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<p><font size="1"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2023/12/31/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza/">https://www.counterpunch.org/2023/12/31/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza/</a></font><br>
</p>
<div class="moz-forward-container">December 31, 2023 - <span
class="post_author_intro">by</span> <span class="post_author"><a
href="https://www.counterpunch.org/author/bra3hevuna/"
rel="nofollow">Susie Day</a></span>
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<div style="text-align: center;"><br>
<strong>“SOLIDARITY WILL SAVE US – ALL OF US”:
NADIA BEN-YOUSSEF ON THE LEGAL FIGHT TO END
GENOCIDE IN GAZA <br>
</strong></div>
<div style="text-align: center;"><strong></strong><img
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-309170"
class="wp-image-309170 size-medium"
src="https://www.counterpunch.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Screenshot-2023-12-28-at-9.44.15 AM-680x441.png"
alt="" width="494" height="320"><br>
<font size="1">Source: ISM.</font></div>
<br>
Long before October 7 — from at least the 1948
Nakba to this past September, when Benjamin
Netanyahu showed the UN General Assembly a map
of “The New Middle East” cleansed of Palestine –
it’s been clear to large swaths of the world
that the state of Israel has explicitly targeted
Palestinians for genocide. Now, virtually <em>all
</em>of the world is convinced, seeing Israel’s
relentless massacre of growing thousands of
Gazan “human animals,” that genocide is indeed
happening. Preventing genocide – a covenant that
it should “never happen again” – is a
fundamental concept of international law. The
question is, <em>In the case of Palestine, does
genocide matter?</em><br>
<br>
At the Center for Constitutional Rights in New
York City, Advocacy Director Nadia Ben-Youssef,
with the rest of CCR’s staff, has been giving
her all to stopping the lethal flow of Israeli
power. Nadia fights, not just with a militant
determination, but also in a kind of quest for
humanitarian wisdom. <span dir="RTL">“</span>What’s
the best work we can do; our highest
contribution to this moment?” she asks. <span
dir="RTL">“</span>It feels clear that naming
the unfolding genocide matters. And, because
we’re in the United States, the key is focusing
on the U.S. role."<br>
<br type="_moz">
The result is <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992217-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/11/complaint_dci-pal-v-biden_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true"><em>Defense for
Children International-Palestine v. Biden</em></a>,
a lawsuit filed in U.S. federal court on
November 13, charging President Biden, Secretary
of State Anthony Blinken, and Defense Secretary
Lloyd Austin with failure to prevent and
complicity in the genocide of Palestinians in
Gaza. Plaintiffs named are two Palestinian human
rights organizations, <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992221-www.alhaq.org/?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Al-Haq</a> and <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992225-www.dci-palestine.org/?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Defense of Children
International-Palestine</a>; three individual
Palestinians in Gaza; and five Palestinians in
the U.S. with family in Gaza. Three days after
filing this suit, CCR followed up with a
preliminary <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992229-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/11/pi-20motion_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">injunction</a>,
demanding a ceasefire and an end to military and
financial aid to Israel. I talked with Nadia
about her work in all this.<br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef: </strong>I come from
a legacy of refugees and revolutionaries. My <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992233-thefunambulist.net/magazine/forest-struggles/listening-to-our-revolutionary-ghosts-resisting-anti-black-racism-and-comprador-colonialism-in-tunisia?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">grandfather</a> was a
freedom fighter in Tunisia in the anticolonial
struggle against France, and part of a global
movement against colonialism. In 1961, he was
assassinated by order of Habib Bourguiba,
Tunisia’s first president, and my family became
political refugees in Egypt. We remained there
until 1987, when Bourguiba was deposed by Ben
Ali.<br>
So my worldview has been defined by struggles
for justice and liberation from fascism, from
colonialism. This has been both a deep knowing
and a profound question of my life. I went to
law school, looking for a powerful tool to
confront injustice – and recognized early on
that the law is not a powerful tool; it’s a tool
of the powerful, used to preserve the status quo
of colonialism, capitalism, white supremacy, of
hetero-patriarchy. During law school I became
interested in the issue of Palestinian refugees,
seeing there was the Palestine exception – that
there’s a whole world of refugee law, nothing of
which applies to Palestine. I went to Palestine
in 2010, seeing it as a battleground for human
rights, and worked with Adalah - The Legal
Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel.<br>
<br>
I returned to the U.S. in the summer of 2014.
That summer – with the murder of Mike Brown in
Ferguson, the uprisings, and another military
assault on Gaza, “Operation Protective Edge” –
was a crucial shift of advocacy on Palestine. I
knew we needed to integrate Palestine into the
vibrant social movements that were emerging and
reinventing. In the United States, there were
cross-movement connections between marginalized
communities and Palestinians, the resurgence of
the Black and Palestinian solidarity struggle. I
got a kind of clarity at that point that
solidarity is what would save us, all of us.<br>
<br>
I started work at the Center for Constitutional
Rights in January 2019. Soon after, I was in DC,
with members of Palestinian civil society,
meeting the Squad, who’d just been elected,
making these connections, and thinking how very
few organizations – very zero, except for CCR –
were taking a principled stand on Palestinian
liberation.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>So, in international
law, Palestinians don’t have a right of
return, but other groups do? </em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> Yes.
Generally, there’s many international human
rights protections for refugees. Refugee law is
a powerfully established body of international
law that protects people who flee their
countries to escape war, persecution, natural
disaster, etc. You don’t lose your right to your
homeland if you leave those borders. And, while
there’s an important UN Resolution (194) aiming
to protect Palestinian refugees, there’s also a
disconnect between the world of refugee law and
how the law is applied to Palestinians. The
right of return, of a guaranteed freedom of
movement, to leave, to return, to stay — all
that is denied to Palestinians.<br>
<br>
After the Nakba, the international community
established a new, special agency, the UN
Refugee and Works Agency [UNRWA], specifically
for Palestinian refugees in a particular
geographic area. This was separate from the UN
High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], which
handles all other cases of forced migration or
displacement. But what may have been intended as
an additional level of protection for
Palestinian refugees has actually set the
Palestinian refugee question apart from
established law that guarantees a right of
return. It says, in effect, <em>You’re not like
other refugees</em>. Part of our job is to
insist on universal applicability of
international human rights standards and norms.
But of course the U.S. and Israel are
professionals at suspending international law
and taking themselves outside their scope.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>Why has CCR decided to
use international law, and not U.S. domestic
law, to stop genocide in Palestine?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> CCR is a
political organization that uses the law –
whether domestic law, international human rights
law [IHRL], or international humanitarian law
[IHL] – to stand with communities under threat.
In this case, the obligation to prevent and not
be complicit in genocide – even though it’s also
codified in the Genocide Convention – is known
as customary international law, which is law
that is so well-established that obligations
exist, even if a state hasn’t signed onto a
particular human rights treaty.<br>
<br>
December 9 of this year marked the 75th
anniversary of the <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992237-www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/doc.1_convention-20on-20the-20prevention-20and-20punishment-20of-20the-20crime-20of-20genocide.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Genocide Convention</a>
– the first international human rights treaty
ever established, followed the next day by the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. What’s
significant is that the U.S. has not only signed
the Genocide Convention; it’s also taken steps
to ratify it by implementing the Convention into
international law.<br>
<br>
Generally, the United States doesn’t like to do
that. Domestic implementation of human rights
mechanisms is not something it usually does
because, of course, U.S. exceptionalism is key
to U.S. foreign policy. However, in 1988, the
U.S. passed the <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992241-www.govinfo.gov/app/details/uscode-2011-title18/uscode-2011-title18-parti-chap50a-sec1091?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Genocide Convention
Implementation Act</a> that enabled the U.S.
to become a full signatory of the Genocide
Convention. Biden, at the time a senator, was a
cosponsor. So the case relies on both customary
international law and U.S. federal law.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>The U.S. and Israel
have both signed and ratified the Genocide
Convention?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-</strong><strong>Youssef</strong>:
Yes.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>You’re using
international law, but you’ve chosen to file
your Complaint in a domestic court. Why?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> There’s many
reasons for that. It’s not to say we won’t
pursue international tribunals – CCR has a long
history of doing work before the International
Criminal Court and the International Court of
Justice. But such work is often
backward-looking, at crimes already committed.
Our obligation is do everything we can now to
pressure the Biden administration to stop its
support of Israel’s ongoing genocide. And there
are plaintiffs here – Palestinians in the United
States with families in Gaza – who, together
with Palestinians in Gaza and Palestinian human
rights organizations, are being harmed by U.S.
actions. The law and the facts give us an
opening in U.S. federal court.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>How did you choose
Biden, Blinken, and Austin as your defendants?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> That’s the
question: Who has the ultimate authority; who
creates the conditions and gives the green light
to Israel to go ahead with its genocide?
Obviously, President Biden. But similarly,
Secretary of State Blinken, who’s advancing the
administration’s interests along with those of
Netanyahu’s Israeli war cabinet; and Secretary
of Defense Lloyd Austin. There was definitely
debate around naming individuals like Kamala
Harris, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda
Thomas-Greenfield, National Security Council
Coordinator John Kirby – all of whom are
mentioned in the <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992217-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/11/complaint_dci-pal-v-biden_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Complaint</a>. We
wanted them for the historical record. But
you'll see, throughout the Complaint, the level
of complicity is so strong – it felt compelling
to narrow in on these three defendants.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>You end your Complaint
with a “Prayer for Relief,” asking these
defendants to stop what they’re doing. Isn’t
there some way you could also demand
accountability, reparation?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> This is the
difference between a civil and a criminal
complaint. CCR’s is a civil complaint, asking
the court to intervene to stop what’s happening.
In the future, definitely – there<span dir="RTL">’</span>s
no statute of limitations for the crime of
genocide. That opens the door for endless work
with regard to accountability and repair, to
efforts against these and other defendants. But
the urgency now is about stopping the harm.
Meanwhile, <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992245-www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/9/three-rights-groups-file-icc-lawsuit-against-israel-over-gaza-genocide?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">partners in Palestine</a>
have continued years of work before the
International Criminal Court, asking the
Prosecutor to arrest Israeli officials
responsible for the genocide, as another means
to stop this crime of crimes.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd: </strong><em>How much of your case
rests on the court’s accepting your definition
of genocide?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> In fact, the
case doesn’t at all rest on proving genocide.
Whether genocide – which is a very
fact-intensive endeavor to prove – has been
committed or not, is not something for the
moment to consider. What’s important is whether
the U.S. has a duty and an obligation, under
both U.S. law and customary international law,
to <em>prevent</em> genocide and to not be
complicit. We received powerful declarations
from leading genocide experts like <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992249-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/11/declaration-20expert-20william-20schabas_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">William Schabas</a>.
While Schabas is typically conservative in his
analysis, he nonetheless felt compelled to speak
about this as an unfolding genocide, noting the
U.S.’s obligation to prevent it.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>Schabas cites </em>Ukraine
v. Russian Federation<em>, </em><em>now before
the ICC, in which the United States appears to
</em><a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992253-www.loc.gov/item/global-legal-monitor/2022-09-15/united-states-department-of-state-files-declaration-of-intervention-to-international-court-of-justice-in-ukraine-v-russian-federation-genocide-matter/?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true"><em>accuse Russia of
genocide</em></a><em> in Ukraine.</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef</strong>: Back to the
early part of this conversation: the U.S. does
not apply human rights obligations and
international law obligations universally. It’s
a reflection of a terribly unjust world order
that’s created categories of human beings who
are and are not valued. It’s really an
indictment of whether the U.S. respects
international law and human rights at all.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd: </strong><em>About “international
law”: we assume that it’s democratic and
universal, and can somehow correct whatever
atrocity is occurring: </em>“You can’t do
that; it<span dir="RTL">’</span>s against
international law!”<em> But in fact,
international law is a system outside the
legal order of any country. The UN has no
power to create binding laws. The U.S. still
holds people in Guantanamo, despite the Geneva
Conventions. Basically, there’s no executive
international authority to enforce
humanitarian law. </em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> You<span
dir="RTL">’</span>re right; it’s an
aspirational vision of a global community that
has never existed, certainly since the inception
of international law. The Genocide Convention,
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, were
adopted in 1948. What else happened in 1948? The
establishment of the state of Israel and the
Nakba, right? So how, from this beginning, could
international law accommodate ongoing
colonization — which requires human subjugation,
a hierarchy of life? That’s the antithesis of a
declaration that says everyone has inalienable
rights. Even the best laws are not applied
equally. The greatest violators of international
law, including the United States, are never held
accountable. They wrote the laws, so it makes
sense that they’ve created this system.<br>
<br>
I don’t think human rights or international law
will lead us toward liberation – they’re tools
for human beings to make sense of their material
circumstances, then to build toward something
else. The reason I find human rights so
compelling, is that it validates our collective
knowing that human dignity is the core of our
experience. Protecting human dignity is sacred
work. I think people know that if you violate
someone’s dignity, that’s the core of their
humanity. We can judge whether something is
legitimate or not – we know that racism,
xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, ableism
strike at the core of our dignity – and so are
not legitimate, and neither is any law or
institution upholding them. So we don’t fight
for human rights for it for its own sake, but
for its power to inspire us toward a different
society. That’s why I’ve always been compelled
by human rights, despite a deep, deep critique
about how the human rights framework emerged and
how human rights are applied.<br>
<br>
What if we start our inquiry about policies and
laws with whether or not they preserve and
protect human dignity? Suddenly, we’re in a very
different world. Our opportunity is to imagine a
nonwestern, nonwhite, nonimperialist human
rights. And many people are doing that. I think
the language of human rights on the street <em>is</em>
that.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>How is the government
responding to your lawsuit?</em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef:</strong> The
government responded on December 8 with a <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992257-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/12/38_12-8-23_mtd_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">motion to dismiss</a>
and a response to the Complaint: <em>Who are
these plaintiffs? How have we really harmed
them? This is all Israel; why are you coming
to us?</em> So full steam ahead with the
status quo. On December 22 we filed a <a
href="http://mail01.tinyletterapp.com/Snidelines/the-legal-fight-to-end-genocide-in-gaza-nadia-ben-youssef-on-why-solidarity-will-save-us-all-of-us/22992261-ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/12/44_12-22-23_pi-reply-mtd-oppn_w.pdf?c=8620623b-65a0-7fdd-c7da-e0a5d6d3d088"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;text-decoration: none;color: #3466CC !important;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Reply</a>, refuting
those arguments and others. We have a hearing
scheduled for January 26, in Oakland. It feels
painful that it’s so far off. But it gives us a
chance to continue building pressure.<br>
<br>
<strong>sd:</strong> <em>What if your case is
dismissed and you lose this legal platform, do
you have other plans? </em><br>
<br>
<strong>Nadia Ben-Youssef: </strong>This is
just one thread of a huge ecosystem that’s
turning up for Palestine. We’re in conversation
with partners around the world. Partly, our work
is to ensure that this case creates an
opportunity for the movement, for people to feel
strong and validated in calling out what’s
happening to Palestinians and their families.
And you can leverage this complaint; it’ll be a
tool for activists – even for artists.<br>
<br>
Until Palestine is free, we’re using all the
available mechanisms. This is one. And there
will be more.<br>
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