
despite a State Department intelligence report implicating Bosch in
approximately thirty acts of international violence and sabotage. While
Reich always takes a strong stand against terrorism, he directly advanced
the interests of the most prolific terrorist figure to emerge in the
US-Latin American environment in recent decades, Bosch.
Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs (2002-June 14,
2004)
In January 2002, Reich was elevated by President Bush in a recess
appointment to be the State Departments chief Latin Americanist. After
Senator Dodd froze Reichs appointment this action was taken to stave off
potentially embarrassing questions concerning his earlier career in public
service that were sure to be aired. His confirmation also seemed highly
unlikely after several key Republican Senators, including the chairman of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Richard Lugar (R-IN), announced
they could not support his appointment due to his fatefully flawed
professional history. Once in office, Reich was soon tasked to orchestrate
a massive international media defamation campaign against Chávez that has
continued until this day.
Choosing Ones Enemies
Along with Reichs unbridled aversion to Chavez, due in part to the
Venezuelan leaders close relationship with Fidel Castro, he has shown a
disturbing readiness to manipulate Venezuelas domestic political scene
that is reminiscent of similar actions he has taken in many other Latin
American nations. The English-speaking Caribbean countries, and almost all
of the other Latin American nations that he visited while serving Powell
and then the White House, became, during his short tenure, the venue for
vituperative and minatory statements about political candidates that he
might oppose in upcoming elections. Faced with the prospect of a possible
presidential election victory in El Salvador by the leftist FMLN, Reich had
no problem with erroneously linking the party to the Spanish separatist
terrorist group ETA. He stated, We (the US government) could not have the
same confidence in an El Salvador led by a person [Schafik Handal] who is
obviously an admirer of Fidel Castro and of (Venezuelan President) Hugo
Chavez.
* What he did not bother to tell his audience was that he fabricated
the link between the ETA and Cuba when, in fact, the then-Spanish Prime
Minister Felipe Gonzalez asked Castro, as an accommodation to Spain, to
grant several ETA militants asylum in Cuba.
Reichs connection to the US intelligence agencies and reputation as one of
the Bush administrations master conspirators and disinformation
specialists leads many to suspect that he played an important role in Jean
Bertrand Aristides fall from favor in the international media, and in
fostering international support for the Haitian rebels.
Throughout the closing days of the embattled Aristide administrations stay
in office, Secretary of State Colin Powell ostensibly attempted to avoid
the Haitian Presidents overthrow, while Reich made some off-the-record
comments to the media alluding that a violent coup against Aristides
government was certainly a viable option. The OAS and a congressional
sub-committee are currently preparing investigations into the true
circumstances of Aristides loss of power.
* In order to superimpose his political will, Reich has often simply
resorted to bully tactics and outright extortionist threats against those
he feels are most vulnerable. To a distressing extent, Reich expresses the
exact authoritarian profile that he routinely ascribes to Castro. Could it
be that Reich would be a perfect Castro if given the chance?
When the United States invaded Iraq, Reich was clearly displeased with the
Caribbean-based organization Caricoms decision not to support the
controversial war. Over Barbados TV he said, It is not the kind of support
that we expect from friends
We listen very carefully to what our friends
say and we're very disappointed by some of the statements. We're not
violating international law, neither is Great Britain or any of the other
countries and I would urge Caricom to study very carefully not only what it
says, but the consequences of what it says.
What do I tell a member of Congress, he hypothetically questions, if I
go asking for increased access for Caribbean products, for example, and he
says, Well, they did not support us in our time of need?
Questionable Legacy
As a career propagandist and huckster-ideologue, Otto Reich built his
professional persona on his provision of public misinformation and his
capacity for extremist politics that have done incalculable damaged the
maintenance of a balanced and responsible US Latin American policy. Almost
single-handedly, he has bent and distorted US-Latin American relations, and
in the past several decades has contributed to a level of odium that cannot
easily be recalled in the bilateral relationship between the two
continents. His legacy hardly deserves that word, filled as it has been
with vulgar rhetoric, meretricious analysis, Rasputin-like conspiracies and
inability to distinguish responsible behavior from that of a low quality
goon. He, together with his fellow alumnus from former Senator Helms
foundry for debased regional policy-making, the State Departments Roger
Noriega and Dan Fisk, have gone a long way to polluting US hemispheric ties
so much that it will likely take a generation to undo the damage. We
certainly have not heard the last from him, because -- giving the Devil his
due -- he has displayed a cruel genius for making big money out of craven
deeds and then reappearing to get another crack at ultra-extremist public
policymaking. While he constantly preaches about democracy, in truth his
authoritarian tactics make him one of its worst foes. He calls other people
liars, when, in fact, he is leagues ahead of any would-be rival in public
life in crafting tall tales with no substance. On a strictly competitive
basis, he would struggle to acquire any job requiring honesty, public
rectitude or a strong moral foundation.
Reich has repeatedly shown that he is the anti-Christ for any crusade for
responsible democratic self-rule, and his name will rank high among those
pathalogues who manage to diminish everything they touch. His resignation
marks the second retirement of one of the ill-reputed officials from the
Reagan area who was exhumed after the Bush victory, for another round at
public life. They had all participated in the Iran-Contra Affairs Iron
Triangle -- Reich, John Negroponte, current US ambassador to Iraq, and
Elliot Abrams, current senior director of the National Security Council's
Office for Democracy, Human Rights and International Operations, and
Admiral John Poindexter (Ret.) who was recently forced once again to resign
in disgrace. He leaves behind him a tainted record characterized by a
series of abject dirty deeds committed under the guise of promoting
democracy in Latin America.
* This analysis was prepared by Will Conkling and Sam Goble, COHA
Research Associates
The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded in 1975, is an independent,
non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt research and information organization.
It has been described on the Senate floor as being one of the nations
most respected bodies of scholars and policy makers. For more information,
please see web page at <http://www.coha.org/>www.coha.org ; contact in
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