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<h1 class="gmail-reader-title">Scrolling Through Genocide - Steve Salaita</h1>
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<div class="gmail-reader-estimated-time" dir="ltr">December 10, 2023<br></div>
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<div class="gmail-moz-reader-content gmail-reader-show-element"><div id="gmail-readability-page-1" class="gmail-page"><p>Zionist massacres are livestreamed to the masses in high definition and still nobody can stop them.</p><div>
<p>Not so long ago there was a common theory to which I subscribed:
that in an era of mass media and instant streaming the Zionist entity is
unable to fully displace or wantonly slaughter Palestinians because of
the scrutiny it would invite. You can get away with a lot worse, the
thinking goes, if nobody is watching. </p>
<p>It’s a theory I’ve considered over the years while working in the
fields of Native American and Indigenous Studies. From the beginning of
this work, over 25 years ago, interlocutors stressed the importance of
differences in comparative analyses. One crucial difference between
Euro-American and Zionist colonization, everyone agreed, was the
timeline. While colonization is ongoing in North and South America,
often in situations of great struggle or tension, settlement of the
so-called New World precedes the conquest of modern Palestine by a few
centuries. </p>
<p>Those few centuries account for significant developments in
jurisprudence, technology, communications, rhetoric, mobility,
demographics, and diplomacy. Certain of these developments abet Zionist
colonization, but others create limitations that Euro-Americans didn’t
need to worry over—global outrage or international law, for example. </p>
<p>The other notable difference is one of scale. Even limiting
ourselves to the borders of the contiguous United States, the landmass
subject to Euro-American settlement is much larger than historic
Palestine (along with the surrounding areas that Zionists fantasize
about). Variations of geography force us to think about the impact of
physical space on conquest, and, in North America, the intricacies of
conquest involving hundreds of nations. </p>
<p>The points of comparison nevertheless grow stronger with time. </p>
<p>For instance, it has become clear during the past two months in the
Gaza Strip that the Zionist entity is plenty capable of equaling the
belligerence of the American frontier, an era of wholesale ethnic
cleansing thought to be a feature of history. (“It could never happen
today,” people sometimes would foolishly declare.) Colonial atrocities
of the past—Wounded Knee, Sand Creek, the Trail of Tears—are now
everywhere in evidence. The Zionist entity is carrying out a kind of
primitive violence with modern technology. </p>
<p>This violence fills our computer and television screens. People
around the world get minute-by-minute accounts of massive destruction
and widespread murder. Certain images have become horrifyingly
familiar: throngs of refugees queuing for bread; ambulances dodging
tank and machine gun fire; hospitals in disarray; once-dense
neighborhoods transformed by aerial bombardment into kilometers of
rubble. We scroll through photos of men blindfolded and stripped to
their underwear, lined up on the ground like antiquities in a museum
courtyard. The scrolling continues into pictures of white body bags in
shallow trenches and then into videos of little girls and boys screaming
trauma into the ruins of their childhood. We are perhaps the first
generation to witness genocide in real time. History books about the
horrors of the past are written every time somebody opens social media. </p>
<p>The theory that bearing witness will curtail Israel’s ability to act
on exterminationist fantasies no longer holds. Information and
knowledge, it turns out, aren’t reliable bulwarks against genocide.
Impunity isn’t beholden to disapproval. </p>
<p>What does it tell us that the Zionist entity can conduct this
genocide in high definition, with no credible deniability and amid
condemnation from all corners of the world? </p>
<p>It tells us that people serious about Palestinian liberation were
right to despise the so-called radicals who laundered Zionism through
celebrity activism, academic credentialism, NGO astroturf, and the
Democratic Party. An entire class of influencers arose from Bernie
Sanders’ failed presidential campaigns. They populate hundreds of
podcasts and livestreams. They wasted incalculable energy and resources
promoting a man who would go on to repeatedly justify the bloody
campaign in Gaza. Now they deplore Sanders after having extracted all
the clout appended to his name and having ostracized the outliers who
accurately tagged him as a fraud from the get-go. It was the most
noteworthy example of a timeworn practice: pursuing access to
microphones and <em>New Yorker</em> profiles by subsuming Palestinian liberation to institutions constitutionally hostile to revolutionary politics. </p>
<p>It tells us that international governing bodies and legal
institutions are at best useless. Despite some halfhearted hemming and
hawing, the UN has been an accomplice to the Zionist entity’s genocide.
The ICC will never see an American, Israeli, or EU war criminal on its
docket. The Arab League pretends to care, but its performance is
entirely unconvincing. Such institutions have been captured by
imperialism since their inception. </p>
<p>It tells us that “dialogue” was always a pathway to submission. The
idea that Israelis and Palestinians should dialogue as a means to peace
was always dubious if only because dialogue can’t work in situations of
disparate power. But now, with Israelis overwhelmingly in favor of the
genocide, it should be clear that Palestinians never had anyone to
dialogue with in the first place. </p>
<p>It tells us that Western academe was completely unprepared for the
material demands of decolonization despite its popularity as a
professional brand. Many among the intellectual class, including
scholars of Fanon like <a href="https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v45/n21/adam-shatz/vengeful-pathologies">Adam Shatz</a> and <a href="https://x.com/lewgord/status/1715141192357200012?s=20">Lewis Gordon</a>,
either disavow or diminish anticolonial resistance or ignore it
altogether. Academe is where resistance goes for processing and
beautification after it has been completed. It’s rarely a place for the
organizing stage. </p>
<p>It tells us that deterrence isn’t a game of strategy played by
eggheads on the internet, but an onerous project conditional on guns and
rockets. Academics generally are too scared to say it, or, in an
object lesson on arrogance, don’t actually believe it, but a cache of
weapons will always be more important than a conference panel. </p>
<p>It tells us that electoralism is a sham. There is no meaningful
ideological variance among U.S. politicians at the national level. In
practice, they range from center-right to fascist. In the upcoming
presidential election, for example, voters will get to decide between
two scarcely-functional old farts with histories of sexual misconduct
and a complete devotion to Zionist genocide.</p>
<p>It tells us that racism isn’t simply an attitude, for its origin is
social violence and eventually it will become physically violent in
order to perform its civic mandate. In the framework of settler
colonization, racism manifests as a yearning for cultural purification
through displacement of the native. </p>
<p>It tells us that capitalism makes death a valuable commodity. The
Zionist entity isn’t merely an imperialist beachhead; it is a major
player in the international weapons trade. It tests new munitions,
chemicals, and surveillance technology on Palestinians. It arms
reactionary forces throughout the Global South. It serves as a conduit
and accomplice to U.S. policing. Because of Zionist occupation,
corporations enjoy the use of human subjects as raw material for
development and innovation. </p>
<p>It tells us that we wasted a whole lot of time trying to convince the
oppressor that we are worthy of life when the oppressor cannot live
without our extinction. </p>
<p>More than anything, it tells us that in the benighted West there is
no democracy, no free speech, no legislative remedy, no human rights, no
right even to be human. These are illusions people repeat in an effort
to survive pervasive depravity, or myths they cynically invoke to
gather the crumbs of deprivation. There is a ruling class and various
iterations of the dispossessed and the dispossessed exist only to serve
ruling class gluttony. </p>
<p>That’s why countless people can deplore a genocide zoomed into our
personal devices without being able to stop it. We are not simply
ineffectual in the world of policymaking; policymakers are taunting us
with their depravity. </p>
<p>What can we do, then? It’s important to start by recognizing that
the entire political class, from presidents to online pundits, has no
regard for us—detests us, in fact—and is therefore never a reliable
source of empathy or relief. Denizens of this class do not want our
feedback; they want us to scroll through the debris of their
malevolence. </p>
<p>Upon this recognition, the possibilities become clearer, albeit less
convenient. But in the spirit of urgency, we can keep it simple:
whether it happens in darkness or light, on screen or off, the Zionist
entity needs to become an archive we browse as a cautionary tale, or
else our future on this planet will be history. </p>
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