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valign="top"> <strong><span
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style="color:#ba2025"><span
style="font-family:lato,helvetica neue,helvetica,arial,sans-serif">Ten
Theses on the Far Right
of a Special Type: The
Thirty-Second Newsletter
(2024)</span></span></span></strong>
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<p
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Friends,</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Greetings
from the desk of <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=dbabab1a9f&e=d206d0a40d"
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moz-do-not-send="true">Tricontinental:
Institute for Social
Research</a>.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">There
has been widespread
consternation about how to
understand Donald Trump’s
emergence as a serious
candidate for US president
since 2016. Far from an
isolated phenomenon, Trump
rose to power alongside
other <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=8e4797422d&e=d206d0a40d"
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moz-do-not-send="true">strongmen</a>
such as Viktor Orbán (prime
minister of Hungary since
2010), Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
(president of Turkey since
2014), and Narendra Modi
(prime minister of India
since 2014). People like
this, who came to power and
cemented their rule through
liberal institutions, seem
to be impossible to
permanently remove through
the ballot box. It has
become clear that a
rightward shift is taking
place in liberal democratic
states, whose constitutions
emphasise multi-party
elections while allowing the
space for one-party rule to
be gradually established.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
concept of liberal democracy
was and is a highly
contested concept that
emerged from European and US
colonial powers in the 18<sup>th</sup>
and 19<sup>th</sup>
centuries. Its claims of
internal pluralism and
tolerance, the rule of law,
and the separation of
political powers came at the
same time as its colonial
conquests and its use of the
state to maintain class
power over its own
societies. Liberalism today
cannot be easily reconciled
with the fact that the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO) countries <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=62695bbcc4&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">account</a>
for 74.3% of world military
spending.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Countries
with constitutions that
emphasise multi-party
elections have increasingly
seen the gradual
establishment of what is
effectively one-party rule.
This one-party rule may at
times be masked by the
existence of two or even
three parties, concealing
the reality that the
difference between these
parties has become
increasingly negligible.</p>
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class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;">
<div id="attachment_109140"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img decoding="async"
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-109140"
class="size-full wp-image-109140 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Helios-Gomez-Spain-Viva-octubre-1935-e1723656161110.jpg"
alt=""
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="723" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-109140" class="wp-caption-text"
style="text-align: center;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;"><small>Helios
Gómez (Spain), <i>Viva
octubre</i> (Long
Live October), 1934.</small></p>
</div>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">It
has become apparent that a
new kind of right wing has
emerged not only through
elections but by exerting
dominance in the arenas of
culture, society, ideology,
and the economy, and that
this new kind of right wing
is not necessarily concerned
with overthrowing the norms
of liberal democracy. This
is what we <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=78b5bc801a&e=d206d0a40d"
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moz-do-not-send="true">called</a>
‘the intimate embrace
between liberalism and the
far right’, following the
writings of our late senior
fellow Aijaz Ahmad.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
formulation of this
‘intimate embrace’ allows us
to understand that there is
no necessary contradiction
between liberalism and the
far right and indeed that
liberalism is not a shield
against the far right, and
certainly not its antidote.
Four theoretical elements
are key to understanding
this ‘intimate embrace’ and
the rise of this far right
of a special type:</p>
<ol>
<li
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">Neoliberal
austerity policies in
countries with liberal
electoral institutions
vanquished the social
welfare schemes that had
allowed liberal
sensibilities to exist.
The state’s failure to
take care of the poor
turned into a harshness
toward them.</li>
<li
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">Without
a serious commitment to
social welfare and
redistributionist schemes,
liberalism itself drifted
into the world of
far-right policies. These
include increased spending
on the internal repressive
apparatus that polices
working-class
neighbourhoods and
international borders
alongside the increasingly
stingy distribution of
social goods, disbursed
only if the recipients
allow themselves to be
stripped of basic human
rights (such as by
‘agreeing’ to the <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=9c8c59e76c&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">obligatory</a>
use of birth control).</li>
<li
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">In
this terrain, the far
right of a special type
found that it became more
and more accepted as a
political force given the
turn by the parties of
liberalism to the policies
for which the far right
had advocated. In other
words, this tendency to
draw from far-right
policies allowed the far
right to become
mainstream.</li>
<li
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">Finally,
the political forces of
liberalism and the far
right unified across the
board to diminish the
left’s grasp on
institutions. The far
right and its liberal
counterparts have no
fundamental economic
differences regarding
class. In the imperialist
countries, there is a very
high confluence of
viewpoints on maintaining
US hegemony, hostility and
contempt for the Global
South, and increased
jingoism, as seen by the
full-throttled military
support for the genocide
Israel is conducting
against Palestinians.</li>
</ol>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;"><img decoding="async"
class="wp-image-53770 size-full aligncenter img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/2-The-Libertarian-e1723646853357.jpg"
alt=""
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/2-The-Libertarian-e1723646853357.jpg 630w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/2-The-Libertarian-e1723646853357-240x300.jpg 240w"
sizes="(max-width: 630px) 100vw, 630px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="630" border="0"></div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">After
the defeat of Italian,
German, and Japanese fascism
in 1945, commentators in the
West worried about the
incubation of the far right
in their societies. Most
Marxists, meanwhile,
recognised that the far
right had not emerged out of
nothing, but out of the <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=c2bdd9756c&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">contradictions</a>
of capitalism itself. The
collapse of the Third Reich
was only a phase in the
history of the far right and
the development of
capitalism: it would emerge
again, perhaps wearing
different clothes.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">In
1964, the Polish Marxist
Michał Kalecki wrote the
stimulating article ‘The
Fascism of Our Times’
(‘Faszyzm naszych czasów’).
In that essay, Kalecki said
that the new kinds of
fascistic groups that were
emerging at the time
appealed ‘to the reactionary
elements of the broad masses
of the population’ and were
‘subsidised by the most
reactionary groups of big
business’. However, Kalecki
wrote, ‘the ruling class as
a whole, even though it does
not cherish the idea of
fascist groups seizing
power, does not make any
effort to suppress them and
confines itself to
reprimands for
overzealousness’. This
attitude persists today: the
ruling class as a whole
fears not the rise of these
fascist groups, but only
their ‘excessive’ behaviour,
while the most reactionary
sections of big business
support these groups
financially.</p>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;">
<div id="attachment_109114"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async"
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-109114"
class="size-full wp-image-109114 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Mario-Schifano-Italy-No-1960-e1723647047278.jpg"
alt=""
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="950" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-109114" class="wp-caption-text"
style="text-align: center;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;"><small>Mario
Schifano (Italy), <em>No</em>,
1960.</small></p>
</div>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">A
decade and a half later,
when Ronald Reagan seemed to
be on the threshold of
becoming the president of
the United States, Bertram
Gross published <em>Friendly
Fascism: The New Face of
Power in America</em>
(1980), which drew liberally
from <em>The Power Elite</em>
(1956) by C. Wright Mills
and <em>Monopoly Capital:
An Essay on the American
Economic and Social Order</em>
(1966) by Paul A. Baran and
Paul M. Sweezy. Gross argued
that since large
monopolistic firms had
strangled democratic
institutions in the United
States, the far right did
not require jackboots and
swastikas: this orientation
would come through the very
institutions of liberal
democracy. Who needs tanks
when you have the banks to
do the dirty work?</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
warnings of Kalecki and
Gross remind us that the
intimacy between liberalism
and the far right is not a
new phenomenon but one that
emerges from deep within
liberalism’s capitalist
origins: liberalism was
never going to be anything
but the friendly face of
capitalism’s normal
brutality.</p>
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class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;">
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><img
loading="lazy"
decoding="async"
class="wp-image-53760 size-full img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/1-The-Interventionist-e1723647163728.jpg"
alt=""
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/1-The-Interventionist-e1723647163728.jpg 600w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/1-The-Interventionist-e1723647163728-225x300.jpg 225w"
sizes="(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="600" border="0"></p>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Liberals
are using the word ‘fascism’
to distance themselves from
the far right. This use of
the term is more moralistic
than precise since it denies
the intimacy between
liberals and the far right.
To that end, we have
formulated ten theses on
this far right of a special
type, which we hope will
provoke discussion and
debate. This is a
provisional statement, an
invitation to a dialogue.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
One</strong>. The far
right of a special type uses
democratic instruments as
much as possible. It
believes in the <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=e923f62f05&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">process</a>
known as the ‘long march
through the institutions’,
through which it patiently
builds political power and
staffs the permanent
institutions of liberal
democracy with its cadre,
who then push their views
into mainstream thought.
Educational institutions are
also key to the far right of
a special type since they
determine the syllabi for
students in their respective
countries. There is no need
for this far right of a
special type to set aside
these democratic
institutions as long as they
provide the path to power
not just over the state, but
over society.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Two. </strong>The far
right of a special type is
driving the attrition of the
state and transferring its
functions to the private
sector. In the United
States, for instance, its
proclivity for austerity is
helping gut the quantity and
quality of cadre in core
state functions, such as the
US Department of State. Many
of the functions of such
institutions, now
privatised, instead take
place under the auspices of
non-governmental
organisations led by newly
emergent billionaire
capitalists such as Charles
Koch, George Soros, Pierre
Omidyar, and Bill Gates.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Three</strong>. The far
right of a special type uses
the repressive apparatus of
the state as much as is
legally permissible to
silence its critics and
demobilise movements of
economic and political
opposition. Liberal
constitutions provide wide
latitude for this kind of
use, which liberal political
forces have taken advantage
of over time to quell any
resistance from the working
class, peasantry, and left.</p>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;">
<div id="attachment_109130"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async"
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-109130"
class="size-full wp-image-109130 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Maryan-Poland-Personnage-1963-e1723656057268.jpg"
alt=""
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="950" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-109130" class="wp-caption-text"
style="text-align: center;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;"><small>Maryan
(Poland),<i>
Personnage </i>(Character),
1963.</small></p>
</div>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Four</strong>. The far
right of a special type
incites a homeopathic dose
of violence in society by
the more fascistic elements
within its political
coalition to create fear,
but not enough fear to turn
people against it. Most
middle-class people the
world over seek convenience
and are disturbed by
inconvenience to themselves
(such as that produced by
riots, etc.). But, on
occasion, an arms-length
assassination of a labour
leader or an arms-length
threat made to a journalist
is not blamed on the far
right of a special type,
which often hastily denies
any direct association with
the fringe fascistic groups
(which are nonetheless
linked organically to the
far right).</p>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;"><img loading="lazy"
decoding="async"
class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-53810 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/6-The-Pacifier-e1723647309534.jpg"
alt=""
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/6-The-Pacifier-e1723647309534.jpg 600w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/6-The-Pacifier-e1723647309534-228x300.jpg 228w"
sizes="(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="600" border="0"></div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Five</strong>. The far
right of a special type
provides a partial answer to
the loneliness that is woven
into the fabric of advanced
capitalist society. This
loneliness stems from the
alienation of precarious
working conditions and long
hours, which corrode the
possibility of building a
vibrant community and social
life. This far right does
not build an actual
community, except when it
comes to its parasitic
relationship with religious
communities. Instead, it
develops the idea of
community, community through
the internet or community
through mass mobilisations
of individuals or community
through shared symbols and
gestures. The immense hunger
for community is apparently
solved by the far right,
while the essence of
loneliness melts into anger
rather than love.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Six</strong>. The far
right of a special type uses
its proximity to private
media conglomerates to
normalise its discourse and
its proximity to the owners
of social media to increase
the societal acceptance of
its ideas. This highly
agitational discourse
creates a frenzy, mobilising
sections of the population
either online or in the
streets to participate in
rallies where they
nonetheless remain
individuals rather than
members of a collective. The
feeling of loneliness
generated by capitalist
alienation is dulled for a
moment, but not overcome.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Seven</strong>. The far
right of a special type is a
tentacular organisation,
with its roots spread across
various sectors of society.
It operates wherever people
gather, whether in sports
clubs or charitable
organisations. It aims to
build a mass base in society
rooted in the majority
identity in a given place
(whether race, religion, or
a sense of national being)
by marginalising and
demonising any minority. In
many countries, this far
right relies upon religious
structures and networks to
ever-more deeply embed a
conservative view of society
and the family.</p>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;"><img loading="lazy"
decoding="async"
class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-53800 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/5-The-Techno-Feudal-Lord-e1723647369941.jpg"
alt=""
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/5-The-Techno-Feudal-Lord-e1723647369941.jpg 630w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/5-The-Techno-Feudal-Lord-e1723647369941-237x300.jpg 237w"
sizes="(max-width: 630px) 100vw, 630px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="630" border="0"></div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Eight</strong>. The far
right of a special type
attacks the institutions of
power that are the very
foundation of its
socio-political basis. It
creates the illusion of
being plebian rather than
patrician, when in fact it
is deep in the pockets of
the oligarchy. It creates
the illusion of the plebian
by developing a highly
masculine form of
hyper-nationalism, the
decadence of which drips out
in its ugly rhetoric. This
far right straddles the
testosterone power of this
hyper-nationalism while
playing up its portrayed
victimhood in the face of
power.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Nine</strong>. The far
right of a special type is
an international formation,
organised through various
platforms such as Steve
Bannon’s The Movement (based
in Brussels), the Vox
party’s <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=bcf12dd0df&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Madrid
Forum</a> (based in
Spain), and the anti-LGBTQ+
<a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=55c28c460c&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Fellowship
Foundation</a> (based in
Seattle, Washington). These
groups are rooted in a
political project in the
Atlantic world that enhances
the role of the right wing
in the Global South and
provides them with the funds
to deepen right-wing ideas
where they have little
fertile soil. They create
new ‘problems’ where they
did not exist at this scale
before, such as the fanfare
over <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=1551ef20b4&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">sexuality</a>
in eastern Africa. These new
‘problems’ weaken peoples’
movements and tighten the
right’s grip over society.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><strong>Thesis
Ten.</strong> Though the
far right of a special type
might present itself as a
global phenomenon, there are
differences between how it
manifests in the leading
imperialist countries versus
the Global South. In the
Global North, both liberals
and the far right vigorously
defend the privileges that
they have gained through
plunder over the past five
hundred years – through
their military and other
means – while in the Global
South the general tendency
amongst all political forces
is to establish sovereignty.</p>
<div
class="single-post--content--media-block single-post--content--image"
style="text-align:center; margin:3em 0;"><img loading="lazy"
decoding="async"
class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-89255 img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/D70_Images_EN_5-e1723655915819.jpg"
alt=""
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/D70_Images_EN_5-e1723655915819.jpg 441w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/D70_Images_EN_5-e1723655915819-183x300.jpg 183w"
sizes="(max-width: 441px) 100vw, 441px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="441" border="0"></div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
far right of a special type
is emerging in a period
defined by <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=ad0a588755&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">hyper-imperialism</a>
to mask the actuality of
hideous power and pretend
that it cares about the
isolated individuals that it
instead harms. It knows
human folly well and preys
on it.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Warmly,</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Vijay</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">P.S.
Unless otherwise noted, the
art in this newsletter comes
from the dossiers <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=4f88baa301&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true"><em>New
Clothes, Old Threads:
The Dangerous Right-Wing
Offensive in Latin
America</em></a> (2021)
and <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=a4b901e970&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true"><em>What
Can We Expect from the
New Progressive Wave in
Latin America?</em></a>
(2023).</p>
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