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href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/h-Runs-Rampant-India-Elections/m9vvdw/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                          target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true"><b>Right-Wing
                            Hate Speech Runs Rampant in India’s
                            Elections</b></a></td>
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                        valign="top"><b>By Vijay Prashad</b>
                        <div><br>
                          A bizarre event took place in northern India
                          between December 17 and December 19, 2021. It
                          was a “<a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/muslim-hate-speech-laws-broken/m9vvdy/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">religious parliament</a>”
                          (<i>Dharma Sansad</i>) with the theme, “The
                          Future of the <i>Sanatan Dharma</i> in
                          Islamic India: Problem and Solutions.” The
                          event took place in Haridwar, a city in the
                          Indian state of Uttarakhand. The speakers—each
                          of them dressed in saffron robes, which are
                          usually worn by Hindu monks—took to the stage
                          during the <i>Dharma Sansad</i> and spoke in
                          a startlingly dangerous and provocative
                          fashion. Sadhvi Annapurna, the general
                          secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha, a right-wing
                          Hindu nationalist outfit in India, was the
                          most forthright in spelling out the agenda of
                          hatred against the Muslim community that
                          marked the tone
                          for this event. “Nothing is possible without
                          weapons,” she <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/tatus-1473581283242491904-s-20/m9vvf1/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">said</a>. “If you
                          want to eliminate their [the Muslim]
                          population, then we are ready to kill them.”<br>
                          <br>
                          The reference to “their” and “them” in her
                          speech was clear to everyone in the room and
                          anyone who watched her clip, which circulated
                          widely on social media and on television
                          channels in India. Sadhvi Annapurna was
                          referring to the 204 million Muslims of India.
                          “Even if 100 of us are ready to kill 20 lakh
                          [2 million] of them, then we will be
                          victorious and are ready to go to jail,” she <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/tatus-1473581283242491904-s-20/m9vvf1/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">said</a>.<br>
                          <br>
                          Despite calls by some sections of society,
                          including a <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/vt-officials-to-uttarakhand-cm/m9vvf3/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">group</a> of retired
                          government officials, to investigate and
                          arrest the organizers and speakers of the <i>Dharma
                            Sansad</i> for making these provocative hate
                          speeches, the police in the state of
                          Uttarakhand did not take any “serious action”
                          against those who tried to incite violence
                          through this event, stated government
                          officials in a letter they <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/vt-officials-to-uttarakhand-cm/m9vvf3/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">sent</a> to
                          Uttarakhand’s Chief Minister Pushkar Singh
                          Dhami “condemning his government’s response”
                          to the <i>Dharma Sansad</i>. Uttarakhand is
                          governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),
                          whose leader
                          Narendra Modi is the prime minister of India.<br>
                          <br>
                          Meanwhile, Dhami did not make any statements
                          against the event, although <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/citizens-protest-hate-assembly/m9vvf5/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">photographs</a> of
                          him bowing before one of the speakers at the
                          conclave appeared to suggest a close
                          association with the people involved in
                          organizing the event. That speaker in the
                          photograph, Swami Prabodhananda Giri, the head
                          of the Hindu Raksha Sena, a right-wing
                          organization based out of Uttarakhand, <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/tatus-1473626972458668033-s-20/m9vvf7/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">said</a> at the
                          gathering, “Every Hindu must pick up weapons,
                          and we will have to conduct this cleanliness
                          drive.” It is clear that the association of
                          “weapons” with “cleanliness” refers to the
                          kind of ethnic or religious cleansing
                          witnessed during various periods in history,
                          including the Holocaust during World War II.<br>
                          <br>
                          <strong>Elections and Hate</strong><br>
                          <br>
                          Between February and March 2022, <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/ning-for-bjp-and-oppn-7691759-/m9vvf9/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">three</a> key north
                          India states are expected to go to the polls;
                          among these states is Uttarakhand. The other
                          two states—Uttar Pradesh and Punjab—are key to
                          the fortunes of the ruling BJP, which will see
                          its popularity tested after Modi had to <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/-rights-of-farmers-everywhere-/m9vvfc/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">withdraw</a> three
                          farm bills on November 19, 2021. Farmer unrest
                          in both Punjab and Uttar Pradesh led to a
                          year-long protest campaign that soured the
                          reputation of the BJP in these two states and
                          has created the possibility of new electoral
                          maps being drawn in both these states in
                          India. Uttar Pradesh (which has a population
                          of approximately
                          200 million) is India’s most populous state,
                          and the fortunes of the BJP there will
                          determine the authority of Modi’s government
                          in Delhi, India’s capital and the central
                          government’s seat of power. A defeat in Uttar
                          Pradesh, or even a reduced majority, would
                          give the opposition greater confidence to
                          challenge Modi’s fiat approach to policymaking
                          and to counter the right-wing ideology
                          propagated by the BJP.<br>
                          <br>
                          Currently, the BJP dominates the state
                          assembly in Uttar Pradesh (it won 312 out of
                          the 403 seats in the <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/icleshow-81754076-cms-from-mdr/m9vvff/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">assembly elections</a>
                          of 2017). The atmosphere in Uttar Pradesh <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/icleshow-87216333-cms-from-mdr/m9vvfh/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">remains</a> tense for
                          minorities (around <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/-in-uttar-pradesh-1933418-html/m9vvfk/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">19 percent</a> of the
                          population in the state are Muslims), largely
                          because various Hindu right-wing
                          organizations—such as those represented at the
                          religious conclave—have stoked the fires of
                          hatred against the Muslim minority for
                          generations. As part of its vote-gathering
                          arsenal, the BJP has developed a <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/e-in-india-article27297239-ece/m9vvfm/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">strategy</a> to
                          provoke religious violence, polarize the
                          population, and ensure that the majority Hindu
                          vote gathers under its banner. This is what
                          the BJP did to succeed in the 2014 general
                          elections, before which local party officials
                          <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/s-let-off-for-lack-of-evidence/m9vvfp/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">engineered</a> a
                          pogrom in the town of Muzaffarnagar in August
                          to September 2013 that resulted in the <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/-convicted-article36332900-ece/m9vvfr/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">death</a> of more
                          than 60 people and left thousands of others
                          displaced. In the aftermath of that violence,
                          BJP leader—and
                          now home minister of India (responsible for
                          law and order in the country)—Amit Shah in
                          2014 <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/icleshow-33280520-cms-from-mdr/m9vvft/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">told</a> a crowd in
                          Shamli in western Uttar Pradesh that the
                          general election, which eventually led to the
                          BJP seizing power in India, was about honor,
                          and was “an election to take revenge for the
                          insult” and “to teach a lesson to those who
                          have committed injustice.”<br>
                          <br>
                          In November 2021, the Samajwadi Party and the
                          Rashtriya Lok Dal (National People’s Party) <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/ar-pradesh-11638127224370-html/m9vvfw/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">formed</a> an
                          alliance for the Uttar Pradesh legislative
                          elections. The Samajwadi Party had governed
                          the state from 2012 to 2017 under the
                          leadership of former Chief Minister Akhilesh
                          Yadav. The Rashtriya Lok Dal, meanwhile,
                          brings heft in the western districts of Uttar
                          Pradesh, where the farmers’ agitation had the
                          greatest impact. This combination threatens
                          the BJP’s divisive agenda. It is likely that
                          more events like the <i>Dharma Sansad</i>
                          focused on spreading and strengthening
                          religious hate in Uttar Pradesh will be on
                          offer to polarize the electorate to the
                          benefit of the BJP.<br>
                          <br>
                          <strong>Sewers of Hate</strong><br>
                          <br>
                          The religious conclave held in December 2021
                          suggested that there was a threat to Hindus in
                          “<a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/muslim-hate-speech-laws-broken/m9vvdy/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">Islamic India</a>.”
                          This is a theme that goes back to the 19th
                          century, when leaders of the Hindu right wing
                          began to say that Hinduism was being
                          threatened by, among other things, the rising
                          <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/y-quraishi-article34011389-ece/m9vvfy/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">birth rate</a> of
                          Muslims. Facts apart, this idea festered in
                          the sewers of right-wing thought continues to
                          find favor in the currents within the BJP,
                          such as Shah, who had <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/icleshow-33280520-cms-from-mdr/m9vvft/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">described</a> the
                          minority
                          Muslim population of Uttar Pradesh as the
                          people “who have committed injustice.” To <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/muslim-hate-speech-laws-broken/m9vvdy/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">refer</a> to India as
                          “Islamic” is part of the exaggerated paranoia,
                          a festivity of hatred that results in violence
                          and in the consolidation of political power
                          for the BJP.<br>
                          <br>
                          Rather than face arrest for their hate speech,
                          the men and women who spoke at the assembly
                          filed a complaint with the police <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/maulvis-dharma-sansad-haridwar/m9vvg1/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">against</a> “<i>maulanas</i>
                          or clerics” and “the Quran, <i>maulvis</i>
                          [Islamic scholars] of Haridwar and other
                          unnamed Muslims.” Sadhvi Annapurna, who had
                          called for the murder of Muslims, is heard in
                          a <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/tatus-1475863419085418500-s-20/m9vvg3/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">video</a> posted on
                          Twitter on December 28, 2021, telling a police
                          officer to “show us that you are not biased.”
                          Yati Narsinghanand, who organized the
                          religious conclave, interjects to say that the
                          police officer is “biased and on our side.”
                          Following the religious conclave in
                          Haridwar, 21 “Hindu monks” who participated in
                          the conclave <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/-detained-threaten-resignation/m9vvg5/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">formed</a> a
                          committee to hold more of these meetings and
                          to “convert India into a ‘Hindu Rashtra’
                          [state].” “You [the Hindus in India] can fight
                          them only with arms,” the monks <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/r-armed-fight-against-muslims-/m9vvg7/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">said</a>, with no
                          need to elaborate on whom they meant during
                          their reference to “them.”<br>
                          <br>
                          Democracy in India is wounded by the acidic
                          legacy of the Hindu right wing, which thrives
                          on intimidation and false pride as the fuel
                          for its success. The farmers’ agitation
                          offered an alternative path. The two roads
                          will be tested in these legislative elections
                          expected to take place in early 2022.<br>
                          <br>
                          <em><b>Vijay Prashad</b> is an Indian
                            historian, editor and journalist. He is a
                            writing fellow and chief correspondent at <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/2022-01-05/m9vvg9/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                              moz-do-not-send="true">Globetrotter</a>.
                            He is the chief editor of <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/2022-01-05/m9vvgc/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                              moz-do-not-send="true">LeftWord Books</a>
                            and the director of <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/2022-01-05/m9vvgf/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                              moz-do-not-send="true">Tricontinental:
                              Institute for Social Research</a>. He is a
                            senior non-resident fellow at <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/y2hdjcpo/m9vvgh/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                              moz-do-not-send="true">Chongyang Institute
                              for Financial Studies</a>, Renmin
                            University of China. He has written more
                            than 20 books, including</em> <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/1595583424--tag-alternorg08-20/m9vvgk/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">The Darker Nations</a>
                          <em>and</em> <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/1781681589--tag-alternorg08-20/m9vvgm/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">The Poorer Nations</a><em>.
                            His latest book is</em> <a
href="https://go.ind.media/e/546932/catalog-product-view-id-21820/m9vvgp/974333026?h=xpG6HvOwj6tgbVhdGYe4Awwvv-hGVuL3m5_cmieQtPY"
                            moz-do-not-send="true">Washington Bullets</a><em>,
                            with an introduction by Evo Morales Ayma.</em></div>
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