[Pnews] Living in the Shadow of Counterterrorism: A Decade of Resistance

Prisoner News ppnews at freedomarchives.org
Tue May 31 10:58:09 EDT 2016


https://rewire.news/article/2016/05/26/living-shadow-counterterrorism-decade-resistance/ 



  Living in the Shadow of Counterterrorism: A Decade of Resistance - Rewire

    May 26, 2016, 8:02pm Kanya D’Almeida
    <https://rewire.news/author/kanya-dalmeida/>

    This is the third and final article in /Rewire/’s “Living in the
    Shadow of Counterterrorism” series. You can read the other pieces in
    the series here <https://rewire.news/tag/no-separate-justice/>.

In the early hours of May 21, 2009, Alicia McWilliams was woken by a 
frantic phone call from her sister, saying that the FBI had just raided 
their other sister Elizabeth’s home. In an interview with /Rewire,/ 
McWilliams says she couldn’t decipher her sister’s hysterical words, and 
so switched on the local news, which was blowing up with the alleged 
”Bronx Terror Plot,” flashing scenes of her nephew, David 
Williams—Elizabeth’s son—being led away in handcuffs on terrorism charges.

McWilliams says she knew right away that there was something wrong with 
that picture, suspicions that only deepened as she learned the details 
of how an FBI informant had befriended her nephew and three other 
low-income Black Muslim men and involved them in a convoluted scheme 
that would include attacking synagogues in New York City and an Air 
National Guard base in Newburgh, New York.

She tells /Rewire/ on the phone her first thought was that the entire 
plot smacked of the days of COINTELPRO—the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation (FBI)’s counterintelligence program that spied on and 
infiltrated various political groups throughout the 1950s and ’60s. 
Ushered into existence in 1956 to squash the Communist Party, the 
program quickly turned its attention to groups like the Black Panther 
Party in order to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise 
neutralize 
<https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/cointel-pro-black-extremists/cointelpro-black-extremists-part-01-of>” 
the Black Liberation Movement.

Feeling a sense of déjà vu during the early days of her nephew’s arrest, 
she watched as the government and the media spun a narrative of four 
violent extremists plotting to blow up Jewish houses of worship in the 
name of jihad, obscuring the vulnerability and desperation of the men 
involved and the active role played by the informant.

The plot was so outrageous that even Judge Colleen McMahon, who presided 
over the Newburgh Four trial and ultimately sentenced them to decades in 
prison 
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/phil-hirschkorn/the-newburgh-sting_b_5234822.html> 
after a jury returned a guilty verdict, concluded 
<http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/dec/12/newburgh-four-fbi-entrapment-terror>:

    Only the government could have made a terrorist out of Mr. Cromitie
    [one of the defendants in the case], whose buffoonery is positively
    Shakespearean in its scope … I believe beyond a shadow of a doubt
    that there would have been no crime here except the government
    instigated it, planned it and brought it to fruition.

But for McWilliams, who was “scared to death” at the time, simply 
acknowledging the injustice of the government’s counterterrorism tactics 
was not enough. She felt compelled to fight back. The two-month-long 
trial <https://www.fbi.gov/newyork/press-releases/2009/nyfo052009.htm> 
surrounding the “Bronx Terror Plot” saw her either sitting in the 
courtroom or standing on the steps of the federal courthouse in White 
Plains, New York, protesting the war on terror in both its domestic and 
foreign manifestations.

She talked to the press. She marched in the streets. Even after the 
trial ended in a guilty verdict, she did not let up: Every waking moment 
was spent fighting with her sister Elizabeth on David’s behalf.

Before long, she connected with other advocates and began speaking on 
panels alongside the family members of hundreds of Muslims who have been 
incarcerated on terrorism charges 
<https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/07/21/illusion-justice/human-rights-abuses-us-terrorism-prosecutions> 
since 9/11.

She remembers a time when she was the only Black woman and non-Muslim in 
those organizing spaces. “It was new for me,” she tells /Rewire/. “I was 
different: I’m very outspoken, I cuss a lot. But they accepted me as a 
sister. Because I was saying and doing what they all wanted to—I was 
standing up and cussing out the government for taking our boys away.”

In the third part of /Rewire/’s “Living in the Shadow of 
Counterterrorism” series, we talk to some of the families and activists 
who have spent the past decade and a half fighting to expose religiously 
biased federal policies that have fanned the flames of Islamophobia and 
torn hundreds of American families apart.

At the heart of their struggle is a campaign called No Separate Justice, 
a nationwide effort to unite groups fighting on multiple fronts and 
across various marginalized populations 
<http://no-separate-justice.org/issues/> to highlight the 
criminalization of Muslims in the United States.

*Humble Beginnings*

This past January Zurata Duka 
<https://rewire.news/article/2016/05/11/living-shadow-counterterrorism-meet-muslim-women-taking-national-security-state/>, 
an ethnic Albanian immigrant whose story /Rewire /reported on 
previously, entered a Philadelphia prison where three of her four sons 
were being held pending a court hearing. There, for the first time in 
eight years, she held them in her arms.

Dritan, Shain, and Eljvir Duka had been arrested in 2007, in connection 
with an alleged plot to attack the Fort Dix military base in New Jersey. 
The plot turned out to be manufactured by the FBI with the help of 
confidential informants, who worked for months to try and record 
evidence of the Dukas’ involvement in the plan.

Though the prosecution was unable to establish proof that the brothers 
had agreed to the plot, and despite the fact that the FBI’s own 
informant testified 
<https://theintercept.com/2015/06/25/fort-dix-five-terror-plot-the-real-story/> 
that the brothers were ignorant of the plan, a jury found them guilty 
and sentenced all three to life in prison, with an additional 30-year 
sentence for the youngest, Eljvir.

Imprisoned far from home—in Kentucky, West Virginia, and Colorado—the 
three brothers almost never see their parents, siblings, or the children 
that both Dritan and Eljvir left behind. For years they were even cut 
off from physical contact with their family as the government shuffled 
them between multiple high-security federal detention centers, where 
they were held for long periods in isolation. To this day Eljvir remains 
in solitary confinement.

The fact that Zurata Duka was able to embrace her sons after nearly a 
decade was thanks in large part to a coalition of individuals and 
organizations who have worked for years to keep alive the case of the 
Fort Dix Five, as the Duka brothers and their two co-defendants came to 
be known in the media.

Under legal and social pressure, New Jersey District Judge Robert B. 
Kugler—the same man who presided over the original trial and sentenced 
the brothers back in 2009—agreed in 2015 to hear a motion for retrial 
<http://wagingnonviolence.org/feature/can-the-fort-dix-five-channel-the-power-of-the-camden-28/>, 
based on the contention that the brothers had received ineffective 
counsel. At the time of writing, he had yet to issue a ruling.

A few months ahead of that hearing, a woman named Lynne Jackson drove 
down to the Camden courthouse in New Jersey along with several other 
activists and unfurled a huge banner that read ”Free the Fort Dix 5.”

It was a freezing November day, she tells /Rewire/ in a phone interview, 
but the members of the Fort Dix Five Family Support Committee clustered 
together 
<http://articles.philly.com/2015-11-15/news/68276272_1_duka-brothers-dritan-ferik>, 
passing out leaflets about the Duka brothers’ case, which had captured 
national headlines back in 2009.

At one point, Jackson says, two courthouse officials came outside to ask 
what the protesters were doing.

“I think they were surprised that people hadn’t forgotten about the 
Dukas, that two months before they were scheduled to appear their 
supporters were standing around in the freezing cold behind a massive 
banner,” Jackson says. “How could we forget such an injustice? It keeps 
me awake at night. So this is what we do: We try to keep these cases alive.”

Jackson’s support for Muslim Americans’ rights dates back to 2007, when 
she and several other concerned citizens came together around the cases 
of Yassin Aref <http://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-2nd-circuit/1355196.html>, 
an Iraqi Kurdish refugee, and Mohammed M. Hossain, a Bangladeshi 
immigrant, who were convicted in 2006 on terrorism charges.

Both men were residents of Albany, New York. Aref had been a well-known 
imam, and Hossain the owner of a struggling local pizzeria, when an 
undercover FBI informant named Shahed Hussain showed up 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/11/nyregion/11plot.html?_r=0> in the 
community with gifts, promises of cash loans, and stories of his 
involvement with a Pakistani terrorist group, according to court 
testimony, the /New York Times /reported/./

For months the informant attempted to engage Hossain 
<http://news.findlaw.com/cnn/docs/albany/usaref80504cmp.pdf> in 
discussions about terrorist activity. One such conversation, which was 
caught on tape and subsequently played at trial, the /Times/ reported, 
involves the informant claiming that the $50,000 loan he had promised to 
the pizzeria owner came from the sale of a missile launcher that would 
eventually be used to assassinate a Pakistani diplomat in New York.

Ultimately, the defendants were tried and convicted on charges of 
providing material support 
<https://www.justice.gov/usam/criminal-resource-manual-15-providing-material-support-terrorists-18-usc-2339a> 
to a terrorist network.

As /Rewire/ has reported previously 
<https://rewire.news/article/2016/05/13/living-shadow-counterterrorism-daily-struggle-muslim-women/>, 
the federal government has used material support statutes to incarcerate 
hundreds of Muslims since 9/11. Legal scholars contend 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/03/opinion/03cole.html?_r=0> that while 
the laws originally sought to prohibit citizens from providing fiscal 
support, weapons, or intelligence to designated terrorist groups, courts 
have interpreted the statutes far more broadly in the decade since 
September 11, convicting individuals whose faith or ideology 
supposedly “predispose” them to violence.

According to the complaint filed against the two Albany men, Hossain’s 
only “crime” was to accept a loan from the FBI informant, while Aref did 
nothing but witness that loan in his capacity as an imam, as per Islamic 
custom—actions that the prosecution charged amounted to money laundering 
in the service of a terrorist organization.

Shocked by the extent to which the government had gone to infiltrate 
their community and ensnare two Muslim men in a bogus scheme, residents 
like Jackson began to mobilize. She joined the Muslim Solidarity 
Committee, which had sprung up in 2006 as a kind of hub 
<http://www.nepajac.org/aref&hossain.htm> for supporters of Aref and 
Hossain.

Activists quickly realized that, far from being an aberration unfolding 
in their town, the Aref and Hossain case represented a pattern in which 
federal law enforcement practices were eviscerating the rights and 
liberties of many Muslim residents, Jackson tells /Rewire. /Faced with 
what was clearly a nationwide trend, the committee folded into a larger 
effort known as Project SALAM (Support and Legal Advocacy for Muslims), 
becoming just one of several chapters around the country.

Project SALAM now falls under an even broader umbrella group, the 
National Coalition to Protect Civil Freedoms (NCPCF). The coalition’s 
legal director, Kathy Manley, tells /Rewire/ in a phone interview: “We 
work with rights groups and families to defend Muslim residents who are 
being—or might be—prosecuted, not for something they did, but because of 
what the government fears they /might do/.”

She referred to this legal strategy of prosecuting individuals who have 
not committed a crime as preemptive prosecution. It is a term that 
neatly sums up the FBI’s post-9/11 counterterrorism program 
<https://www.fbi.gov/news/testimony/joining-terrorist-groups-an-examination-of-the-material-support-statute>, 
whose most controversial feature has been the widespread use of 
confidential informants to involve Muslim residents in 
government-manufactured terrorist plots.

As of 2014, counterterrorism operations accounted for 40 percent of the 
bureau’s $3.3 billion operating budget, according to a 2014 report 
<https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/usterrorism0714_ForUpload_0_0_0.pdf> 
by Human Rights Watch. Informants likely account for a significant 
portion of those funds: as of 2007 the FBI had about 15,000 confidential 
informants 
<https://judiciary.house.gov/_files/hearings/July2007/Natapoff070719.pdf> 
on its payroll, up from 1,500 in the 1970s 
<https://oig.justice.gov/special/0509/chapter2.htm>.

Families and organizers with the No Separate Justice campaign are all 
too familiar with this tactic and—in some cases—with the informants 
themselves.

*The Newburgh Four: Sowing the Seeds of Solidarity*

In the spring of 2008, Shahed Hussain, the same informant who targeted 
Aref and Hossain in Albany, showed up in the economically depressed town 
of Newburgh, about 60 miles north of New York City.

Over several months, he set about infiltrating 
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t3WeAPUHVtc> eateries and houses of 
worship, including the Masjid Al-Ikhlas, whose congregation counted many 
Black American Muslims.

As the mosque’s imam, Salahuddin Muhammad, noted in the 2014 HBO 
documentary /The Newburgh Sting 
<http://www.hbo.com/documentaries/the-newburgh-sting>/, most of the 
congregation was put off by Hussain’s extremist views, including his 
conservative attitude toward women and his talk of jihad. But one man, 
James Cromitie, was taken in by Hussain’s flashy car and promises of 
money, and the two struck up a friendship.

Over time, Hussain convinced 
<http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/dec/12/newburgh-four-fbi-entrapment-terror> 
Cromitie and three other men to participate in a plan that involved 
attacking synagogues in the Bronx and firing missiles at a U.S. air base 
in Newburgh. Hussain offered the men $250,000 for their efforts. One of 
the men lured by this extravagant promise was Alicia McWilliams’ nephew, 
David Williams, a young Black Muslim convert who’d grown up in Brooklyn 
but had returned to Newburgh in 2009 to help care for his young brother 
Lord. According to reports, Lord had recently been diagnosed with a 
terminal liver disease.

As Anjali Kamat reported 
<http://www.democracynow.org/2010/10/6/entrapment_or_foiling_terror_fbis_reliance> 
for /Democracy Now!/ in 2010, Lord needed a liver transplant in order to 
survive, a medical procedure the Williams family could not afford. In 
fact, all of the men ensnared in Hussain’s plan were struggling 
financially. They had also served time in prison, and one of them, a 
Haitian-born immigrant named Laguerre Payen, was a paranoid schizophrenic.

Kamat added, “[Payen] lived in a one-room occupancy in Newburgh’s crack 
alley. When he was arrested, there were open containers of urine [in] 
his room, because he was too afraid to walk down the hall to use the 
restroom. This man, we’re supposed to believe, is a terrorist.”

On May 20, 2009, as they attempted to carry out the fake operation, all 
four men were apprehended and three of them, including Cromitie and 
Williams, were subsequently sentenced 
<https://www.fbi.gov/newyork/press-releases/2011/three-men-each-sentenced-in-manhattan-federal-court-to-25-years-in-prison-for-plotting-to-bomb-bronx-synagogues-and-shoot-down-u.s.-military-planes> 
to 25 years in prison for conspiring to use weapons of mass destruction 
in the United States. At least two of the defendants maintain 
<http://www.villagevoice.com/news/were-the-newburgh-4-really-out-to-blow-up-synagogues-a-defendant-finally-speaks-out-6430182> that 
they had planned to foil the plot all along.

After receiving that fateful call from her sister following the arrest, 
Alicia McWilliams began connecting with advocates from Project SALAM and 
NCPCF and speaking out against the policies put into place since 9/11 
that were explicitly targeting Muslim Americans.

But organizing around domestic terror cases is no easy task. Family 
members have told /Rewire/ that the stigma of the word alone has pitched 
them into poverty and isolation, as relatives, religious communities, 
and prospective employers disappear from their lives, fearing guilt by 
association.

McWilliams says that back in 2009 many of the women she met—women who 
are now at the forefront of the No Separate Justice movement—were still 
in the shadows, silent for fear of being retaliated against.

“I told them, ‘You gotta come out and let people know you won’t be 
quiet,’” she tells /Rewire/.

Two women in particular were deeply affected by McWilliams’ words: 
Zurata Duka and Shahina Parveen, whose stories /Rewire /has reported on 
previously 
<https://rewire.news/article/2016/05/11/living-shadow-counterterrorism-meet-muslim-women-taking-national-security-state/>.

In multiple interviews with /Rewire/, Parveen explains that McWilliams 
often gave her the courage to speak out in public—something she had 
never done prior to her son, Matin, being targeted by an informant and 
sentenced to 30 years in prison on charges of providing material support 
to terrorism. Parveen says she and McWilliams have sat by each other 
during the most challenging times. A devout Muslim, Parveen once even 
accompanied McWilliams to church.

“Now Mama Shahina is out there doing her thing,” McWilliams says, 
referring to the monthly vigils that the No Separate Justice campaign 
hosts outside the Metropolitan Correction Center (MCC) in downtown 
Manhattan, where Parveen can often be heard advocating on behalf of 
Muslim prisoners.

McWilliams lives too far away to attend the vigils, but she says she 
remains connected to her “sisters.”

“These are beautiful women,” McWilliams tells /Rewire/, “And we love 
each other unconditionally.”

*Fighting on Multiple Fronts*

McWilliams, who often refers to her nephew’s case as “COINTELPRO all 
over again,” was not the only person /Rewire /interviewed for this 
series to draw parallels between the current counterterrorism effort and 
the counterintelligence operations of old.

Laura Whitehorn, a former political prisoner who was incarcerated for 15 
years in connection with the Resistance Conspiracy 
<https://books.google.com/books?id=y0YXvh_iXIEC&pg=PA771&lpg=PA771&dq=%22resistance+conspiracy%22+case+1988+justice.gov&source=bl&ots=Umou6jrbZP&sig=Bx1Zu6wJ_aO7rYVrkwmLLPLwxJE&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiF3f2L8PXMAhVK74MKHcVFBWgQ6AEIIzAB#v=onepage&q=laura%20whitehorn&f=false>—actions 
undertaken by white anti-imperialists in 1985—recalls speaking about the 
history of COINTELPRO at one of the earliest conferences of families 
affected by terrorism prosecutions, back in October of 2011.

“I talked about the number of incarcerated Black Panthers who are still 
in jail, about the murder of Fred Hampton 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/05/national/05panthers.html?fta=y&_r=0> 
[a member of the Panther Party], which was engineered by the FBI and 
carried out by the Chicago police, and about how COINTELPRO framed, 
arrested, and assassinated so many people who were part of militant 
movements in the ’60s, ‘70s and ‘80s,” Whitehorn tells /Rewire/. 
“Afterwards some of the women, the mothers who had not yet become as 
active in the movement, came up to me with tears in their eyes, two of 
them speaking to me through a translator, and said, ‘We never knew that 
your government did this.’”

She says the No Separate Justice vigils have provided a space for unity 
between populations that have historically been incarcerated for 
so-called radicalism—including Black, Puerto Rican, Native American, and 
white anti-imperial activists—and the Muslims who are now being targeted 
by the federal government.

The monthly gatherings outside the MCC draw an eclectic crowd, with each 
case attracting activists from across the political spectrum. Vigils 
held in honor of the Holy Land Five 
<http://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1362&context=crsj>, 
for instance—a group of Palestinian men whose charitable contributions 
to local Palestinian communities was deemed a form of “material support” 
for Hamas, the governing authority of the Gaza Strip—drew scores of 
Palestinian rights groups and anti-Zionist Jewish activists, including 
members of Adalah-NY and Al-Awda NY.

When Shahina Parveen or other South Asian immigrants have been in the 
spotlight, members of the youth and worker-led Desis Rising Up and 
Moving (DRUM) have turned out in large numbers.

Meanwhile, cases like that of Shifa Sadequee, a Bangladeshi American who 
was convicted on terrorism charges in 2009 and whose story /Rewire/ 
covered at length 
<https://rewire.news/article/2016/05/13/living-shadow-counterterrorism-daily-struggle-muslim-women/> 
earlier in this series, has drawn support from queer activists 
<http://www.thenation.com/article/why-are-queer-activists-and-muslim-scholars-holding-vigils-outside-manhattan-prison/> 
and groups organizing around political prisoners. According to Shifa’s 
sister Sonali, supporters of U.S. political prisoners were among the few 
people who stood by the Sadequee family when Shifa was arrested back in 
2006.

“Large parts of the immigrant Muslim community in Atlanta [where the 
family lived at the time] were completely hands off,” Sonali tells 
/Rewire/ in a phone interview. “It was heartbreaking: No one wanted to 
deal with the issue, they didn’t even want to touch it, to come close to 
it.”

Their support came instead from Black activists, including those 
involved with the Jericho Movement, a nationwide effort to free 
political prisoners in the United States. Both sisters had rallied with 
folks from Jericho, particularly around the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, a 
Black journalist and author who has spent over 30 years in prison, 
almost all of them on death row. While ostensibly convicted for the 1981 
shooting death of a Philadelphia police officer, advocates believe that 
Abu-Jamal was incarcerated for his radical views on Black liberation and 
his outspokenness as a reporter and radio personality.

The sisters had also participated in efforts to free imam Jamil Abdullah 
Al-Amin, known in the 1960s as H. Rap Brown, when he was chairperson of 
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. A resident of Atlanta, 
Georgia, Al-Amin has been a “target of the government due to his radical 
beliefs,” according to reports 
<http://www.workers.org/2014/07/08/free-imam-jamil-al-amin/#.V0dY-Ncfgfo>. 
His supporters claim he was framed for the shooting deaths of two 
sheriff’s deputies in 2000.

“There was a powerful Black Muslim community already in place that 
understood the issues we were dealing with, that took up Shifa’s case 
and basically gave us whatever support we needed,” says Sonali. As 
Shifa’s case unfolded, it became clear to his family and his supporters 
that he, like many Black activists, had been targeted largely for his 
political views. His sisters say the prosecution relied heavily on 
Shifa’s religious teachings, his political opinions and his work as a 
translator of Arabic texts when pressing their case to the jury. The 
framework within which movements for political prisoners have organized 
for years became a crucial one for understanding Shifa’s situation, they 
say.

Activists from Atlanta’s queer community, as well local groups like 
Project South 
<http://projectsouth.org/about/consciousness-vision-strategy/>, also 
stood behind the family from day one—even when members of their own 
Bangladeshi Muslim community shunned them.

“It was such a blessing, such a relief, to have this politically 
conscious community in place,” Sonali tells /Rewire/. “They kept us going.”

And yet, while echoes of COINTELPRO shimmer in the current landscape, 
some say the situation Muslim residents face today is unique.

“Back then the FBI mostly targeted political activity,” Whitehorn tells 
/Rewire./ “Now they seem more interested in building a fake narrative 
that citizens of the United States are at risk of, or endangered by, 
Muslims—even those without political leanings.”

She points to politicians like Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican 
presidential nominee, whose inflammatory rhetoric—including his call for 
a ban on Muslims entering the United States 
<https://rewire.news/article/2015/12/08/trump-seeks-keep-muslims-entering-country/>—appears 
to have fanned Islamophobic sentiment. Since the 2016 presidential 
election campaigns began, there has been a documented uptick 
<http://bridge.georgetown.edu/when-islamophobia-turns-violent-the-2016-u-s-presidential-elections/> 
in anti-Muslim violence, from 154 reported incidents between January and 
December of 2014, to 174 by the end of 2015.

But while families and advocates are alarmed by right-wing rhetoric, 
they are quick to highlight prevailing policies that have, over the past 
15 years, pitched hundreds of families and whole communities into fear 
and despair.

“If Trump becomes the definition of what Islamophobia looks like, more 
‘polite’ or legalized forms of injustice might be made more acceptable 
in the process ” Jeanne Theoharis, a political science professor at 
Brooklyn College and co-founder of the NSJ movement, tells /Rewire, 
/pointing to controversial counterterrorism 
<http://www.projectsalam.org/Inventing-Terrorists-study.pdf> tactics 
that have unfolded, unchecked, under the Obama administration.

“I am heartened by the rising movements pushing back against Trump and 
Islamophobia but I worry about the ways in which our attention to 
Republican candidates’ extremism gives a pass to what has already 
happened, and continues to happen, to many Muslim families in this 
country,” she says.

In the last two years alone, which saw the November 2015 Paris attacks 
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34818994> and the December 2015 
shootings in San Bernardino 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/03/us/san-bernardino-shooting.html>, 
California, 85 individuals in the United States have been arrested on 
charges relating to involvement with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria 
(ISIS), according to an April 2016 report 
<https://cchs.gwu.edu/sites/cchs.gwu.edu/files/downloads/April%20Report%20Update.pdf> 
by George Washington University’s Program on Extremism. The average age 
of those arrested is 26, and 54 percent of the cases involved an 
informant or undercover agent.

So the national security apparatus grinds on. The only thing standing 
between it and scores of Muslim American families under surveillance is 
this small women-led movement that has taken on the impossible challenge 
of fighting extreme religious intolerance with interfaith unity.

As Alicia McWilliams says to /Rewire: /“We’re making some progress but 
we gotta do more. People need to start showing up for us, speaking out 
for us. My Muslim sisters and I, we’re fighting—but we can’t do this alone.”

-- 
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863.9977 www.freedomarchives.org
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