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<div class="gmail-domain-border"></div><h1 class="gmail-reader-title">As Trump Talks Peace, Israel Decides Where to Attack Next \u2013 Analysis</h1>December 21, 2025</div>
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<img src="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Iran_IUSISrael_PC.png" alt="" title="Iran_IUSISrael_PC" class="gmail-moz-reader-block-img" width="408" height="274" style="margin-right: 25px;">
Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei,
US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu. (Design: Palestine Chronicle)
<p><strong>By <a href="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/writers/robert-inlakesh" title="Display all articles for Robert Inlakesh">Robert Inlakesh</a></strong></p>
<blockquote>
<h3><span>Israel\u2019s leadership is using a manufactured \u201cceasefire\u201d and
US-backed diplomatic cover to prepare for expanded wars against Iran,
Gaza, and Lebanon, risking a regional conflict it may not be able to
control.</span></h3>
</blockquote>
<p>Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is sizing up his next
target and, according to reports, will request greenlights upon his
planned visit to Mar-a-Lago later this month. Meanwhile, US President
Donald Trump continues to claim that he has achieved \u201cpeace in the
Middle East.\u201d</p>
<p>Far from any kind of comprehensive peace deal, the Trump
administration has managed to not only set up the entire region for
catastrophe. This has been done through giving Israel a free hand, as
well as securing a decisive victory over international law at the United
Nations.</p>
<p>NBC News, citing anonymous US officials, has released a report
claiming that Israel is growing increasingly worried about Iran\u2019s rapid
development in the sphere of ballistic missile production and alleged
reconstruction of nuclear facilities, struck this June by both the US
and Israeli air forces. Given Tel Aviv\u2019s anxiety, Netanyahu is said to
be seeking Washington\u2019s support in a new offensive campaign against the
Islamic Republic.</p>
<p>Although it has long been hinted that a new round, acting as a
continuation of the 12-Day War earlier this year, is only a matter of
when and not if, a new assault on Iran is not the only point of concern
in the region.</p>
<p>An aggressive propaganda campaign has been launched domestically by
the Israeli Hebrew media over the past months, working to convince the
population that a brief war of aggression is required in order to combat
any potential threats from Lebanese Hezbollah.</p>
<p>This warmongering propaganda has proven successful, as polling data
collected by the Israeli Institute for National Security Studies (INSS)
for the month of November suggests the following:</p>
<blockquote><p>\u201c\u2026Most respondents believe the situation in the north
requires a return to fighting. When asked whether the current security
situation in the north provides sufficient security for residents or
requires renewed fighting, only 34% of the public said it provides
security. Another 41.5% favor resuming limited fighting, while 10.5%
support a return to intensive fighting, including ground maneuvers.
Overall, a majority (52%) believes fighting should be renewed, although
most prefer limited fighting rather than a broad campaign.\u201d</p></blockquote>
<p>According to this same data, roughly 74% of respondents said Iran is a
cause of concern, 65% agreed that Gaza is, and 64% said the same of
Lebanon. Overall, the situation in the West Bank ranked number one;
however, 77% said they were worried about the issue. This is a
reflection of a greater trend among Israelis, that they feel the
security situation is dire.</p>
<p>The occupied West Bank aside, which is a much easier fix for the
Israeli military to manage and is also of increasing concern due to the
settler issue in general, it is clear that the three primary targets for
further war are Iran, Gaza, and Lebanon. Israeli Finance Minister
Bezalel Smotrich also recently commented that the military may have to
launch campaigns against the Gaza Strip and Lebanon prior to next year\u2019s
election.</p>
<h4><strong>The \u2018Ceasefire\u2019 and the Death of International Law</strong></h4>
<p>With the glorified pause currently in place in the Gaza Strip, which
has resulted in a slower pace in Israeli operations and a lower daily
civilian death toll, the Israeli leadership has been granted a period to
design brand new attack plans and devise various strategies with the
intent of attaining \u201ctotal victory.\u201d</p>
<p>The \u201cceasefire\u201d in the Gaza Strip is only a ceasefire for the
Palestinian resistance groups, as the Israelis have not stopped their
offensive operations for a single day, only limiting their pace. Phase
One of the ceasefire has essentially been completed, adding the caveat
that the Israelis do not adhere to it properly.</p>
<p>Following October 8, when the ceasefire deal was announced, I had
argued at the time that what would likely occur was a pause that would
get stuck somewhere between Phase One and Phase Two. During this time,
the Israelis have had the opportunity to repair military vehicles,
devise new plots, and attempt to use the international involvement in
the spectacle to achieve outcomes that proved impossible through their
all-out genocidal campaign.</p>
<p>On November 17, 2025, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
voted through the most disgraceful resolution in its history, undoing
decades of work by the various organs of the UN and unraveling progress
on international law. UNSC Res 2803 represented the day the United
Nations died.</p>
<p>This vaguely worded resolution eliminated any pledge for Palestinian
statehood, eliminated all past resolutions on the Palestine\u2013Israel
issue, and erased the Geneva Conventions. With the exceptions of Russia
and China, which appeared to be the only independent nations in the
UNSC, all of the other states went along with the colonialist plan for
Gaza. This included the anti-democratic \u201cPalestinian\u201d Authority.</p>
<p>Resolution 2803 authorized Donald Trump to become the de facto
dictator of Gaza, under the Orwellian-named \u201cBoard of Peace,\u201d while a
multinational invasion force, the \u201cInternational Stabilization Force\u201d
(ISF), was authorized to commit a regime-change operation. This was an
open reward for Israel\u2019s genocide and the whole \u201cceasefire\u201d process has
now resulted in US boots on the ground in southern occupied Palestine,
as the American armed forces construct a military base and run the
so-called \u201cCivil-Military Coordination Center\u201d (CMCC).</p>
<p>Be that as it may, the ISF that the Trump administration envisages
being launched sometime next month appears to be falling apart before it
is even born. There is no way this version of Phase Two can work.
Another issue is that this is the only version of Phase Two that the
Israelis will accept.</p>
<p>In other words, expect the so-called ceasefire to drag on until the
Israelis find it untenable and decide that the time has come for them to
accelerate their genocide once again. This could take many months, but
it appears to be the most probable outcome nonetheless.</p>
<h4><strong>War Scenarios: Iran, Lebanon, or Both</strong></h4>
<p>However, collapsing the ceasefire would be dangerous if it were done
prior to completing Israel\u2019s set tasks on the other fronts. Syria could
flare up at any moment, but it is not a significant military threat. It
is likely that some armed groups could root themselves in southern
Syria, at least temporarily, but will not receive the backing of the
administration in Damascus that remains on a knife-edge as it is. An
ISIS insurgency in Syria could additionally be on the cards, providing
an opportunity to the Israelis, more than posing a threat.</p>
<p>So then we have Iran and Hezbollah, the two real threats to Israel.
If they are both fought independently of one another, the Israelis have
proven themselves capable of fighting them to a stalemate. Yet, if both
Hezbollah and Iran are fighting as a unified force in a coordinated
effort, the Israelis could be in for some major trouble. Israel is
clearly the aggressor and is constantly provoking both, but this does
not negate the fact that there is a real threat there.</p>
<p>Understanding this, the Israelis have three options: attack Lebanon
first, attack Iran first, or launch an offensive with US backing against
both.</p>
<p>Perhaps the most obvious strategy would be to launch an attack on
Lebanon first. The upside of such a strategy would be to try and weaken
Hezbollah militarily and politically again, with the goal being to take
them out of a future confrontation with Iran, robbing Tehran of a ground
force with which to attack the Israelis.</p>
<p>The downsides of this strategy are numerous. To begin with, the
Israelis do not want to get dragged deep into Lebanese territory and
bogged down in a costly war that could last many months. It would grind
down their forces and leave them vulnerable. All Hezbollah has to do to
ensure the war continues is to ignore calls for a ceasefire and continue
firing at a steady pace toward targets in Haifa and Tel Aviv, which
will make it hard for the Israeli army to withdraw and force them to
keep expending soldiers and resources on the ground.</p>
<p>Israel\u2019s best bet in the event of war on Lebanon is to carry out more
high-profile assassinations, but only one will really make a
difference: the murder of Hezbollah\u2019s Secretary General, Sheikh Naim
Qassem. This would indeed deal a significant blow to Hezbollah. Yet, if
they fail, the absence of this tactical victory will put Tel Aviv in a
tough position. It is clear that unless they have another pager-style
attack up their sleeves, they cannot achieve much else beyond
assassinations and hitting some military sites; neither will result in
the total defeat of their enemies.</p>
<p>Even worse, if they try and fail with their assassination strategy,
only to begin suffering unexpected blows, Hezbollah will quickly revive
its image and place itself in a much stronger position politically in
Lebanon. The only potential contingency that Israel has is to weaponize
Salafist militant groups and use them to cause instability, similar to
how they are currently causing chaos across Syria, even with the
president being a former ISIS and al-Qaeda leader.</p>
<p>To attack Iran first, the idea would be to go after significant
figures in the opening round, perhaps achieving the assassination of
Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, then striking critical infrastructure and
attempting to use collaborator proxies to stir civil unrest across the
nation. This could, of course, backfire massively, even triggering
groups like Hezbollah and the Iraqi PMU to get involved.</p>
<p>Attacking both at the same time is a different game altogether. It
guarantees an enormous war, but the potential upside is reaching a
quicker stalemate as the situation deteriorates. If the Israelis can
receive US backing throughout, then perhaps the thinking is to land
significant blows to Iranian infrastructure that will weaken the
government in the long run, while also committing mass-scale destruction
across Lebanon.</p>
<p>Under such a scenario, the US role is vital because the Israelis will
require American help to land any serious blows on Iran, especially as
their attacks on Lebanon would involve bombing campaigns comparable to
what was done in Gaza. Israel\u2019s style of warfare has always been to
start its attacks with major blows through assassinations, then adjust
the scale of its bombing according to the responses it receives. There
could therefore be a feeling-out process in such a war.</p>
<p>The potential downsides to this strategy are tremendous. If Iran
truly is seeking to deal much larger blows in any upcoming conflict,
Israel may suffer major hits to its critical infrastructure. Also,
within the first weeks of any conflict with Tehran, air defense
munitions will begin running out. That means that if the war lasts a
month, both Iran and Hezbollah will be able to saturate Israel with
drones around the clock that they will not be able to stop.</p>
<p>Should Ansarallah in Yemen and the PMU in Iraq play support roles,
they will also enjoy much greater success than they previously did with
their own drone and missile attacks. If Hezbollah also decides to go on
the offensive, Israeli ground forces may suffer enormous casualties
among their ranks, the likes of which cannot be covered up.</p>
<p>A best-case scenario for Israel in a war with both Lebanon and Iran
is to make it short, using US leverage to broker a ceasefire within the
first few weeks. If that fails, it is difficult to imagine Israel faring
well. Victory will hinge upon successful assassinations and large hits
to civilian infrastructure, scoring blows designed to do long-term
damage.</p>
<p>Realistically, Iran and Hezbollah\u2014assuming they possess the
capabilities and survive the initial blows\u2014will seek to drag the war out
for as long as possible. If they can remain in the fight for months,
refusing calls for a ceasefire, they can dictate the future terms of any
agreement after bringing Israel to its knees. Evidently, this is easier
said than done and such a conflict could go in any direction.</p>
<p>It suffices to say that with Israel seeking these wars, it has truly
done this to itself. The desire is to achieve total victory, meaning
weakening its enemies to the degree that it becomes the undisputed power
in West Asia and is free to pursue its \u201cGreater Israel Project\u201d vision,
including broad Arab normalization deals in the process. Failure could
lead to total downfall.</p>
<p><em>(The Palestine Chronicle)</em></p>
<div>
<p><br></p>
<p><span><em>\u2013 Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary
filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He
contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle. </em></span></p></div>
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