[Ppnews] SF police arrest African Americans at a much higher rate than other biggest cities.
Political Prisoner News
ppnews at freedomarchives.org
Mon Dec 18 08:52:52 EST 2006
HIGH BLACK ARREST RATE RAISES CALL FOR INQUIRY
Range of explanations offered by experts,
officials for S.F.'s disparity with other cities
- <mailto:ssward at sfchronicle.com>Susan Sward, Chronicle Staff Writer
Sunday, December 17, 2006
San Francisco police arrest African Americans for
serious crime at a much higher rate than officers
in California's other biggest cities.
Black people in San Francisco are arrested for
felonies at nearly twice the rate they are in
Sacramento. They are arrested at twice the rate
of black people in Fresno, three times the rate
in San Jose, Los Angeles, Long Beach and San
Diego, and four times the rate in Oakland.
The disparity between San Francisco's black
felony arrest rates and the seven other largest
cities' -- measured by the number of African
Americans arrested per 1,000 black residents --
is so large that many experts and civic leaders
who reviewed the numbers said they are
"disturbing" and require an investigation.
The numbers prompt several questions, all of
which basically boil down to this: Is the high
arrest rate of African Americans because of the
way the San Francisco Police Department does its
policing, or because of criminal activity within the community?
Mayor Gavin Newsom and Police Chief Heather Fong
said they do not think the department is going
after African Americans in an unfair manner. They
also said they were consulting experts to try to
learn why the arrest numbers look the way they do.
Newsom said he found the numbers "outrageous''
but was not shocked by them because of the time
he has spent attempting to tackle the root causes of poverty.
"There is no question in my mind that this
deserves immediate attention and investigation,
and I will be doing that,'' Newsom said. He said
the investigation would be conducted by a
University of South Florida criminologist, Lorie
Fridell, who will "do aggressive data analysis''
of the arrest numbers and report back to him and Fong in about two months.
While Fong said the arrest numbers merit review,
she suggested that the disparity exists in part
because the perception that sometimes San
Francisco is "soft on crime'' may draw criminals
from out of the city who feel they can come here
and "not be held accountable.''
Fong's staff said they hand-counted arrests made
by the Tenderloin Task Force last year and found
that more than 60 percent of the African
Americans arrested were listed on booking cards
as "no local" -- a term often applied to
transients -- or gave addresses outside San
Francisco. The department does not have similar
data for other districts besides the Tenderloin,
which police looked at because they believe many
nonresidents are involved in drug dealing and other crimes there.
San Francisco officers arrest criminal suspects
as they find them, not based on the color of their skin, Fong said.
"I don't think just by looking at the numbers,
you can prove or disprove that there is any
targeting,'' she said, adding that factors such
as repeat offenders and out-of-town criminals influence the numbers.
Others who reviewed the numbers for The Chronicle found them startling.
"What is significant about these numbers is that
they beg serious attention,'' said San Francisco
District Attorney Kamala Harris. "These numbers
are clearly based on a legitimate collection of
data and are not based on emotional cries.''
Merrick Bobb, a nationally recognized expert in
police practices, said the city must look harder to explain the numbers.
"The strongly disparate impact of San Francisco
policing on African Americans begs for a
convincing set of reasons based solidly on
empirical fact,'' said Bobb, who heads a
nonprofit organization in Los Angeles that advises departments nationwide.
"The SFPD, to date, has not persuasively
explained what legitimate factors cause San
Francisco to have felony arrest patterns so
different'' from the state's other biggest cities, Bobb said.
Sheriff Michael Hennessey, who runs the city's
jails and has tracked their racial composition
for years, said his lockup population reflects
the black arrest rate. "The disparity is just
incredibly dramatic,'' he said. "If you are an
adult white male, your chances of being in my
jail are 1 in 365, and if you are an adult black
male, your chances are 1 in 23.''
The Chronicle began examining the city's black
felony arrest rate after its investigation of the
department's use of force, published in February,
found officers were arresting African Americans
and reporting use of force on them at rates about
five times greater than their presence in the city's population.
San Francisco police cited several factors they
say contribute to African Americans accounting
for about half of all felony arrests in the city,
where they are less than 8 percent of the
population. In 2005, 1 out of 3 arrests of black people involved narcotics.
Officers interviewed by The Chronicle said most
of the dealers coming from out of town by BART or
car to sell drugs -- primarily crack cocaine and
sometimes methamphetamine -- are African
Americans. Moreover, said Capt. Timothy Hettrich,
head of the narcotics division, black drug
dealers often sell out in the open on street
corners, thus increasing their chances for arrest.
Fong also has said that some of the offenders are
arrested time and again, thereby increasing the black arrest numbers.
Also, she said, the department has had to devote
a lot of resources to combatting gangs of youths
responsible for many of the city's black-on-black
homicides. William Whitfield, an African American
officer who has worked in the department for more
than a decade, said factors such as out-of-town criminals do affect arrests.
"I've seen that with my own eyes -- I got a guy
once with an automatic weapon around his neck on
a shoestring coming off of BART,'' Whitfield
said. "He had the weapon under his jacket, and I
was buying dope undercover. I saw him walk up
from BART, and when they moved in and arrested
him and the crew he was working with, they found
the weapon. He was an Oakland guy.''
Whitfield said many black criminals today quickly
resort to violence and this occurs at a younger
and younger age. People are "selling dope in the
Sunset, don't get me wrong, but they aren't
shooting each other over it, and they are out in
the Bayview and the Fillmore. It's not all about
dope and gangs, either, because you've got that
everywhere. Sometimes a shooting is a personal
beef, sometimes it's jealousy, sometimes it's as
simple as, 'You were looking at my girlfriend.' ''
Many experts acknowledge that the factors Fong
and her officers cite may contribute to the
city's black arrest rate. They also note that in
cities throughout America, African Americans are
arrested in numbers that exceed their presence in the population.
But they say the black arrest rate in San
Francisco is so much higher than other California
cities that the disparity cannot be explained
completely by the factors cited by police.
"America's criminal justice system
disproportionately affects African Americans, and
San Francisco is no exception,'' said Bobb, the
police practices expert. "What stands out in this
city is the degree of disproportion, which is
higher than what I've seen elsewhere on the West Coast.''
Joseph Marshall, a member of the San Francisco
Police Commission and co-founder of the Omega
Boys Club who has worked with at-risk youth for
decades, said he knows the Police Department has
made a concerted effort to combat black gang
violence "to reduce the homicides, and those numbers are down.''
But he added: "These numbers on arrest rates are
disturbing and scream for an explanation. Is
there something going on within the SFPD that
makes the numbers so different?''
James Bell, executive director of the San
Francisco-based W. Haywood Burns Institute for
Juvenile Justice Fairness and Equity, has been
wrestling for years with Marshall's question.
About 60 percent of juveniles detained in the city are black.
"If you are an intelligent, caring person in San
Francisco, you should be disquieted that in a
supposedly liberal city, black youths are so much
in the overwhelming majority among the
detainees,'' Bell said. "The numbers are just too
disparate for anyone to credibly advance the
'you-do-the-crime, you-do-the-time' syndrome as
an explanation. To believe these numbers, you'd
have to believe that white kids in places like
the Haight and the Sunset are basically doing no crime.''
Hettrich, who heads the narcotics division, says
numbers don't convey what police confront.
"The real story is we go after the drugs, and we
go where we have had complaints,'' Hettrich said
in a ride-along interview where he pointed out
drug dealing hot spots around the city and the
high numbers of African Americans and Latinos
making sales. "Those arrest numbers may indicate
we are doing a good job in areas where we have had complaints.
"Color means nothing to us,'' Hettrich said. "We
are prejudiced against dealers."
David Dockery, an African American officer who
walks a beat in the predominantly black Hunters
Point housing projects, said most citizens "want
more of us out there. If I could stand in front
of their houses all day long, that's what they'd like.''
Dockery and his African American partner, Officer
Mike Robinson, said the department's crime
chasing is "color blind.'' They also said what
many officers believe -- that criminals are drawn
to San Francisco because they feel that if
caught, their punishment in the courts will be
lighter than it would be in surrounding counties.
"We know a guy with four cases pending,''
Robinson said. "Where does this stop?''
Answers, not speculation
San Francisco's high black arrest rate is not of
recent origin: 20 years ago, San Francisco was
making black felony arrests at a rate much higher
than California's seven other largest cities,
state Justice Department reports show. In 1986,
for example, San Francisco's black felony arrest
rate was almost 45 percent greater than Los
Angeles' and almost 51 percent higher than Oakland's.
In the decades since then, San Francisco's black
felony arrest rate has climbed by more than 35
percent while the other seven major California
cities' rates have dropped -- often by a
considerable amount. During those 20 years, Los
Angeles' black felony arrest rate dropped by more
than 36 percent and Oakland's declined by more than 52 percent.
When evaluating why San Francisco's black arrest
numbers are so different from the other cities',
Bobb said speculation is not productive.
"It is not helpful, in the absence of thorough
research and hard evidence, for the SFPD merely
to speculate as to possible reasons, just as it
is unproductive for others to speculate that
there must be police antipathy to African Americans," Bobb said.
A second review was conducted at The Chronicle's
request by Samuel Walker, a criminal justice
professor emeritus from the University of
Nebraska, Omaha, who has consulted with the U.S.
Justice Department on matters ranging from police
use of force to questions of race-based civil
rights violations by police agencies.
Walker concluded that San Francisco police are
targeting black people in their law enforcement
efforts. To him, the numbers indicate that "many
law-abiding citizens" are confronted by officers
"solely because of their skin color."
"No other factor than race could possibly explain
the San Francisco arrest data given the fact that
they are so far out of line compared with other departments,'' Walker said.
Two figures in San Francisco's criminal justice
system expressed similar conclusions.
Public Defender Jeff Adachi said that he does not
believe the department has a
go-after-black-suspects plan, but he added that
by focusing on heavily black neighborhoods
plagued by crime and violence, police inevitably
drive black arrest numbers up and often use those
high numbers as proof they are in the right spots to catch the criminals.
"I believe that the San Francisco Police
Department has focused its efforts, in terms of
'crime crackdowns,' in those neighborhoods where
there is a high concentration of blacks -- the
Western Addition, Tenderloin, Visitacion Valley,
Potrero Hill, Ingleside Terrace and
Bayview-Hunters Point,'' he said. "This has long
been the trend since the crack cocaine epidemic,
when task forces were formed to focus buy-bust
operations in those neighborhoods.''
Sheriff Hennessey said the problem does not just lie with the police.
"I think this is a reflection of
institutionalized racism: You are more likely to
get arrested for the same act if you're black,
you are more likely to be retained in jail for
the same crime if you are black, and society is
more likely to care less about your incarceration
if you are black," Hennessey said.
Officers in the department said they go where the
crime and violence is happening.
Mikail Ali and Toney Chaplin, African American
inspectors in the gang task force, said police
concentrate their efforts on areas where violence is occurring.
"African American youth are shooting each other
at a rate far greater than other groups, so we
try to get those kids on some charge if we can't
get them on a homicide,'' Chaplin said. Ali
added: "Social neglect by the community,
government and business have caused environments
populated predominantly by black people to be
conducive to crime and violence, and law
enforcement ends up having to deal with the
bottom line -- young black kids killing one
another at a disproportionate rate.''
The community perception
Chief Fong says officers are taught to treat all
citizens equally. Police Academy recruits are
given 52 hours of training -- more than twice the
state requirement -- on discrimination and
cultural diversity as it relates to African
Americans, and other races and segments of
society, including gays and lesbians, seniors and the homeless.
But in San Francisco's black neighborhoods, many
believe police give them special attention.
At the Ella Hill Hutch Community Center -- a hub
of activity for African American youths living in
the Western Addition -- Executive Director George
Smith says he is blunt with young people about what he believes they face.
"I tell young kids that you shouldn't break the
law because this is a system so poised to arrest
young African American males,'' Smith said.
Guy Hudson, who works two jobs as a city
athletics coach and as a security guard, knows
many of the kids in black neighborhoods all over
town, and he said that many black people believe
they often can "talk things over'' with police in
San Francisco when that wouldn't work in Oakland, Santa Clara or Daly City.
Even so, Hudson says, it's a reality that police
focus on black people in San Francisco. He
recalls the time three officers stopped him in
Hunters Point after he "drove down a hill a
little fast'' and they emerged from their car "pointing guns at my head.''
Hudson, 42, said he asked them, "Out in the
avenues, would you be jumping out of your car with an automatic machinegun?''
The police eventually let him go. Before they
drove off, Hudson said, one of them told him that
someone recently had fired shots at an officer on
Harbor Road. Hudson said he responded: "That
gives you the right to pull pistols on everyone in the community?''
Police Commissioner Marshall, who is African
American, wrote a book, "Street Soldier," in
which he described the deep-seated antipathy
black people hold for police. "There's not a
black person I know who doesn't see the police as
an occupying force in the community. At the same
time, though, I'm convinced that if black folks
stopped blowing each other's brains out, they'd
be in a much better position to deal with police issues.''
However, there are African Americans who approve
of the way officers conduct themselves in their neighborhoods.
Al Harris, who lives in the Ingleside and works
as an organizer for the Safety Network group,
which is funded by the Mayor's Office of Criminal
Justice, says police often have to confront a
"pretty rough world -- you go into neighborhoods
and you're hated. In some neighborhoods, it's
instilled from when kids are little that the police are the enemy.''
"I think the police are doing a pretty good
job,'' Harris added. "I know officers who do all
kinds of good stuff for the kids, participating
in community events, giving toys at Christmas,
hundreds of turkeys at Thanksgiving.''
Asked about whether it appears that police are
targeting black people for arrest, Harris said:
"Definitely not. There's no need to target the
African American kids. They're the ones out on
the streets selling the drugs.''
The numbers revealing the high arrest rate of
black people in the city are not the first
statistical indication that African Americans get special police attention.
In 2002 the American Civil Liberties Union issued
a report, "A Department in Denial: The San
Francisco Police Department's Failure To Address
Racial Profiling,'' which found black motorists
were more than three times as likely to be
searched as whites after a traffic stop.
That year San Francisco police arrested black
people for felonies at the department's highest
rate in the years reviewed by The Chronicle --
171 for every 1,000 African Americans in the city's population.
The next year, the department adopted a new
general order establishing its commitment to
"unbiased policing'' and stating officers "must
be able to articulate specific facts and
circumstances that support reasonable suspicion
or probable cause'' for detaining, stopping,
arresting and searching citizens or seizing their property.
The black arrest rate began to drop. In 2003 it
was 150 per 1,000, in 2004 it was 146, and in
2005 it was 145. Even in that last year, though,
the rate was three times higher than Los Angeles,
San Jose, Long Beach and San Diego and four times higher than Oakland.
Search for explanation
Looking at the 2000 U.S. census to try to find
possible reasons for the arrest rate, The
Chronicle found some similarities and some
differences between San Francisco and the seven other cities.
Like black residents of those other cities, San
Francisco African Americans' median household
income lags considerably behind that of the
city's total population, and their level of
education is also typically years behind that of the total population.
Police Commissioner Marshall says answers that
might seem at least part of the explanation --
such as poverty, lack of education and the flight
of large numbers of middle-class black residents
from the city in recent decades -- end up
providing no real guidance, because those
patterns are found in other cities where the arrest rates are far lower.
In two ways, though, San Francisco does stand
out: During the 1990s, the city's African
American population declined faster than in any
other major U.S. city, dropping by 23 percent,
according to 2000 census figures.
The black percentage of population also dropped
in Oakland, San Jose, Los Angeles and San Diego.
In Fresno, Long Beach and Sacramento, it rose
somewhat. Today San Francisco, which is 7.8
percent African American, has the second smallest
proportion of black people among the state's
eight biggest cities. San Jose, with 3.5 percent,
has the smallest, and Oakland, with almost 36 percent, has the largest.
A second difference involved unemployment
numbers. While African Americans in all the
cities had high unemployment numbers, only in San
Francisco was their unemployment rate -- 6.2
percent -- more than double that of the rest of the population.
Need for investigation
Walker, the Nebraska criminal justice professor,
said San Francisco's high black arrest rate
should be investigated by the U.S. Justice
Department and the state attorney general's office.
Fong said she did not feel the need for a state
or U.S. Justice Department investigation of San
Francisco's black felony arrest rate. Instead,
she said she was consulting with outside experts
and plans a review of department policies to see if changes are warranted.
She added that the department's efforts to
analyze its arrest record are made difficult by
the fact its record keeping system is being
overhauled and she can't "go to a computer right
now and pull up arrest data with all this information you have spoken about.''
Newsom said while he is convinced there is no
"significant racial profiling in our
department,'' he cannot "in good conscience
defend the disparity'' between San Francisco and
other cities' black arrest rates. Referring to
the arrest numbers, he said, "On face value, they are outrageous.''
The mayor added that as he has worked to push
programs tackling concentrated poverty in the
city, such as a tax credit for working families,
he has concluded "the issues of crime for me are
overwhelmingly correlated with issues of poverty.''
Newsom added that Fridell, the University of
South Florida associate professor of criminology
selected by the city to review its arrest data,
was picked in part because she has special
expertise in the area of racial profiling.
One way or another, San Francisco has to discover
why it is arresting black citizens at a higher
rate than the other California cities, said Bobb,
the Los Angeles police practices expert.
What is at stake is the concept of equal treatment under the law, he said.
"The Supreme Court has held that the Constitution
prohibits selective enforcement of the law based
on considerations such as race,'' Bobb said.
"Courts across the country have ruled that using
impermissible racial classifications in
determining whom to stop, detain and search
violates the equal protection clause.''
Walker, the law enforcement expert who has
consulted for the Justice Department, says the
San Francisco Police Department "should be
looking at its own operation to see if there's
anything it could be doing differently.''
The equal protection under law guarantee of the
14th Amendment is "the bedrock of all civil
rights laws in the United States and a
fundamental principle upon which our country is based,'' he said.
Jack Jacqua, who founded the Omega Boys Club with
Marshall, said the policing of black people in
San Francisco is a problem for the city and its leaders.
While he acknowledged that police have "the most
dangerous, difficult job in America,'' he said
they "most times treat poor kids from the hood
differently than they do more affluent kids.''
Jacqua, who has devoted his life to working with
at-risk youths, added that many black youths come
from "a population where there is virtually no
middle class because the middle class people
can't afford to live here, and many of these
youngsters end up in the criminal justice system.''
It works this way, Jacqua said: If a kid
shoplifts in the Sunset District, police are
probably going to call Mom and Dad and have them
take their child home. "But if you shoplift
downtown and your address is in the Bayview, then
they will take you to jail.''
As for the black community, he said much of it
"is a mess -- it's destroying itself. Not enough
people are involved in standing up and
challenging these youngsters to take
responsibility for their lives. Where is the leadership?''
And what of the city's liberal political
establishment that has reigned for many years?
"The bottom line," said Jacqua, "is that poor
blacks are in the way of what this city wants to
be, though the city won't admit it because 'we're
liberal and believe in diversity.' But the city
really doesn't want poor folks and especially poor black folks.''
VOICES: From double standards to police strategy
to social factors, there's no tidy explanation
Heather Fong, San Francisco police chief: "I
support the crime-fighting efforts of the
officers of this department, who day after day,
under challenging and perilous circumstances,
work tirelessly to protect the people of San
Francisco, and do so in an impartial manner."
Victoria Gray, social worker for the nonprofit
Family Service Agency: "If you are out here
black, selling drugs and your pockets full of
drugs and you get busted and holler 'Racism!' --
that's not racism. ... Of course there's racism.
This is America. But everything isn't linked to
racism. ... You have to understand all our men
want is a piece of the American pie, the American
dream. I don't blame them for wanting some of the
pie, but I blame them for how they go about it."
Damone Hale, member of the San Francisco Juvenile
Probation Commission and an attorney who has
represented many young African Americans: "You
see officers whose talk is rude and
disrespectful, and time and again the only
distinguishing factors we could find is that the
defendant is African American. It's consistent
and this treatment is permitted by our society."
Arlene Ackerman, former San Francisco school
superintendent now teaching at Columbia
University's Teachers College in New York City:
"I believe that race in San Francisco is the
elephant in the room and people refuse to talk
about it and if you bring it up, then you are the
racist. I felt more uncomfortable as a black
person in San Francisco than I have felt in any
other city. ... Someone has to be courageous and
step up and address the issue of race in the
city, starting in the education system and moving
through the criminal justice system.''
Delores Jones-Brown, a former prosecutor who is
interim director of the Center on Race, Crime and
Justice at the City University of New York's John
Jay College of Criminal Justice: "Typically when
we see disproportionate arrest rates for African
Americans or other minorities, it is because the
police have focused their forces or hot-spot
policing on areas with large minority
populations. What is the harm of targeting?
Innocent people who are unfortunate enough to
live in economically depressed neighborhoods
aren't given the same measure of constitutional
rights as their more affluent counterparts: They
are stopped and frisked, have their cars and
persons searched even without permission --
simply by virtue of where they live. It's unacceptable."
William Whitfield, officer who joined the San
Francisco Police Department in 1994: "If I had to
put my finger on one thing, it's the homes. I
look at the kids on the corners, and 9 times out
of 10 there's no dad and maybe 7 times out of 10
there's no mom in their lives and they are being
raised by an aunt or grandma. Kids aren't being
raised as I was -- there's just not that
accountability in the homes. If they had someone
at home they knew they had to answer to, that would stop a whole lot of it.''
Tim Nichols, ex-San Francisco police officer, on
the high black arrest rate: "It comes from the
fact the majority of officers who want to take on
criminals are in the Bayview and the Fillmore,
which are heavily black. I don't believe it's
racism. ... Officers have to pick and choose the
severity of the crime they want to spend their
time on, and officers who make a lot of arrests
generally go after hard-core criminals." He also
said black drug dealers are particularly visible:
"How often do you see a group of whites standing
on the street corner selling narcotics? Generally
whites don't sell on the corner."
Sharen Hewitt, director of the Community
Leadership Academy and Emergency Response
project, which helps connect low-income clients
with services, said when she has watched what
happens on a Friday night on Union Street where
the crowds are predominantly white, she finds
"kids tearing up, fighting, smoking marijuana,
drinking in the streets, guys being abusive to
women, young men publicly urinating, and I don't
see a whole lot of them being arrested. Some of
these behaviors are developmentally appropriate,
but I don't think African American young men get the luxury of having errors."
Chronicle librarian Kathleen Rhodes contributed
to this report. E-mail Susan Sward at
<mailto:ssward at sfchronicle.com>ssward at sfchronicle.com.
African American arrests in California's largest cities
African Americans are involved in a disproportionately high number of arrests
in all of California's largest cities, compared with their population, but the
disparity is greatest in San Francisco.
Overall Black arrest
Black Black arrests arrest rate rate (arrests
pct. of Total Pct. of arrests per per 1,000
Year population arrests Number total 1,000 pop.) black pop.)
2005 7.8% 17,495 8,803 50.3% 23
2004 7.8 17,696 8,854 50.0 23 146
2003 7.8 18,780 9,056 48.2 24 150
2002 7.8 20,660 10,322 50.0 27 171
1986 12.7 18,544 9,246 49.9 27 107
2005 35.7 6,210 4,867 78.4 16 34
2004 35.7 7,172 5,548 77.4 18 39
2003 35.7 7,640 6,087 79.7 19 43
2002 35.7 9,043 7,178 79.4 23 50
1986 47.0 13,363 11,325 84.7 39 71
2005 3.5 11,813 1,253 10.6 13 40
2004 3.5 10,674 1,246 11.7 12 40
2003 3.5 11,548 1,303 11.3 13 42
2002 3.5 11,533 1,343 11.6 13 43
1986 4.6 9,880 1,489 15.1 16 52
2005 15.5 11,978 5,119 42.7 29 81
2004 15.5 11,475 4,784 41.7 28 76
2003 15.5 9,535 3,916 41.1 23 62
2002 15.5 8,695 3,747 43.1 21 60
1986 13.4 7,800 3,421 43.9 28 93
2005 8.4 11,080 2,443 22.0 26 68
2004 8.4 10,528 2,386 22.7 25 67
2003 8.4 9,744 2,103 21.6 23 59
2002 8.4 9,418 2,054 21.8 22 57
1986 9.8 6,350 1,591 25.1 29 75
2005 11.2 51,898 19,450 37.5 14 47
2004 11.2 51,696 19,147 37.0 14 46
2003 11.2 48,491 17,980 37.1 13 43
2002 11.2 43,991 15,894 36.1 12 38
1986 17.0 79,099 37,335 47.2 27 74
2005 14.9 8,923 3,435 38.5 19 50
2004 14.9 8,827 3,467 39.3 19 51
2003 14.9 8,766 3,430 39.1 19 50
2002 14.9 7,766 3,099 39.9 17 45
1986 11.2 8,591 2,421 28.2 24 60
2005 7.9 17,586 4,749 27.0 14 49
2004 7.9 17,864 4,879 27.3 15 51
2003 7.9 17,163 4,547 26.5 14 47
2002 7.9 15,673 4,311 27.5 13 45
1986 8.9 16,959 5,833 34.4 19 75
Sources: State Department of Justice; U.S. Census 1980 and 2000 (Note:
Decennial census data were used rather than yearly surveys because they are
more comprehensive.) Census data compiled and
researched by Chronicle librarian
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