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<h1 class="gmail-reader-title">What Do We Know About Breaking the Israeli Army's 'Dry Arm'? - Analysis</h1>January 11, 2025</div>
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The Palestinian Resistance has shattered the myth of Israeli military invincibility. (Design: Palestine Chronicle)
<p><strong>By <a href="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/writers/palestine-chronicle-staff" title="Display all articles for Palestine Chronicle Staff">Palestine Chronicle Staff</a></strong> </p>
<blockquote>
<h3><span>Mahdi Azouz writes in the Al-Jazeera Arabic website,
reflecting on the shifting dynamics of the war, noting how the
resistance has disrupted Israel’s once formidable military force and
shattered the myth of its invincibility.</span></h3>
<p><i><span>Editor’s Note: The phrase “الذراع اليابسة” has multiple
interpretations, and in this context, it can be translated as “Iron
Fist,” “Unyielding Arm,” “Barren Arm,” or “Dry Arm,” reflecting the
assumed strength and resilience attributed to the Israeli military.</span></i></p></blockquote>
<p><span>The tactics of Palestinian resistance have evolved after more
than a year of constant confrontation with the occupying forces. With
every new phase, the resistance diversifies its methods of attack. In
the last week of December, the intifada saw the rise of stabbing
attacks, breaches, and suicide bombings, along with the traditional
tactics that have accompanied the battle since the beginning of the
aggression.</span></p>
<p><span>The northern Gaza Strip, which the “generals’ plan” turned into
scorched earth, was transformed by the resistance into a
“snake-hunting” ground. The blessed land will not betray its people. Abu
Obeida briefly appeared to give the assessment of the battle, praising
the “inspiring heroism of the resistance fighters” for the entire free
world to witness and challenging the enemy to reveal its losses.</span></p>
<p><span>The occupation’s army is no longer able to decisively win
battles as it once did. The quick victories it once enjoyed have been
stripped of their conditions, leaving only their historical memory. The
resistance was born to deter “deterrence” and to defeat the “invincible”
army.</span></p>
<h4><strong>The “Dry Arm”</strong></h4>
<p><span>The term “Dry Arm” is a translation of the Hebrew phrase “Zroa
Yavishah,” which refers to the occupation’s army, symbolizing its
previous victorious encounters with Arab armies, which were often easily
broken.</span></p>
<p><span>From the Nakba of 1948 to the defeat of June 1967, the Israeli
army had been able to win its rapid wars. However, the resistance has
proven that the “Dry Arm” can be broken. This is one of the undeniable
facts of the ongoing struggle.</span></p>
<p><span>It is well-known that the Zionist project is a
“settler-colonial” project, founded through the ability to circumvent
international resolutions and maintain a state of militarization. It is
no coincidence that the establishment of the Israeli state coincided
with the declaration of the temporary government’s head, David Ben
Gurion, about the birth of the Israeli army on May 26, 1948. This
synchronization proved that the military was the backbone of the Zionist
project and that violence is an inherent and defining feature of the
newly created state.</span></p>
<p><span>Herzl described Zionism as a “colonial idea,” which is why the
Israeli army carries the characteristics of colonial armies in its
structure, ideology, and combat performance, implementing colonial
methods to subjugate peoples.</span></p>
<p><span>It is no surprise that the Israeli army was founded from the
ashes of the British Mandate in Palestine and from the smoke of the 1948
conflict between the Arabs and Zionist militias. When we add the
settler aspect of the Zionist project, we understand the nature of
militarization.</span></p>
<p><span>Settler societies, by their very nature, are militarized, as
“the settler myth can only be realized through the use of force.” In the
face of constant security concerns and perceived threats, the Israeli
state maintains a high state of readiness for deterrence, along with
continuous mobilization, adding to the militarization of both the state
and society. This has given birth to the concept of the “armed nation,”
as Israelis refer to themselves.</span></p>
<p><span>Thus, over more than seven decades, Israel has established one
of the world’s most professional and powerful militaries, ensuring the
existence of the state. During its conflicts with Arab armies, Israel
was the dominant force in initiating and ending battles.</span></p>
<h4><strong>Past Conflicts</strong></h4>
<p><span>The first rounds of the Arab-Zionist conflict came with the end
of the British Mandate in 1947. Zionist militias fought against the
weak Arab armies in a war the Zionists called the “War of Independence,”
though it was in fact the Nakba. Despite the harshness of the Nakba,
history remembers some Arab military figures with honor, such as the
martyr Abdul Qadir al-Husseini.</span></p>
<p><span>The Zionist militias defeated the regular Arab armies through
military operations and international conspiracies. The state of Israel
emerged as the price for these victories. Thus, 1948 became viewed as a
“sacred year,” the “foundational source” of the state. The militias
later evolved into the “Defense Forces.”</span></p>
<p><span>It was the first army in history to spring from killing and
destruction gangs. The ethics of the newly-formed army naturally
mirrored those of the defeated militias, and the “military conduct of
Israeli soldiers in the 1948 battlefield became a model for future
generations,” as Noam Chomsky noted. For Arabs, this war was a violent
shock that “upended many political and intellectual certainties,
replacing them with new ones.”</span></p>
<p><span>Barely had the Arabs begun to recover from the Nakba when the
June 1967 defeat struck, marking another painful chapter of accumulated
defeats. In a matter of days, Arabs suffered a crushing loss.</span></p>
<p><span>The Israeli “blitzkrieg” on June 5, 1967, knocked Egyptian air
forces out of action, as well as those on the Jordanian and Syrian
fronts. By the end of the war, the Israeli army had seized new
territories: Egypt lost Sinai and Gaza, Jordan lost the West Bank and
Jerusalem, and Syria lost the Golan Heights, thus deepening Israel’s
strategic position.</span></p>
<p><span>That tragic event dramatically shifted the Arab psyche,
embedding a constant sense of defeat. The Arab intelligence state
collapsed, along with its social democracy. The defeat became the
objective equivalent of a repressive Arab state and its humiliated
citizens. Through these easy victories, the Israeli army gained a
reputation as the “invincible army.”</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.palestinechronicle.com/a-palestinian-year-in-review-genocide-resistance-and-unanswered-questions/">https://www.palestinechronicle.com/a-palestinian-year-in-review-genocide-resistance-and-unanswered-questions/</a></p>
<h4><span><strong>Combat Doctrine</strong></span></h4>
<p><span>Despite the partial victory in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the
Israelis continued to control the battlefield initiative. The security
doctrine of the Israeli state was shaped by the two prior defeats,
focusing on “enhancing deterrence, strategic warning, and the speed of
decision-making.”</span></p>
<p><span>However, after the 2006 Lebanon War, Israeli revisions
acknowledged the end of conventional wars. Today, limited and
asymmetrical confrontations with non-state organizations (such as
Hezbollah and Hamas) have become the norm, reducing the significance of
wars between states.</span></p>
<p><span>Nevertheless, these defeats and disasters sparked a debate over
state and politics in the Arab world. Ideological clashes over freedom,
liberation, resistance, and recovery from defeat ensued, giving rise to
new approaches in managing the conflict.</span></p>
<h4><strong>Al-Aqsa Flood</strong></h4>
<p><span>Since the Second Intifada, the military confrontation has
shifted from state armies to non-state organizations, from conventional
wars to asymmetrical warfare.</span></p>
<p><span>Gaza, in particular, has witnessed numerous rounds of conflict.
From 2008 to 2023, several battles occurred, including “Operation Cast
Lead” in 2008, “Operation Pillar of Defense” in 2012, “Operation
Protective Edge” in 2014, and “Operation Guardian of the Walls” in 2021.
The most recent (Palestinian) operation, known as “The Flood,”
encapsulated this shift. Through this cumulative resistance, the spirit
of defiance continued to grow.</span></p>
<p><span>Despite the vast imbalance in power, the resistance managed to
combine military effectiveness, intelligence awareness, and
unprecedented knowledge of the enemy, making planning and execution
easier.</span></p>
<p><span>When the resistance initiated a surprise attack, it denied the
Israeli army the advantage of the first strike. The enemy was confronted
on land, sea, and air. The resistance killed, captured, displaced, and
seized territory, engaging in fierce battles across Gaza’s border
cities, leading to paralysis within the Israeli army. When Israel tried
to regain initiative, the resistance had already outpaced them.</span></p>
<p><span>The ground war was no less harsh on the Israelis. The Israeli
army entered the war in a state of moral collapse. Faced with
intelligence failure, it was unable to build successful military
operations and got bogged down in Gaza’s quicksand. When the two sides
met in battle, every Gaza city was like a state with its own army. Gaza
itself became a blazing land.</span></p>
<p><span>The resistance fighter appeared suddenly, and carried out
attacks with missiles, explosives, or mines, inflicting heavy losses on
the enemy before disappearing. In all this, the resistance deprived the
occupier of achieving its objectives.</span></p>
<p><span>When it came to objectives, the resistance was more realistic.
Netanyahu’s goals were lost as the war on Gaza proved “a war that cannot
be won.” Meanwhile, “The Flood” was able to discredit the occupation’s
narrative, end its political campaign of historical victimhood, and halt
the decline of the Arab world. Most importantly, it broke the “Dry
Arm.”</span></p>
<p><i><span>(The views expressed in the article do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Palestine Chronicle.)</span></i></p>
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