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<a href="http://www.counterpunch.org/morse02192008.html" eudora="autourl">
http://www.counterpunch.org/morse02192008.html<br><br>
</a></font><font face="Times New Roman, Times" size=4><b>February 19,
2008<br><br>
</font><h1><font face="Times New Roman, Times" size=5><b>Land of the Long
White Lie<br><br>
<br>
</i></font><font face="Times New Roman, Times" size=5 color="#990000">The
New Zealand Terror
Raids</b></font></h1><font face="Times New Roman, Times" size=5>By
VALERIE MORSE<br><br>
</font><font face="Verdana" size=6 color="#990000">O</font>
<font face="Verdana" size=2>n October 15 2007, the New Zealand police
carried out unprecedented nation-wide raids arresting 17 indigenous
rights activists and anarchists and raiding some 60 different locations.
The arrests were based on surveillance and interception warrants obtained
under the Terrorism Suppression Act. This was the first time that the
police used this Act, a law passed immediately after 9/11 and a direct
result of it. <br><br>
The raids were staged on a Monday morning starting at approximately 5am.
At 5:45 am, the Police knocked on my door. Then they nearly broke it
down. When I opened it, 15 officers swarmed in, waving an 80-page search
warrant in my face. When I said, 'this isn't signed,' the detective
responded 'here, here's the signed copy.' Then they ransacked my room,
pulling my plants out of their containers, removing the back of my
refrigerator and collecting a raft of documents, photographs, electronic
gear and clothing. Finally, they arrested me and told me that I was going
to be charged with participating in a terrorist group. <br><br>
The raids came as a huge shock to me, to most of the country and to the
world that follow such events. New Zealand, also known as Aotearoa-the
'land of the long white cloud' in the indigenous language of the M_ori
people-has a reputation for amicable race relations, a progressive
government and an enviable settlement process for indigenous claims
against breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi, the founding treaty between
Maori and the British Crown, signed in 1840 by some 500 chiefs. <br><br>
What is actually happening in Aotearoa beneath the government's clever
'clean, green, 100 per cent pure' marketing campaign is not at all what
they would lead you to believe. <br><br>
On day one of the raids, there was a media frenzy as the police carefully
leaked tantalizing nuggets of evidence including reports of napalm bombs,
assassination plots against Prime Minister Helen Clark and President
George W Bush, and an 'IRA-style war plan.' The 17 arrestees were brought
before District Court judges in four different cities to respond to the
charges. One was dealt with immediately by the courts and dismissed, the
remaining 16 all went to prison that night, remanded in custody as bail
was vigorously opposed by the Crown prosecution.<br><br>
We were deemed a threat to 'national security.' In the cloud of terrorism
hysteria and secret evidence, our lawyers would not even attempt an
application for bail. <br><br>
The New Zealand Government has signed up for all of Bush's post-9/11
terrorism requirements. At the same time, it imported the US Government's
brutal tactics of repression, surveillance technologies and police
hyper-paranoia about political activity, particularly when it comes from
indigenous activists who dare to speak of aspirations of sovereignty.
<br><br>
Of the 17 arrested on 15 October, 12 were Maori, many from the Tuhoe iwi
(tribe). Tuhoe is known for its long history of resistance to
colonization. They never signed the Treaty of Waitangi. There is a story
that the Crown agent was advised that he would be eaten if he attempted
to come into Tuhoe land in order to get the Treaty signed. Today, Tuhoe
have the one of the highest ratios of native speakers of the Maori
language (called 'te reo') among tribal groups and have a strong cultural
identity that is intimately linked to the land in an area that they call
'Te Urewera,' land of the mist. There are about 20,000 people who claim
Tuhoe ancestry, many of whom are still living in relatively isolated
communities within Te Urewera. <br><br>
The raids and arrests were the culmination of an $8 million dollar,
two-year long operation dubbed 'Operation Eight'. On the day of the
raids, some 300 police were involved. Most had little knowledge of the
investigation or the suspects; none it seems had any knowledge of the
history of the Crown's scorched earth policy, murder, and land theft
which prompted fierce resistance by Tuhoe more than 100 years ago.
<br><br>
The forces of the state have a convenient way of forgetting things that
don't suit the current narrative. Such was the case on October 15. In a
spectacular display of force, armed, balaclava-clad police known as the
'armed offenders squad' quite literally invaded the small Tuhoe town of
Ruatoki and blockaded the entire community. On an elaborate quest for
terrorists and evidence, they stopped all vehicles coming in or out of
the community and photographed the drivers and occupants. In the process
of conducting house raids, they severely traumatized many people,
including locking a woman and five children in a shed for six hours while
the man of the family was questioned, taking a woman's underwear as
evidence, and boarding a local school bus. <br><br>
In one South Auckland raid, the police held an entire family, including a
12 year old girl, on their knees with hands behind their heads for some 5
hours, asking the young woman if she was a terrorist. This was the
pattern for raids in the Maori communities. <br><br>
For the non-indigenous arrestees (referred to herein as 'pakeha' a word
that means white New Zealander), the situation was starkly different. In
my case, I was not even handcuffed as I was walked to the car. No white
neighborhoods were blockaded, nor were white bystanders stopped and
photographed as they went about their daily business that cool Monday
morning in October. It was only Maori. <br><br>
The institutional racism of the police and justice system came as no
surprise to Maori people and particularly to Tuhoe who have been subject
to its arbitrary acts for some 160 years. For pakeha throughout the
country, it was a wake-up call. Unfortunately, it was less a wake-up call
about racism than it was about the growing power of the state against
political dissidents. I say it was unfortunate because it is clear from
the nearly 10,000 pages of evidence I have now seen, that it is Maori
sovereignty that they fear. It is the political force of unified
indigeneity that scares the ruling class of New Zealand. <br><br>
For Maori in Aotearoa New Zealand, the 'war on terrorism' and these raids
are part of a long history of colonization in Aotearoa New Zealand, and
they have not been forgotten. <br><br>
In the 1860s, the Suppression of Rebellion Act was passed with strikingly
similar language to the Terrorism Suppression Act of 2002. This earlier
Act was used by the fledgling New Zealand State to launch a series of
vicious attacks on Maori communities in order to appropriate their land
for settlement. People and whole tribes were defined as 'in rebellion' in
order that the State could then exercise a range of repressive and
exploitative measures against them. <br><br>
I was arrested, I believe, to provide a cloak for the racist nature of
the operation.<br><br>
By arresting some pakeha activists, the government could deflect
criticism that this was an operation against Maori. I was also arrested
because I am associates with the Maori accused in the case, and because
as an anarchist I have caused enough problems and embarrassments for the
state that they would like to put me out of their misery. In June of last
year, I published a book detailing the New Zealand government's
involvement in the 'war on terrorism.' In it, I suggested that both
dissidents and Maori were targets of the war, along with refugees and
migrants. It was not without a sense of bizarre irony and a certain grim
satisfaction that I sat in my prison cell and congratulated myself on
being right. <br><br>
Needless to say, in a country of 4 million people, there are not six
degrees of separation, but usually only one or two. There most certainly
is a connection between anarchists, environmentalists, anti-war and
indigenous rights activists: most of them know each other and work
together regularly. One would have to exist in a state of utter delusion
not to make the connections between these issues, particularly in New
Zealand where the effects of the self-imposed neo-liberal structural
adjustment of the 1980s is being felt more acutely everyday. <br><br>
The New Zealand Parliament is Westminster-style with mixed-member
proportional representation. At present, the governing Labor party
maintains power through a delicate balance of negotiated agreements, some
formal, some informal, with other smaller parties that give support on
vital confidence and supply votes. <br><br>
As with the British Labor Party, the New Zealand Labor party long ago
shed any resemblance to a working-class based party and has
wholeheartedly embraced neo-liberal economics. This has had major
implications for Maori who in the main reject its ubiquitous
commodification, particularly with regard to flora, fauna, land and
intellectual property. Nevertheless, up until very recently Maori had
continued to support Labor generally, and all of the Maori electorate
seats in Parliament were held by the Labour Party. <br><br>
In 2004, the Government passed the Foreshore and Seabed Act, which had
the effect of extinguishing Maori rights to claim customary ownership of
the land between the high tide and low tide marks, and to the seabed. In
contravention of international law and despite condemnation by the UN,
the Government pressed ahead with the law, with near unanimous support in
parliament. The following year the Treasury began to include a line-item
in the annual financial accounts for these newly acquired Crown assets.
This grotesque confiscation was considered a declaration of war by some
Maori. It ruptured the Labor Party and brought about the formation of the
Maori Party. This now presents a significant threat to Labor's hold on
the Maori vote, and more importantly, to their hold on power. <br><br>
Politically, this is one of the primary factors behind the raids. In the
lead up to the 2008 election, it is crucial that Labour cast radical
Maori as a dangerous threat to the stability of New Zealand. This was a
gamble by Prime Minister Helen Clark and her cabal to secure a third term
through a tactic of divide and conquer. In the media Clark repeatedly
stated that the raids were 'an operational matter for the police,' but
behind the scenes in Wellington, every politico knows that nothing of
consequence happens without her direct and explicit nod. <br><br>
Another significant political factor prompting the raids is the
government's relationship with the US and its other close defense
partners. As a member of the exclusive five-nation UKUSA intelligence
network (along with the US, UK, Canada and Australia), New Zealand's
security and police are intimately tied to a distinctive post-War
relationship with the US. This relationship, and the resultant
organizational links, has played a significant role in New Zealand's
response to US terrorism hysteria. Further, the New Zealand government
has separate, internal reasons for adopting much of the new terrorism
legislation. <br><br>
Prior to 9/11, the Terrorism Suppression Bill was before the Select
Committee and was simply intended to ratify two existing UN conventions
against terrorism. After 9/11, the law was radically re-written, kept
secret from the public, while the Government and the opposition rushed to
appear resolute in support of the US.<br><br>
Fortunately, the changes were leaked and there was significant public
opposition that eventually mitigated the worst aspects of the Act.
Unfortunately, there were many more Acts that followed. These Acts mirror
changes to US law and include the Border Security Act, the Maritime
Security Act, the Telecommunications (Interception Capability) Act, the
Identity (Citizenship and Passports) Act, the Security Intelligence Act
and amendments to both the Immigration Act and the Crimes Act. <br><br>
Along with these legislative changes, the state's security and
surveillance services received massive funding injections and personnel
increases all in the name of fighting terrorism. Given this environment
with all their new toys, eventually, the police and spooks had to find a
terrorist. They tried desperately to pin that label on exiled Algerian
politician Ahmed Zaoui who came to New Zealand at the end of 2001 on a
false passport. When that failed, as it did in 2006 when the security
risk certificate against him was revoked, they set to work finding others
to fill the 'terrorist' role. The culture of these agencies is such that
they view ex-parliamentary political activity as dangerous; they view
Maori politically activity as particularly dangerous. <br><br>
So the stage was set and the roles cast when some 300 police mounted the
first ever 'terror raids' late last year. <br><br>
The Terrorism Suppression Act was the tool to obtain extensive
interception warrants for bugging cell phones and cars, but the people
who were arrested were initially charged only for joint possession of
firearms and restricted weapons under the Arms Act. In order for the
Terrorism charges to be laid, the police first had to get the approval of
the Attorney General. <br><br>
In the first week following the raids, I sat in solitary confinement with
no access to news or information. I was in shock. I have been arrested
several times in the past for political activity, but have never been to
prison. I was scared. I was also lucky because one of my dearest friends
had been arrested that morning and was there with me. We had adjoining
cells and could communicate by yelling over a 25 foot concrete wall in
the yard outside between our cells. After the third day, I got a book to
read: Kurt Vonnegut's <i>Jailbird</i>. It made me laugh so hard I had
tears in my eyes. <br><br>
When they finally moved us to the general population at the end of the
first week, it felt like a glorious place - which just goes to
demonstrate how quickly and easily solitary confinement breaks down your
resistance and your tether on reality. It was beautiful to hear voices,
to hear music, to go outside and to be able to see the hills and
sky.<br><br>
By the end of that first week, our lawyers managed to put forward an
application for bail. We arrived at the Wellington District Court to a
mass of supporters and media. Within minutes of the start of the hearing,
everyone except the media was excluded from the courtroom. It was an
ominous beginning to one of the most disturbing and difficult days of my
life. <br><br>
In the hours that followed, the Crown prosecutor painted a picture of us
as a group of people who had been training to commit terrorist acts. We
were accused of attending camps in the Urewera area where we used guns,
Molotov cocktails and napalm. The fact that my three immediate co-accused
had no convictions of any kind, and I had very minor ones, was used to
prove our ill intention to get out of prison and carry out that which we
had been planning. Once the terror label was used, no judge in the
country, or indeed the world, would bail us. We went back to prison that
Friday evening and I felt very, very dark. <br><br>
On Monday 29 October, the police finally put their evidence to the
Solicitor General in order that the charge of 'participating in a
terrorist group' could be brought against us. That night, I was interned
in my new cell with no one to talk to or to question about what might
happen next. I had been moved 500 miles north to the Auckland women's
correctional facility in a secretive mission worthy of bin Laden or at
least his best mate. <br><br>
By Wednesday, Prime Minister Helen Clark could no longer hold her tongue
and waded into the debate. She arrogantly breached the sub judice
standard the term used for the right to a fair trial commenting that
those arrested 'at the very least had been training with firearms and
napalm'. The media circus continued. <br><br>
Throughout the country, protests, rallies, fundraising and awareness
raising gigs were organized and what remains of the political left in New
Zealand rallied around the arrestees. The political analysis ranged from
debate about indigenous sovereignty to civil rights and surveillance. The
mainstream media continued its tradition of sensationalist reporting,
ill-informed conclusions and downright fabrications. The media
concentration in Aotearoa New Zealand is one of the highest in the world,
with nearly all the major dailies owned by two multinational
corporations. Everyone was singing from the same song sheet, so to speak.
<br><br>
The day before I was due to have another bail hearing, after now nearly a
month in jail, I had a long conversation with my lawyer. We discussed his
strategy going into the hearing and the possible Crown arguments. At the
end of that conversation, he said, 'Oh, there was something else I was
meaning to tell you, that's right, the Solicitor-General is about to
announce his decision. Valerie, they are going to lay the terrorism
charges against you.' <br><br>
I hung up the phone and I found Emily, my co-accused and dear friend. I
told her that, 'we must prepare ourselves for this because it is going to
happen'. I was manic, frantic, deeply disturbed and shaken. We sat for a
little while before I went to my cell and tuned in National Radio. The
four o'clock news immediately went to a live broadcast of the
Solicitor-General's press conference. I sat on my bed rigid with fear. He
announced, 'I cannot authorize the laying of charges under the Terrorism
Suppression Act.' I ran out of my cell, screaming and running around the
prison wing, 'they're not going to do it; they're not going to do it.' I
yelled up to Emily who had retreated to her cell. I could hardly get the
words out.<br><br>
Her immediate response, 'for all of us?' and I thought, 'oh no, I don't
know.' In my excitement I hadn't listened to his whole speech. I ran back
to my cell where she joined me. <br><br>
We tuned back in to hear him say that there was 'insufficient evidence'
that none of us would be charged, and that the terrorism law was
'complex, incoherent and unworkable'. I was ecstatic. Moments later I got
a call from the lawyer saying that the Crown was no longer opposing our
bail. We would be out tomorrow. <br><br>
It was surreal. I have never in my life felt the kind of joyous relief
that I felt that night. I couldn't sleep. I couldn't concentrate. I just
sat there in wonder at the events of the previous month. <br><br>
On Friday, November 9, we were bailed from the High Court in Auckland. We
are not free, however. Sixteen of us still face charges under the Arms
Act. We continue to have onerous bail conditions including curfews,
reporting conditions and non-association orders. They are the State's
tactics for control and punishment. <br><br>
As I have suggested, the evidence indicates that the raids were
politically motivated by the long-standing fear of indigenous assertions
of power. In this election year, it suits the Labor Government to find
'bad Maori' in order to fulfill the old colonial divide and rule
strategy. They will assimilate those they can through propaganda and
persuasion; those that resist will be brutalized and criminalized as they
have been for more than a century. Maori political activists are under
State surveillance because they are Maori. <br><br>
It comes as little surprise that the United Nations has now accepted a
complaint from indigenous lawyers and will investigate the New Zealand
Government's conduct over the raids, although it is the first time that a
complaint by a group against a state (rather than vice versa) has been
investigated. While this is unlikely to have any substantive effect
either on the situation for Maori or on the arrestees, it is another blow
to the idealized utopia of the South Seas. <br><br>
In the coming months, the case of the 'Urewera 16' will be heard in the
District Court in Auckland. My great hope for this trial and for the
future of Aotearoa New Zealand is that the raids will contribute to
disrupting the false peace of this colonial state and radicalize people
to struggle for justice and freedom. <br><br>
<br>
*For more information about the Crown's invasion of Tuhoe lands, please
see:<br><br>
<i>Tuhoe: A history of resistance</i> at
<a href="http://october15thsolidarity.info/node/221">
http://october15thsolidarity.info/node/221 </a><br><br>
<b>Other sources for information about the raids: <br><br>
</b><i><a href="http://www.arena.org.nz/terprimr.htm">Back in the mists
of fear: A Primer On The Allegations Of Terrorism Made During The Week
15-19 October, 2007</a></i>. By Moana Jackson. <br><br>
'<a href="http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0710/S00262.htm">Full
Coverage: the Terrorists camps on the East Cape.</a>' <i>Scoop</i>.
<br><br>
<b>Other sources of information about tino rangatiratanga and Maori
struggle:</b> <br>
<a href="https://www.aotearoa.M_ori.nz/v2/index.php">Aotearoa Café</a>
<br><br>
<a href="http://www.conscious.M_ori.nz/front.php">Conscious
collaborations</a> <br><br>
<a href="http://tuhoe.net/">Te Mana Motuhake o Tuhoe</a> <br><br>
<b>Valerie Morse</b> is a Wellington-based anarchist and writer. She
spent most of her 36 years in and around Tucson Arizona and Washington DC
but left the US during the Clinton era in disgust. She is currently
facing three charges under the Arms Act for possession of guns,
restricted weapons (molotov cocktails) and ammunition resulting from the
October 15, 2007 raids. As a result of her life as a so-called
'terrorist', her passports have been confiscated and her life as an
anarcho-tourist rather severely curtailed. She is a member of Rebel
Press, an anarchist publishing collective. Her book, 'Against Freedom:
the war on terrorism in everyday_New Zealand life' and prison 'zine
'Can't hear me scream', are available for free download on
<a href="http://www.rebelpress.org.nz/">www.rebelpress.org.nz<br><br>
<br><br>
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