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valign="top"> <strong><span
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style="color:#ba2025"><span
style="font-family:lato,helvetica neue,helvetica,arial,sans-serif">The
Dangerously Appealing
Style of the Far Right:
The Forty-Eighth
Newsletter (2023)</span></span></span></strong>
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valign="top"> <br>
<span
style="font-family:lato,helvetica neue,helvetica,arial,sans-serif">
<div id="attachment_90289"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-90289" decoding="async"
fetchpriority="high"
class="wp-image-90289 size-full img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Emilio-Pettoruti-Argentina-Arleguin-1928.jpg"
alt="Emilio Pettoruti (Argentina), Arlequín (‘Harlequin’), 1928."
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Emilio-Pettoruti-Argentina-Arleguin-1928.jpg 514w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Emilio-Pettoruti-Argentina-Arleguin-1928-184x300.jpg 184w"
sizes="(max-width: 514px) 100vw, 514px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
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<p
id="caption-attachment-90289" class="wp-caption-text"
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><span
style="color: #ba2025;">Emilio
Pettoruti (Argentina), <i>Arlequín
</i>(‘Harlequin’), 1928.</span></p>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Dear
friends,</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Greetings
from the desk of <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=1558e332c2&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">Tricontinental:
Institute for Social
Research</a>.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Before
he won Argentina’s
presidential election on 19
November, Javier Milei
circulated a <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=3feb645cad&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">video</a>
of himself in front of a
series of white boards.
Pasted on one board were the
names of various state
institutions, such as the
ministries of health,
education, women and gender
diversities, public works,
and culture, all recognised
as typical elements of any
modern state project.
Walking along the board,
Milei ripped off the names
of these and other
ministries while crying <i>afuera!</i>
(‘out!’) and declaring that
if elected president, he
would abolish them. Milei
vowed not only to shrink the
state but to ‘<a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=3476b7a2b5&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">blow
up</a>’ the system, often
appearing at campaign events
with a chainsaw in hand.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
reaction to Milei’s viral
video and other such stunts
was as polarised as the
Argentinian electorate. Half
of the population thought
that Milei’s agenda was
madness, the sign of a far
right out of touch with
reality and rationality. The
other half thought that
Milei displayed precisely
the kind of boldness
required to transform a
country mired in poverty and
skyrocketing inflation.
Milei did not just win the
election; he won it handily,
defeating the outgoing
government’s finance
minister, Sergio Massa,
whose stale, centrist
promises of stability did
not sit well with a
population that has lived
with instability for
decades.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Milei’s
proposals to solve the
downward spiral of the
Argentinian economy are not
unique, nor are they
practical. Dollarisating the
economy, privatisating state
functions, and suppressing
workers’ organisations are
pillars of the neoliberal
austerity agenda that has
plagued the world for the
past several decades. To
debate Milei on this or that
policy misses the point
behind the ascendancy of the
far right across the world.
It is not <i>what</i> they
say they will do to solve
the world’s actual problems
that matters so much as <i>how</i>
they say it. In other words,
for politicians like Milei
(or Brazil’s former
President Jair Bolsonaro,
India’s Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, and former US
President Donald Trump), it
is not their policy
proposals that are
attractive, but their style
– the style of the far
right. People like Milei
promise to take the
country’s institutions by
the throat and make them
cough up solutions. Their
boldness sends a frisson
through society, a jolt that
masquerades as a plan for
the future.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<div id="attachment_90299"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-90299" decoding="async"
class="wp-image-90299 size-full img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Fatima-Pecci-Carou-Argentina-Evita-Ninja-2020.jpg"
alt="Fátima Pecci Carou (Argentina), Evita Ninja, 2020."
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Fatima-Pecci-Carou-Argentina-Evita-Ninja-2020.jpg 479w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Fatima-Pecci-Carou-Argentina-Evita-Ninja-2020-287x300.jpg 287w"
sizes="(max-width: 479px) 100vw, 479px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="479" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-90299" class="wp-caption-text"
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><span
style="color: #ba2025;">Fátima
Pecci Carou (Argentina),
<i>Evita Ninja</i>,
2020.</span></p>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">There
was a time when the general
mood of the international
middle class centred on
guaranteeing convenience:
they hated the inconvenience
of being stuck in traffic
jams and queues, of being
unable to get their children
into the school of their
choice, and of being unable
to buy – even if by credit –
the consumption goods that
made them feel culturally
superior to each other and
to the working class. If the
middle class was not
inconvenienced, then that
class – which shapes the
electorate of most liberal
democracies – would be
content with promises of
stability. But when the
entire system convulses with
inconveniences of one kind
or another – such as
inflation, the <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=12ec0ee458&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">rate</a>
of which was 142.7% in
Argentina at the start of
the elections in October –
then the assurance of
stability holds little
weight. The political forces
of the centre, such as of
Milei’s opponent, are
trapped in a habit of
speaking about stability
while their country burns.
They promise little more
than incremental
destruction. In this
context, timidity is not
always attractive to the
middle class, let alone to
workers and peasants, who
require a bold vision rather
than a fixation on mild
cost-of-living increases
alongside taxation holidays
for big businesses.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">This
timidity is not merely about
the character of the
political force that seizes
the moment. If that were the
case, then merely shouting
louder should win the
centre-left and left votes.
Rather, it reflects the
increasing timidity of the
centre-left and its
political platform, deflated
by the immense stresses and
strains that have damaged
society at the neurological
level. The precariousness of
employment, the state’s
retreat from providing care
for its people, the
privatisation of leisure,
the individualisation of
education, and other strains
have, together, produced
overwhelming social problems
(not to mention the impact
of the climate catastrophe
and brutal wars). The
political horizon of large
sections of the centre-left
has been reduced to merely
managing this decaying
civilisation (as our latest
dossier, <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=055a21aa5c&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true"><i>What
Can We Expect from the
New Progressive Wave in
Latin America?</i></a>,
points out). The persistent
failure of governments to
solve the problems of
society has made politics
itself foreign to large
sections of the public.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Two
generations of people have
been raised in the world of
austerity, sold falsehoods
by technocratic experts who
promise to improve their
social condition through
neoliberal economic growth.
Why should they believe any
expert who now cautions
against the economic
cannibalism promoted by the
far right? Besides, the
erosion of education systems
and the reduction of the
mass media into a
gladiatorial contest have
meant that there are few
avenues for serious public
discussion about the
troubles facing our
societies and the solutions
needed to address them.
Anything can be promised,
anything can be implemented,
and even when neoliberal
agendas create catastrophic
outcomes – as with Modi’s <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=e24fa8cb96&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">demonetisation</a>
scheme in India – they are
touted as successes and
their leaders are
celebrated.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Neoliberalism
has increased not only the
precariousness of the global
majority, but also
sentiments of
anti-intellectualism (the
death of the expert and
expertise) and
anti-democratisation (the
death of serious, democratic
public education and
discussion). In this
context, Milei’s triumph is
less about him than it is a
product of a broader social
process, one that is not
exclusive to Argentina but
holds true around the world.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<div id="attachment_90309"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-90309" decoding="async"
class="wp-image-90309 size-full img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Raquel-Forner-Argentina-Mujeres-del-Mundo-1938.jpg"
alt="Raquel Forner (Argentina), Mujeres del Mundo (‘Women of the World’), 1938."
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Raquel-Forner-Argentina-Mujeres-del-Mundo-1938.jpg 950w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Raquel-Forner-Argentina-Mujeres-del-Mundo-1938-300x221.jpg 300w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Raquel-Forner-Argentina-Mujeres-del-Mundo-1938-768x567.jpg 768w"
sizes="(max-width: 950px) 100vw, 950px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="950" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-90309" class="wp-caption-text"
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><span
style="color: #ba2025;">Raquel
Forner (Argentina), <i>Mujeres
del Mundo </i>(‘Women
of the World’), 1938.</span></p>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Pillars
of neoliberalism such as the
privatisation and
commodification of state
functions created the social
conditions for the rise of
twin problems: corruption
and crime. The deregulation
of private enterprise and
the privatisation of state
functions have deepened the
nexus between the political
class and the capitalist
class. Granting state
contracts to private
enterprises and cutting back
on regulations, for
instance, has provided
immense avenues for bribes,
kickbacks, and <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=22e4c038f8&e=d206d0a40d"
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moz-do-not-send="true">transfer
payments</a> to
proliferate. Simultaneously,
the increased precarity of
life and the evisceration of
social welfare increased the
volume of petty crime,
including through the drug
trade (as demonstrated by a
Tricontinental <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=5e1143aab4&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">research
project</a> on the war on
drugs and imperialism’s
addictions, which will bear
fruit soon).</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
far right has fixated on
these problems not in an
effort to address the roots
of the problem, but to
achieve two results:</p>
<ol>
<li aria-level="1"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">By
attacking the corruption
of state officials but not
of capitalist enterprises,
the far right has been
able to further
delegitimise the state’s
role as a guarantor of
social rights.</li>
<li aria-level="1"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;">Using
the general social malaise
around petty crime, the
far right has used every
instrument of the state –
which they otherwise decry
– to attack the
communities of the poor,
garrison them under the
guise of crime prevention,
and rob them of any
self-representation. This
attack is extended against
anyone who gives voice to
the working class and the
poor, from journalists to
human rights defenders,
from left politicians to
local leaders.</li>
</ol>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">The
far right’s misleading
representation and
weaponisation of corruption
and crime has placed the
left at a deep disadvantage.
On these issues, the far
right has an intimate
relationship with old social
democracy and traditional
liberalism, who generally
accept the content of the
far-right agenda, objecting
only to their brash
approach. This leaves the
left with few political
allies when it comes to
these core battles, forcing
it to defend the state form
despite the corruption that
has become endemic to it
through neoliberal policy.
Meanwhile, the left must
continue to defend
working-class communities
from state repression,
despite the real problems of
crime and insecurity that
confront the working class
due to the collapse of
employment and social
welfare. The dominant debate
is framed around the
surface-level realities of
corruption and crime and is
not permitted to probe
deeper into the neoliberal
roots of these problems.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<div id="attachment_90319"
class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img
aria-describedby="caption-attachment-90319" decoding="async"
loading="lazy"
class="wp-image-90319 size-full img-responsive mcRssImage"
src="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Diana-Dowek-Argentina-Las-madres-1983.jpg"
alt="Diana Dowek (Argentina), Las madres (‘The Mothers’), 1983."
srcset="https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Diana-Dowek-Argentina-Las-madres-1983.jpg 950w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Diana-Dowek-Argentina-Las-madres-1983-300x181.jpg 300w, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Diana-Dowek-Argentina-Las-madres-1983-768x464.jpg 768w"
sizes="(max-width: 950px) 100vw, 950px"
style="max-width: 100%;width: 100%;padding-bottom: 0;display: inline;vertical-align: bottom;border: 0;height: auto;outline: none;text-decoration: none;-ms-interpolation-mode: bicubic;"
moz-do-not-send="true"
width="950" border="0">
<p
id="caption-attachment-90319" class="wp-caption-text"
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"><span
style="color: #ba2025;">Diana
Dowek (Argentina), <i>Las
madres</i> (‘The
Mothers’), 1983.</span></p>
</div>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;"> </p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">When
the election results came in
from Argentina, I asked our
colleagues in Buenos Aires
and La Plata to send me some
songs that capture the
current mood. Meanwhile, I
buried myself in Argentinian
poetry of loss and defeat,
mostly the work of Juana
Bignozzi (1937–2015).
However, this was not the
mood they wanted to put
forward in this newsletter.
They wanted something
robust, something that
reflects the boldness with
which the left must respond
to our current moment. This
mood is captured by the
rapper Trueno (b. 2002) and
the singer Víctor Heredia
(b. 1947), crossing
generations and genres to
produce the moving song <i>Tierra
Zanta</i> (‘Sacred Earth’)
and an equally moving <a
href="https://thetricontinental.us11.list-manage.com/track/click?u=6a79324d3b4acfde1e7e546c6&id=c74ad54c25&e=d206d0a40d"
style="mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #007C89;font-weight: normal;text-decoration: underline;"
moz-do-not-send="true">video</a>.
And so, from Argentina:</p>
<p
style="padding-left: 40px;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">I
came into the world to
defend my land.<br>
I am the peaceful saviour in
this war.<br>
I will die fighting, firm as
a Venezuelan.<br>
I am Atacama, Guaraní, Coya,
Barí, and Tucáno.<br>
If they want to throw the
country at me, we’ll lift it
up.</p>
<p
style="padding-left: 40px;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">We
Indians built empires with
our hands.<br>
Do you hate the future? I
come with my brothers and
sisters<br>
from different parents, but
we don’t stay apart.<br>
I am the fire of the
Caribbean and a Peruvian
warrior.<br>
I thank Brazil for the air
that we breathe.</p>
<p
style="padding-left: 40px;margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Sometimes
I lose, sometimes I win.<br>
But it is not in vain to die
for the land that I love.<br>
And if outsiders ask what my
name is,<br>
my name is ‘Latin’ and my
surname is ‘America’.</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Warmly,</p>
<p
style="margin: 10px 0;padding: 0;mso-line-height-rule: exactly;-ms-text-size-adjust: 100%;-webkit-text-size-adjust: 100%;color: #202020;font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 16px;line-height: 150%;text-align: left;">Vijay</p>
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