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          gmail-reader-show-element"> <font size="1"><a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/05/04/ecuador-election-us-pachakutik-lasso-yaku/"
              moz-do-not-send="true">https://thegrayzone.com/2021/05/04/ecuador-election-us-pachakutik-lasso-yaku/</a>
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          <h1 class="gmail-reader-title">How the US gov't cultivated
            environmental and Indigenous groups to defeat Ecuador's
            leftist Correísta movement<br>
          </h1>
          <div class="gmail-credits gmail-reader-credits">Ben Norton·May
            4, 2021</div>
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                <h4>When socialist Rafael Correa became Ecuador’s
                  president, CIA cutouts poured money into environmental
                  and Indigenous groups, while the US embassy cultivated
                  opportunistic leaders to undermine his constituency.
                  These forces helped secure victory for right-wing
                  banker Guillermo Lasso in 2021.</h4>
                <hr>
                <p>The people of Ecuador were hit by a surprise in the
                  April 2021 presidential election: Hard-right banker
                  Guillermo Lasso, one of the richest and most corrupt
                  oligarchs in the country, who had unsuccessfully run
                  in two previous races, scored a narrow victory over
                  leftist Andrés Arauz.</p>
                <p>Arauz, a progressive young economist, had served as a
                  minister in the government of Ecuador’s socialist <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/12/13/ecuador-rafael-correa-venezuela-assange/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">President Rafael Correa</a>,
                  who had declared a <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/02/06/ecuador-election-citizens-revolution/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">“Citizens’ Revolution” that
                    transformed the country</a> during his term from
                  2007 to 2017.</p>
                <p>What was not conveyed in most media reports on
                  Lasso’s surprising victory, however, was that Lasso
                  only won thanks to the support he received, both
                  directly and indirectly, from environmental and
                  Indigenous groups that have been co-opted over that
                  last 15 years by the US government and its soft-power
                  networks.</p>
                <p>The leaders of these opportunistic, pseudo-left
                  organizations have benefited from millions of dollars
                  in funding from CIA cutouts like the US Agency for
                  International Development and National Endowment for
                  Democracy. Together, they formed an alliance of
                  convenience with Lasso against the Correísta movement.</p>
                <p>Some even endorsed the multimillionaire banker
                  openly, overlooking his well-documented corruption,
                  including <a
href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/333763-los-laberintos-offshore-de-guillermo-lasso-accionistas-del-b"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">offshore bank accounts</a>
                  and tens of millions of dollars of <a
href="https://cepr.net/tens-of-millions-in-florida-properties-linked-to-ecuadorian-presidential-candidate-guillermo-lasso/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">real estate in Florida</a>.
                  Others, including right-leaning leaders in Ecuador’s
                  powerful Indigenous confederation, CONAIE, called on
                  their followers to vote null in the April 11
                  presidential election rather than support the leftist
                  Arauz.</p>
                <p>CONAIE’s decision to call for a null vote was perhaps
                  the most important factor in making Lasso Ecuador’s
                  next president. The 2021 election saw a massive
                  increase in politically motivated null votes, with 1.1
                  million more than in the previous election in 2017.
                  The total of 1.76 million null votes greatly
                  outnumbered the 420,000 votes that Arauz lost by.</p>
                <p>The role that conservative leaders of CONAIE, the
                  confederation’s political arm Pachakutik, and “green”
                  NGOs played in getting a notoriously corrupt
                  neoliberal banker elected in Ecuador was hardly a
                  secret. In fact, <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/02/06/yaku-perez-pachakutik-ecuador-us-coup/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Pachakutik’s presidential
                    candidate, Yaku Pérez</a>, boasted of defeating
                  Arauz immediately after the election, triumphantly
                  tweeting in all caps, “<a
                    href="https://twitter.com/yakuperezg/status/1381972076739784705"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Pachakutik and the null vote
                    bury Correísmo</a>.”</p>
                <p><a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/02/06/yaku-perez-pachakutik-ecuador-us-coup/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">The Grayzone documented how
                    Yaku Pérez ran a right-wing, pro-US campaign</a>
                  while marketing himself as the face of the “new left”
                  in Ecuador, adopting a US Democratic Party-style
                  marketing scheme that combined neoliberal economic
                  policies and support for imperialism with liberal
                  environmentalism and identity politics.</p>
                <p>Pérez revealed after the first round of the election
                  that he had the <a
                    href="https://twitter.com/RutaKritica/status/1358971944427749377"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">support of the US embassy.</a>
                  He also has a history of publicly boasting of friendly
                  meetings with Washington’s ambassador to Ecuador,
                  Michael J. Fitzpatrick.</p>
                <p>It is unsurprising then, that among the CONAIE and
                  Pachakutik supporters who did not vote null, the vast
                  majority ended up backing Lasso.</p>
                <p>A review of the official results published by
                  Ecuador’s National Electoral Council (CNE) shows that
                  roughly half of people who had voted for Pérez in the
                  first round of the presidential election in February
                  ended up voting null in the second round, whereas
                  approximately 40 percent of Pérez’s supporters voted
                  for Lasso.</p>
                <p>Only around 7 percent of Pérez supporters ended up
                  voting for Arauz, according to a rough estimate
                  provided to The Grayzone by an electoral expert.</p>
                <p>Yet in much of the punditry about the surprising loss
                  suffered by Arauz, who had been leading in nearly all
                  polls before the election, the names Yaku Pérez and
                  Pachakutik are not even mentioned. The omission is
                  particularly prevalent among English-speaking
                  analysts.</p>
                <p><a
                    href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=-DNcHfEAAAAJ&hl=es"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Eduardo Enríquez Arévalo</a>,
                  an academic expert on Ecuadorian politics at the Simon
                  Bolivar Andean University, explained in an interview
                  with The Grayzone, “In general one can say that
                  Pachakutik has had a process of shifting to the right,
                  or at least becoming increasingly close to the right
                  wing by the 2010s.”</p>
                <p>Pachakutik and CONAIE are also deeply embedded in the
                  non-profit industrial complex. Leaders and prominent
                  activists from the groups work in well-funded NGOs,
                  some of which are bankrolled by foreign governments.</p>
                <p>Pachakutik’s rightward drift, then, is partially an
                  organic phenomenon, but it has also been heavily
                  incentivized by the huge sums of money flowing into
                  Ecuador from the United States and Western European
                  governments and foundations.</p>
                <p>The grim reality is that Pérez and Pachakutik are at
                  the heart of a 15-year-long US destabilization project
                  that is little known outside of Ecuador.</p>
                <p>Declassified government documents show how, on the
                  eve of Correa’s historic election 2006, Washington
                  began reaching out to Indigenous and environmental
                  leaders and poured millions of dollars into
                  cultivating these groups, as part of a campaign to
                  divide the country’s left.</p>
                <p>State Department cables <a
                    href="https://search.wikileaks.org/?q=pachakutik"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">published by WikiLeaks</a>
                  clearly demonstrate that the US embassy was recruiting
                  opportunistic leaders of CONAIE and Pachakutik to
                  undermine Correa and his leftist movement.</p>
                <p>The documents show that figures from CONAIE and
                  Pachakutik were acting as informants for the embassy,
                  regularly providing intelligence to a US political
                  officer. Some right-leaning Indigenous leaders even
                  themselves contacted the US ambassador and held
                  friendly meetings reassuring Washington of their
                  support.</p>
                <img
src="https://i2.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/WikiLeaks-US-embassy-Ecuador-Correa-left.png?resize=1170%2C902&ssl=1"
                  alt="WikiLeaks US embassy Ecuador Correa left"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="346"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">A confidential 2009 US embassy cable
                  notes how Ecuador’s socialist President Correa faced
                  attacks from the “left”</font>
                <p>CIA fronts like the US Agency for International
                  Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for
                  Democracy also launched programs to build and finance
                  an anti-Correísta opposition. These
                  multimillion-dollar initiatives focused especially on
                  Ecuador’s environmental and Indigenous organizations.</p>
                <p>USAID worked closely with the CIA during <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/02/22/us-war-sanctions-nicaragua-icj-carlos-arguello/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Washington’s terrorist war on
                    the revolutionary Sandinista government of Nicaragua</a>
                  in the 1980s, funneling money into far-right Contra
                  death squads. The agency has also been integral in
                  financing the US government’s ongoing coup attempt in
                  Venezuela, forking over <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/01/23/usaid-venezuela-regime-change-trump/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">hundreds of millions of
                    dollars to the unelected parallel regime of Juan
                    Guaidó</a>.</p>
                <p>A review of USAID contracts reveals that a company
                  called Chemonics was the agency’s main “private”
                  partner in Ecuador. One of the <a
href="https://www.developmentaid.org/#!/news-stream/post/48501/top-10-usaid-awardees"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">largest for-profit recipients
                    of US foreign aid</a>, with $2.5 billion in USAID
                  funding from 2018 to 2019 alone, Chemonics is closely
                  linked to intelligence agencies, and functions as a
                  private intelligence agency. Its wealthy founder said
                  he created the firm to “<a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1993/10/11/business/cozy-links-to-a-us-agency-prove-useful-to-a-rice-trader.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">have my own CIA</a>.”</p>
                <p>Chemonics has been involved in a series of scandalous
                  US regime-change operations targeting leftist
                  governments in Latin America, aimed at destabilizing
                  the socialist Presidents Evo Morales of Bolivia and
                  Hugo Chávez of Venezuela.</p>
                <p>Chemonics played a similar role in the US dirty war
                  on Syria. The Grayzone editor Max Blumenthal has
                  documented how <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2016/10/02/white-helmets-us-military-intervention-regime-change-syria/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">USAID used Chemonics to
                    funnel tens of millions of dollars to the White
                    Helmets</a>, a regime-change lobby group that
                  collaborated closely with Salafi-jihadist extremist
                  militants, including al-Qaeda, as part of a Western
                  intelligence operation aimed at overthrowing the
                  government in Damascus.</p>
                <p>As USAID’s top partner in Ecuador, Chemonics was
                  given an $11 million contract in the year 2013 alone,
                  greatly surpassing any other contractor, in order to
                  fund “Environmental Protection” initiatives.</p>
                <p>When regime-change operations from USAID’s “Office of
                  Transition Initiatives” were exposed in Venezuela and
                  Bolivia, the Correa government froze relations with
                  USAID in December 2013, and then expelled the agency
                  in 2014.</p>
                <p>But USAID renewed its activities at an all-time high
                  in Ecuador in 2018, when Correa’s successor <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2019/04/14/lenin-moreno-julian-assange-wikileaks-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Lenín Moreno took a
                    hard-right turn</a> and allied with Washington.</p>
                <img
src="https://i2.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/USAID-Ecuador-2013-climate-change-environment.png?resize=1170%2C620&ssl=1"
                  alt="USAID Ecuador 2013 climate change environment"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="238"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">In 2013, USAID poured millions into
                  environmental groups to counter Correa’s
                  infrastructure projects</font>
                <p>These Washington-backed environmentalist groups
                  organized large, and often violent, campaigns to
                  oppose Correa’s ambitious infrastructure projects,
                  which sought to develop Ecuador’s impoverished and
                  rural regions and better integrate the country.</p>
                <p>In the name of “anti-extractivism” – a buzzword that
                  has become popular among the same <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2019/07/06/dsa-jacobin-iso-socialism-conference-us-funded-regime-change/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">astroturfed pseudo-left
                    networks in North America</a> – these US
                  government-funded NGOs in Ecuador also tried to block
                  the socialist-oriented Correa administration from
                  using the country’s plentiful oil and mineral
                  resources to fund universal education, healthcare, and
                  social programs aimed at poverty reduction.</p>
                <p>Skeptical <a
href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/zoo/1/campesinos-detectaron-objetivos-de-ong-financiada-por-usaid"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">local media outlets</a> noted
                  at the time that the “environmental protection”
                  projects run by USAID and Chemonics in Ecuador
                  happened to be in the areas with the most natural
                  resources, leading peasants to raise concerns about
                  ulterior motives and undemocratic US meddling.</p>
                <p>The fact that many of Correa’s infrastructure
                  projects involved contracts with Chinese state-owned
                  companies further motivated Washington to undermine
                  them.</p>
                <p>Correa worked closely with China during his time in
                  office, becoming one of Beijing’s most important
                  allies in Latin America. The anti-Correísta opposition
                  on the other hand is staunchly pro-US, and has vowed
                  to distance Ecuador from Beijing, hyperbolically
                  claiming, “the Correísta discourse of an independent
                  country ends in the doorway of <a
href="https://elpais.com/internacional/2016/01/15/america/1452827107_202694.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">the Chinese banks</a>.”</p>
                <p>Much of the pseudo-left environmental and Indigenous
                  opposition to Correísmo has harshly condemned China
                  while cozying up to Washington. Pachakutik candidate
                  Yaku Pérez made his name opposing China’s development
                  projects in Ecuador, and was avidly <a
href="https://dialogochino.net/es/comercio-y-inversiones-es/39773-yaku-perez-la-sorpresa-electoral-en-las-elecciones-de-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">promoted by a British
                    foundation</a> dedicated to monitoring Beijing’s
                  activities in Latin America. At the same time, Pérez
                  insisted he “will not think twice” to sign a <a
href="https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/2021/01/14/nota/9528838/yaku-perez-no-es-descabellado-acuerdo-comercial-estados-unidos/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">free trade agreement with the
                    United States</a>.</p>
                <p>Supplementing the tens of millions of dollars that
                  USAID spent in Ecuador to help build this pseudo-left
                  opposition were grants from the <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2018/08/20/inside-americas-meddling-machine-the-us-funded-group-that-interferes-in-elections-around-the-globe/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">National Endowment Democracy,
                    another CIA front</a>.</p>
                <img
src="https://i1.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/NED-Ecuador-womens-rights-2020.png?resize=1170%2C745&ssl=1"
                  alt="NED Ecuador womens rights 2020"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="286"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">2020 NED contracts for women’s rights
                  groups in Ecuador</font>
                <p>The NED bankrolled <a
href="http://web.archive.org/web/20140109200734/http://www.andes.info.ec/es/noticias/politica-opositora-ecuador-tramita-ayuda-financiera-ned-eeuu-montar-fundacion-agencia"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">major anti-Correísta
                    politicians</a>, while focusing especially on
                  environmental, Indigenous, and women’s rights groups,
                  along with opposition media outlets.</p>
                <p>A prime example of a US-backed, astroturfed
                  Indigenous organization in Ecuador is the Pachamama
                  Foundation. With the help of annual grants from the
                  NED going back years, the foundation <a
                    href="https://www.facebook.com/page/303405686423463/search/?q=correa"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">relentlessly attacked</a> <a
href="https://twitter.com/FPachamama_Ec/status/978341682121977856"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Correa</a>, trashing him as
                  an authoritarian “extractivist,” while <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/page/303405686423463/search/?q=yaku%20perez"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">constantly promoting</a> <a
href="https://twitter.com/FPachamama_Ec/status/994639616367054848"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Yaku Pérez</a> as a <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/fundacionpachamamaec/photos/basw.AbrFSRFi8jjMU2vveXpkXPGxfXAR3s7cRGiQq94fi0kUe6ffr3rAfNxmj6ukP9RSHz5V8Df36J1LpBogZvCGrZ2doliXGm5ZuiyNtoWU83Ejw5gOMOwzjyPGWziSFvIroQNYVnzZI8CPcsRd1IOXEcx_CinpC8_Ak93Au_hYRqXpDg/1683277961769555/?opaqueCursor=AboHLONxiXDkzZXUZjLwFWfA-K2rBmNeK-UkVagaIOIwYrpSIKLAQ0wFzxALpMtO9dsBIw9JmJ0AlBX3xApRuVhcNHFrDkWeHoPlv5ThVsKL4S3k6H1zt_ANAB2xr4XMyAojt7iWYF5K3MQSJMRhV1wbLRWKhawwF-g-FA4WiYCaRGCkGDyjPVwBFuWe2xCKj6o3NlQlGjoSP0zDH520DcBW3XyVkrsANkRVLA_0Y-gsM4ElCvH9V8iFl1zMYulHNggYy-k70jL3FJQYgBEZuJGUXD0yMCiM4TiJefpWjO2psCBdwXfzPXMv8oOh3jgl5U1iNqZLOljgzJpttaQqNP_MIvUEi1LWTPsdeEg3agbv7XAQ_q9_WnBFul3jKljNfHZhdT8OTVFg_QIVqAScoJcfSSetJrB8zQjMbeRHDLbWjGehn1yu5JdX28aBsW6ADwtrv1WHJ6j1JXxnYXtD1s4HihHG1c7ZUeuk6Txr5ihn8WC_Zdd5Xi71YlqGK7Br7liUznxhDJUqUMKq_mj4Vt3sxS9py-fUDAh_Ezkp_i2YGtNeBd63UYM1y3YyRS-VYLeDtH0fj4vfxOukj1BuwfLZSamBt8Jkn5d6xk0d7bP8B94PM1rSPPx09AtimVlAebdhaxoc6Z7m5hqWEjyWOeuqFI_b8X-CdvL_CVMlTLnKlVJOXrBPVIoXuzJmVsvT7EdjUS2d-vTN91irFOBxX7GnTBpEAjAspYHH8Ui_R3hD-MPtSKsF15ULK3LUUzcyQU4"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">noble defender</a> of the
                  environment.</p>
                <img
src="https://i0.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/NED-Ecuador-Indigenous-journalism.png?resize=1170%2C635&ssl=1"
                  alt="NED Ecuador Indigenous journalism"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="244"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">2020 NED contracts for Indigenous and
                  environmental groups in Ecuador, like the Pachamama
                  Foundation
                </font>
                <p>Given its role as a US government-funded opposition
                  group aimed at destabilizing his elected
                  administration, Correa closed the Pachamama Foundation
                  in 2013. But President <a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/fundacion-pachamama-ecuador-ong-ambiente.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Lenín Moreno re-opened the
                    group</a> in 2017, the year he openly betrayed his
                  former ally and began to aggressively repress Correa’s
                  leftist movement.</p>
                <img
src="https://i1.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Fundacion-Pachamama-Yaku-Perez-Ecuador-NED.png?resize=1170%2C893&ssl=1"
                  alt="Fundacion Pachamama Yaku Perez Ecuador NED"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="343"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">The NED-funded Pachamama Foundation
                  promoting Yaku Pérez
                </font>
                <p>The National Democratic Institute (NDI), which is
                  funded by the NED and loosely linked to the US
                  Democratic Party, was also an active supporter of the
                  anti-Correísta opposition. It had <a
href="http://web.archive.org/web/20120902234446/http://www.ndiecuador.org/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">its own website specifically
                    focused on Ecuador</a>, which boasted of the US
                  government-backed institute’s activities in the
                  country (this webpage was later removed).</p>
                <p>Leaders of the Indigenous Pachakutik party were <a
href="http://web.archive.org/web/20101008062106/http://www.centrodealerta.org/documentos_desclasificados/usaidned_funding_political_.pdf"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">directly trained by the NDI</a>,
                  alongside other right-wing groups from Latin America,
                  including Venezuela’s conservative Primero Justicia
                  party and Mexico’s National Action Party (PAN).</p>
                <p>The <a
href="https://issuu.com/ndiecuador/docs/guia_practica_codigo_de_la_democracia_y_organizaci"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">NDI also published lengthy
                    how-to manuals</a> for the Ecuadorian opposition,
                  which helped them lobby against Correa’s reforms and
                  sought to replicate the US political system in their
                  country.</p>
                <img
src="https://i1.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/US-NED-NDI-Pachakutik-Ecuador-coup-Correa.png?resize=1066%2C694&ssl=1"
                  alt="US NED NDI Pachakutik Ecuador coup Correa"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="292"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">A 2007 document showing how the US
                  government’s National Democratic Institute (NDI)
                  trained the Ecuadorian opposition group Pachakutik</font>
                <p>Washington’s strategy of recruiting Indigenous
                  leaders to oppose Correísmo echoes an operation the
                  CIA ran in Nicaragua in the 1980s, in which the spy
                  agency <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1986/08/03/weekinreview/miskitos-are-arguing-with-themselves.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">cultivated disgruntled
                    leaders of the Native Miskito community</a> in order
                  to destabilize the revolutionary Sandinista
                  government.</p>
                <p>Similarly, the far-right government of Brazilian
                  President Jair Bolsonaro won support from Indigenous
                  communities living on the border with Venezuela and
                  used them to help <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/01/17/brazil-paper-reveals-bolsonaro-terror-plot-venezuela/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">launch attacks on Venezuelan
                    soldiers</a>. In Mexico, meanwhile, the US
                  government has funded environmental and Indigenous
                  NGOs that oppose progressive President AMLO’s
                  infrastructure programs, such as the Maya Train, which
                  aim to develop the country’s impoverished southern
                  region.</p>
                <p>This is not to say that the left-wing governments of
                  Ecuador, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Mexico have had
                  perfect relations with Indigenous peoples, or that
                  these communities do not sometimes have justifiable
                  grievances. But Washington and its right-wing allies,
                  even open racists like Bolsonaro, have shown a
                  willingness to exploit and mislead Indigenous
                  communities to advance their geopolitical interests.</p>
                <p>When Washington embarked on its strategy to use
                  Indigenous people as a wedge against Correa, it was in
                  fact actively working against the rights of Native
                  peoples internationally. A declassified State
                  Department cable published by WikiLeaks shows that the
                  US ambassador in Ecuador condemned and <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06QUITO1386_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">lobbied against the United
                    Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
                    Peoples</a>, arguing it was “fundamentally flawed.”
                  (The Correa administration, for its part, supported
                  the UN declaration.)</p>
                <img
src="https://i2.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/WikiLeaks-Ecuador-US-UN-Declaration-Rights-Indigenous.png?resize=1170%2C943&ssl=1"
                  alt="WikiLeaks Ecuador US UN Declaration Rights
                  Indigenous" style="margin-right: 25px;"
                  moz-do-not-send="true" width="449" height="362"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">A 2006 State Department cable in
                  which the US government condemns the UN Declaration on
                  the<br>
                  Rights of Indigenous Peoples as “fundamentally
                  flawed.”</font>
                <p>For the imperial US bureaucrats assigned to South
                  America, and dedicated to pushing back its leftist
                  “Pink Tide,” weaponizing minority identities against
                  popular movements became practically second nature.</p>
                <p>The same tactics were honed back at home. The US
                  Democratic Party and neoliberal leaders like Hillary
                  Clinton have mastered the art of using unsubstantiated
                  allegations of racism and sexism to undermine
                  social-democratic figures like Bernie Sanders, while
                  the Republican Party has <a
                    href="https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/minister-minstrelsy/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">leveraged corporate money</a>
                  to cultivate a small handful of Black and Latino
                  voices, promoting them to disrupt civil rights
                  coalitions and advance regressive policies. (In a
                  particularly glaring example of the tactic, Black
                  Republican Supreme Court Justice <a
href="https://isi.org/intercollegiate-review/founding-father-black-conservative-movement/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Clarence Thomas</a> was
                  mentored by Jay Parker, a former registered lobbyist
                  for the Transkei bantustan of <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1991/09/08/opinion/l-judge-thomas-s-south-africa-connection-needs-clarification-858891.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">apartheid South Africa</a>.)</p>
                <p>The CIA itself has openly adopted this strategy, <a
href="https://twitter.com/aishaismad/status/1388963034274701316"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">promoting “intersectional”
                    feminism</a> and liberal anti-racist and LGBTQ
                  rhetoric in its recruitment ads.</p>
                <p>It is an age-old imperial tactic: divide and conquer.
                  And the United States has perfected this strategy in
                  Latin America – one of the most impoverished regions
                  of the world, where the many millions of dollars that
                  Washington throws around to advance its interests go a
                  long way.</p>
                <p>In April 2021, the US government’s 15-year program
                  finally saw its first major success with the election
                  of Guillermo Lasso, a member of <a
                    href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/1983/07/their-will-be-done/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">far-right Catholic sect Opus
                    Dei</a>, whose neoliberal policies represent the
                  legacy of the CIA-backed Chicago Boys who wreaked
                  havoc on Chile’s economy under the iron-fisted rule of
                  General Augosto Pinochet.</p>
                <p>A look at how Ecuador’s anti-Correísta opposition
                  successfully divided the left, with US backing, is
                  very instructive, because these tactics have been
                  refined and exported in Washington’s operations
                  throughout Latin America and across the globe.</p>
                <h3>How US-backed banker Guillermo Lasso won the 2021
                  election</h3>
                <p>Much of the analysis of Andrés Arauz’s surprise
                  electoral loss has focused on the fact that the media
                  was uniformly against him, and constantly spread lies
                  about Correísmo; or that the multimillionaire banker
                  Guillermo Lasso had an enormous campaign war chest
                  that overpowered his opponent.</p>
                <p>Both points are correct, and these factors were
                  important; but, alone, they are not sufficient to
                  explain the outcome. Over the course of multiple
                  successful campaigns for the presidency, Rafael Correa
                  had faced the same obstacles.</p>
                <p>In fact, some of the fake news stories used to smear
                  Arauz were just slightly modified versions of attacks
                  on Correa. Right-wing media outlets, for example,
                  simply replaced the name of the Colombian guerrilla
                  group FARC with the name of another, ELN, to generate
                  a phony scandal based on the lie that it had
                  supposedly <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/02/15/us-oas-colombia-steal-ecuador-election/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">funded the Ecuadorian
                    leftist’s campaign</a>. But Correa always had a
                  substantial enough support base to overcome the odds.</p>
                <p>Then there is the fact that <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2019/05/12/lenin-moreno-persecution-ola-bini/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Ecuador’s current president,
                    Lenín Moreno</a>, had been Correa’s vice president,
                  and had originally claimed fidelity to the Citizens’
                  Revolution during the 2017 electoral campaign, before
                  later doing a political 180. Moreno allied with the
                  right-wing oligarchy and Lasso, humiliatingly
                  subjugating his country to the United States, and
                  withdrew from regional institutions like the ALBA
                  economic alliance and UNASUR political union, while
                  implementing unpopular neoliberal economic reforms and
                  <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2019/04/14/lenin-moreno-julian-assange-wikileaks-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">overseeing large-scale
                    corruption</a>.</p>
                <p>The past associations that the deeply unpopular
                  President Moreno enjoyed with Correa did repel some
                  voters from Arauz. But this association should not be
                  overstated, because for his entire term, <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/05/06/ecuadors-moreno-persecutes-coronavirus/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Moreno had openly persecuted
                    Correa and his movement</a>, exiling and imprisoning
                  leftist politicians and activists who supported the
                  Citizens’ Revolution, and clearly throwing his weight
                  behind Lasso and other conservative forces.</p>
                <p>By the end of Moreno’s term, his alliance with Lasso
                  was so clear that the Correístas were campaigning on
                  the slogan “Lasso is Moreno.”</p>
                <p>Some progressive Ecuadorian activists who spoke with
                  The Grayzone also privately conceded that Arauz, a
                  young, highly educated, and soft-spoken technocrat who
                  ran a relatively moderate, center-left campaign, was
                  seen as a relatively weak candidate. In contrast,
                  Correa was a firebrand populist who had played on
                  popular anger against the country’s parasitic
                  oligarchy and was willing to challenge the US empire
                  head on.</p>
                <p>All of these variables contributed to Arauz’s loss.
                  But the most important factor came in the form of a
                  call for “ideological” null voting, dividing the left
                  and giving Lasso just enough electoral space to swing
                  ahead.</p>
                <p>According to <a
                    href="https://elecciones2021.cne.gob.ec/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">official results</a> from the
                  Ecuadorian government’s National Electoral Council
                  (CNE), Arauz got 4,236,515 votes compared to Lasso’s
                  4,656,426 — a difference of just 419,911 votes.</p>
                <img
src="https://i0.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/CNE-results-Ecuador-election-2021-null-votes.png?resize=1170%2C443&ssl=1"
                  alt="CNE results Ecuador election 2021 null votes"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="170"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">The official CNE results from
                  Ecuador’s April 2021 presidential election, showing
                  1,761,433 null votes
                </font>
                <p>But there was a very significant third group that
                  ended up swinging the election for Lasso: null voters.
                  According to the official CNE results, there were
                  1,761,433 null votes, making up a staggering 16.3% of
                  total votes.</p>
                <p>This was a whopping 10% increase in null votes in
                  comparison with the previous election. Official CNE
                  statistics from <a
href="https://cne.gob.ec/documents/Estadisticas/Publicaciones/LIBRO_RESULTADOS_2017.pdf"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">previous Ecuador elections</a>
                  show much smaller levels of null voting.</p>
                <p>In Ecuador’s 2009 election, only 496,687 null votes
                  were cast, comprising just 6.3% of the total. In 2013,
                  there were 684,027 null votes, or 7.2% of the total.
                  And in 2017 there were 670,731 null votes, 6.3% of the
                  total.</p>
                <p>Voting in Ecuador is legally mandatory, and
                  participation in 2021 held at the median level: 83%
                  participation in 2021, compared to the same as in 2017
                  and 82% in 2013.</p>
                <p>There are reasons to doubt the accuracy of the CNE’s
                  results, given the council’s clear politicization
                  under the corrupt government of Moreno, which declared
                  all-out war on the Correísta movement and stacked the
                  body <a
href="https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/2018/11/21/nota/7060776/atropellada-primera-reunion-nuevo-cne/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">exclusively with opposition
                    figures</a> from Pachakutik and Lasso’s party CREO.</p>
                <p>The left-wing Union for Hope (UNES) party of Arauz
                  said it <a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/pleno-cne-resultados-balotaje-provincias.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">detected irregularities in
                    5,000 actas</a>, or vote tallies, a significant
                  problem given that the average acta in Ecuador
                  includes roughly 270 votes. However, several technical
                  experts told The Grayzone that, although there indeed
                  appeared to have been irregularities, they were not
                  substantial enough to change the result of the
                  election.</p>
                <p>The most salient difference in 2021 was simply the
                  gigantic increase in null votes. And what accounted
                  for this massive increase? Ecuador’s Indigenous
                  confederation CONAIE, its political arm Pachakutik,
                  and their presidential candidate Yaku Pérez had called
                  on their constituents to vote null.</p>
                <img
src="https://i0.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/CNE-Ecuador-elections-null-votes.png?resize=1170%2C698&ssl=1"
                  alt="CNE Ecuador elections null votes"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="268"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">Official CNE results from previous
                  Ecuador elections, showing much smaller levels of null
                  votes
                </font>
                <h3>The right-wing shift of Ecuador’s US-backed
                  Indigenous party Pachakutik</h3>
                <p>CONAIE does not represent all Indigenous communities
                  in Ecuador, although it is the largest and most
                  influential Native organization. The country’s
                  Indigenous leaders are divided, and Native
                  politicians, both inside and outside CONAIE, can be
                  found across the political spectrum.</p>
                <p>Some Indigenous leaders, such as <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/03/01/academic-letter-censor-grayzone-ecuador-yaku-perez/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Citizens’ Revolution National
                    Assembly candidate Ricardo Ulcuango</a>, a former
                  vice president of CONAIE, are avid supporters of the
                  Correísta movement. But numerous prominent politicians
                  from CONAIE and its political arm Pachakutik have a
                  history of forming opportunistic alliances with
                  Ecuador’s conservative elites, and with the United
                  States, especially when Correa was in power.</p>
                <p>In 2017, Pachakutik’s <a
href="https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/2017/02/22/nota/6059647/perez-guartambel-es-preferible-banquero-dictadura/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Yaku Pérez openly endorsed
                    Guillermo Lasso</a> for the presidential election.
                  Just days before the vote in February 2021, Lasso
                  returned the favor, stating that, if Pérez won in the
                  first round, the <a
href="https://elmercurio.com.ec/2021/02/03/lasso-anticipa-su-apoyo-a-yaku-perez-si-este-llega-a-segunda-vuelta-en-su-lugar/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">banker would endorse him</a>.</p>
                <p>That same year, a small Ecuadorian environmentalist
                  organization called Yasunidos met with Lasso and
                  signed an agreement in support of the banker.
                  Yasunidos, whose protests against Correa were strongly
                  <a
href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias/2014/04/140414_ecuador_petroleo_parque_yasuni_mxa"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">promoted by the Western press</a>,
                  then went on to strongly advocate for Pérez in the
                  2021 election.</p>
                <p>Pérez was by no means the only rightist Indigenous
                  leader to support Lasso. In the 2017 election, Fanny
                  Campos, a former coordinator of the Pachakutik party,
                  not only backed Lasso but even <a
href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/politiko-2017/3/excoordinadora-de-pachakutik-se-une-a-compromiso-ecuador-de-lasso"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">joined his campaign</a>.</p>
                <p>Pachakutik politician Salvador Quishpe also publicly
                  endorsed the wealthy banker. And he revealed in 2016
                  that the Indigenous party was discussing potentially
                  running Pachakutik leader Lourdes Tibán as <a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/salvadorquishpe-guillermolasso-lourdestiban-politica-ecuador.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Lasso’s vice-presidential
                    candidate</a>.</p>
                <p>In 2021, Pérez, Pachakutik, and CONAIE decided to
                  indirectly help Lasso by calling on their followers to
                  null vote in protest of Correísmo. This decision,
                  which led to Arauz’s defeat, also created conflicts
                  within the Indigenous confederation.</p>
                <p>CONAIE’s then-president, Jaime Vargas – who
                  represented a left-wing faction that had led huge <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2019/10/07/ecuador-revolt-lenin-morenos-neoliberal-drone-zangano/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">protests against Moreno’s
                    neoliberal IMF-mandated economic reforms</a> in 2019
                  – broke with his own organization and endorsed Arauz
                  for president in April.</p>
                <p>Days after his endorsement, Pachakutik expelled
                  Vargas for daring to support a Correísta candidate.
                  Next, <a
href="https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/politica/consejo-de-gobierno-de-la-conaie-cuestiona-a-su-presidente-jaime-vargas-y-anuncia-sanciones-nota/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">CONAIE condemned him</a>,
                  announced it would sanction Vargas, and <a
href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/actualidad/44/leonidas-iza-es-candidato-a-la-presidencia-de-la-conaie"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">vacated his seat</a> as the
                  confederation’s president. <a
href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/lider-expulsado-pachakutik-critica-intereses-movimiento-20210406-0031.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Vargas responded by
                    criticizing Pachakutik</a> for acting against the
                  interests of Ecuador’s Indigenous communities,
                  accusing it of collaborating with the right wing.</p>
                <p>Meanwhile Pérez’s running mate, Virna Cedeño, the
                  official vice-presidential candidate of Pachakutik, <a
href="https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/politica/excandidata-vicepresidencial-de-yaku-perez-anuncia-que-votara-por-guillermo-lasso-nota/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">publicly endorsed Lasso</a>.
                  Echoing conservative rhetoric, she claimed the banker
                  could help save Ecuador from the clutches of the
                  “failed and deceptive Socialism of the 21st Century,”
                  a reference to the leftist economic model created by
                  Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Rafael Correa in Ecuador.
                  (To save face, Pachakutik decided to expel Cedeño as
                  well.)</p>
                <p><a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/02/06/yaku-perez-pachakutik-ecuador-us-coup/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">The Grayzone documented how
                    Yaku Pérez personally advanced a raft of right-wing
                    and imperialist policies</a>, while deceptively
                  claiming fidelity to the left. He supported the
                  violent US-backed coup in Bolivia in 2019, which
                  overthrew the country’s first and only ever Indigenous
                  president, Evo Morales, as well as the soft coup
                  against Brazil’s Workers’ Party government in 2016.
                  Pérez also backed right-wing putsch attempts in
                  Venezuela and Nicaragua.</p>
                <p>Pérez’s support for coups and alignment with US
                  foreign-policy interests in Latin America led Rafael
                  Correa and other Correísta leaders to brand him “<a
                    href="https://twitter.com/MashiRafael/status/1369676359325392896"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Yankee Pérez</a>.”</p>
                <p>During his presidential campaign, Pérez demonized his
                  country’s impoverished masses, opposing a proposal by
                  Andrés Arauz to give $1000 checks to 1 million
                  working-class Ecuadorian families by claiming they
                  would <a
href="http://ecuadorya.com/yaku-perez-los-pobres-se-gastan-la-plata-en-cerveza/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">spend it on beer in one day</a>.
                  At the same time, Pérez said he would happily sign a
                  free-trade agreement with the United States, telling a
                  journalist, “I will not think twice.”</p>
                <p>While Pérez ran on clearly right-wing policies, his
                  campaign <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/03/01/academic-letter-censor-grayzone-ecuador-yaku-perez/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">weaponized themes of
                    identity, environmentalism, and gender and sexuality
                    to attack the leftist Correísta movement (and to
                    smear The Grayzone’s reporting)</a>.</p>
                <p>Pérez’s candidacy was heavily amplified by Western
                  corporate media outlets and US right-wing lobby groups
                  like the Americas Society / Council of the Americas
                  (AS/COA), which is funded by Western corporations,
                  including a who’s who of the extraction industry.</p>
                <p>Pérez quickly became a <a
                    href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0ctrc8JRAPA"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">favorite</a> on <a
href="https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2021/02/10/yaku-perez-lider-indigena-contendiente-sorpresa-elecciones-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">CNN en Español</a>, where he
                  spread baseless accusations of “<a
href="https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2021/02/18/yaku-perez-en-conclusiones-el-fraude-se-hizo-a-todo-el-pueblo-del-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">fraud</a>” after narrowly
                  losing first round of the presidential election. And
                  in a friendly interview on CNN following Lasso’s April
                  11 victory, Pérez absurdly claimed that socialist
                  former President Correa and his leftist movement <a
href="https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/video/ecuador-yaku-perez-correa-derecha-conecta2/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">represent “the new right</a>.”</p>
                <p>Eduardo Enríquez Arévalo, an Ecuadorian sociologist,
                  spoke with The Grayzone about the shifting political
                  orientation of CONAIE and Pachakutik.</p>
                <p>“Pachakutik was born as an electoral instrument of
                  CONAIE in the mid-’90s, but in the 2010s it became
                  increasingly autonomous of CONAIE, which is visible in
                  CONAIE’s criticism of the closeness that Pachakutik
                  has had to Lasso and the right wing in recent years,”
                  Enríquez explained.</p>
                <p>In the 2010s, as Correa solidified a massive support
                  base in Ecuador and expanded mining to fund popular
                  social programs, Pachakutik began to openly ally with
                  the right. In the 2014 mayoral election for the
                  capital city Quito, Pachakutik’s candidate Milton
                  Castillo openly <a
href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/elecciones-2014/3/presidente-de-la-conaie-repudia-apoyo-de-milton-castillo-a-mauricio-rodas"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">endorsed conservative
                    Mauricio Rodas</a>, calling on Indigenous supporters
                  to vote for the right wing in order to defeat the
                  Correísta candidate, Augusto Barrera.</p>
                <p>Thanks in part to the Pachakutik candidate’s
                  endorsement, the rightist Rodas won the election and
                  began to use Quito’s local government to undercut
                  President Correa. CONAIE leadership responded by
                  publicly criticizing Castillo.</p>
                <p>“That right-wing shift can be understood possibly as
                  a clarification of the ideological differences of the
                  different classes within Indigenous communities in
                  Ecuador,” Enríquez said, “but also as a generational
                  conflict between younger leaders like Leonidas Iza and
                  Jaime Vargas, who maintain a more left-wing
                  perspective, or are at least more radical in their
                  forms of struggle, when compared to the older leaders
                  who are closer to the political elites of the country,
                  such as Assembly member Salvador Quishpe and Lourdes
                  Tibán, who show a clear willingness to collaborate
                  with the right wing.”</p>
                <p>“In 2019 Pachakutik not only found itself supporting
                  the right-wing government of Moreno but also taking a
                  turn toward social conservatism, when it opposed the
                  decriminalization of abortion in cases of rape, when
                  even the majority of the legislative bloc of the
                  Citizens’ Revolution supported that
                  decriminalization,” the scholar noted.</p>
                <p><a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/conaie-legisladores-pachakutik-ley-aborto.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">CONAIE again censured
                    Pachakutik</a>, its own political arm, for this vote
                  against decriminalizing abortion in cases of rape.</p>
                <p>In October 2019, the Moreno government tried to ram
                  through a series of unpopular neoliberal economic
                  reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund.
                  The left-wing faction of CONAIE helped organize
                  protests against the proposed austerity measures.</p>
                <p>After 10 days of demonstrations, <a
href="https://www.dw.com/es/ecuador-ind%C3%ADgenas-cesan-protestas-tras-acuerdo-con-moreno/a-50818814"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">CONAIE met with Moreno</a>
                  and came to an agreement to end the protests. The
                  confederation’s willingness to negotiate with the
                  notoriously corrupt right-wing president drew
                  sustained criticism from the Ecuadorian left, given
                  CONAIE leadership had on occasions refused to
                  negotiate with Correa when he was president.</p>
                <p>The 2019 protests were led by Jaime Vargas, the
                  former CONAIE president who was later expelled from
                  Pachakutik for endorsing Arauz, as well as Leonidas
                  Iza. Given his role in the popular rebellion, Iza
                  later sought nomination to run in the 2021
                  presidential election as Pachakutik’s candidate, but
                  the party rejected him in choosing the right-leaning
                  Yaku Pérez.</p>
                <p>Pérez was noticeably not one of the leaders of the
                  anti-neoliberal protests. In fact, just a few weeks
                  after the demonstrations ended, Pérez quickly <a
href="https://www.primicias.ec/noticias/politica/yaku-perez-reconcilia-con-gobierno/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">reconciled with the Moreno
                    regime</a>, holding a press conference with one of
                  its ministers. It was a clear sign to Moreno that he
                  was willing to play ball.</p>
                <p>In the 2021 election, Pérez went on to run a hardline
                  anti-Correísta campaign, spreading lies and smears
                  against Correa and Arauz. <a
                    href="https://twitter.com/Ecuador_On_Q/status/1362126157605466114"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Pérez incited against
                    Venezuelan immigrants</a>, accusing them of stirring
                  up chaos in Ecuador, and even echoed the thoroughly
                  debunked right-wing propaganda that falsely accused
                  Arauz of being funded by Colombian socialist
                  guerrillas in the ELN.</p>
                <p>Iza, from CONAIE’s left-wing faction, was so
                  disturbed by Pérez’s reactionary campaign that he
                  publicly warned that the Pachakutik candidate was
                  collaborating with the right wing, revealing that
                  members of Lasso’s conservative CREO party were in
                  Pérez’s inner circle.</p>
                <p>Pérez never came close to victory; he managed to win
                  only 19% of the vote in the first round of the
                  presidential election. When it was clear that he had
                  lost, Pérez desperately <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2021/03/10/ecuador-yaku-perez-military-nullify-election/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">called on Ecuador’s military
                    to intervene in the election</a>, and for the Moreno
                  administration to nullify the results of the first
                  round and prosecute Arauz for supposedly taking ELN
                  money.</p>
                <p>While he ultimately lost the election, Pérez managed
                  to fulfill his second goal, accomplishing what many
                  right-leaning Pachakutik and CONAIE leaders – and
                  their allies in Washington – had unsuccessfully tried
                  to do in past elections: confuse progressive-minded
                  Ecuadorians and divide the left-wing vote with his
                  call for null voting, thereby handing a victory to
                  Guillermo Lasso.</p>
                <p>Pérez’s sabotage of a left-wing resurgence in Ecuador
                  represented the culmination of a years-long operation
                  conceived in Washington.</p>
                <h3>US embassy cultivates anti-Correa Indigenous leaders</h3>
                <p>Classified US State Department cables published by
                  WikiLeaks provide a host of examples of Washington
                  cultivating opportunistic Indigenous and environmental
                  leaders to weaken Ecuador’s left, going back to the
                  eve of Rafael Correa’s first electoral victory.</p>
                <p>When Wikileaks first revealed these documents, the US
                  embassy’s collaboration with Native Ecuadorian leaders
                  was reported on in <a
href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Revelan-tratos-entre-EE.UU.-y-cupula-indigena-de-Ecuador-20150807-0034.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Spanish by TeleSUR</a>, but
                  it was almost entirely ignored in English-language
                  media.</p>
                <p>Numerous 2005 and 2006 <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06QUITO817_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">US embassy</a> cables on
                  Indigenous-led protests in Ecuador reveal that <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06QUITO1837_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">many leaders</a> of CONAIE
                  and Pachakutik were in <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06QUITO694_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">regular contact</a> and <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/05QUITO1420_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">participating in meetings
                    with</a> the embassy’s political officers,
                  frequently providing Washington with valuable
                  information.</p>
                <p>One of the cables identified US diplomat <a
                    href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/vanessa-schulz-zenji-77b363136/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Vanessa Schulz</a> as a
                  political officer (referred to in the documents with
                  the abbreviation PolOff) who was communicating with
                  Indigenous informants.</p>
                <img
src="https://i2.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/WikiLeaks-Ecuador-CONAIE-Pachakutik-US-embassy.png?resize=1170%2C703&ssl=1"
                  alt="WikiLeaks Ecuador CONAIE Pachakutik US embassy"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="270"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">2006 State Department cables released
                  by WikiLeaks show that opportunistic Indigenous
                  leaders of Ecuador’s CONAIE and Pachakutik were in
                  regular contact with a US embassy political officer
                  (PolOff)
                </font>
                <p>At this time, Washington’s top priority was the
                  passage of a free trade agreement with Ecuador and
                  other countries across Latin America.</p>
                <p>A <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/05QUITO586_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">2005 US embassy cable</a>
                  noted, “Most indigenous groups remain skeptical of a
                  Free Trade Agreement with the U.S. and critical of
                  Plan Colombia, but open to dialogue with us.”</p>
                <p>The document revealed that “CONAIE asked the USG [US
                  government] to intervene with the [Ecuadorian]
                  President to get CONAIE representatives back in these
                  [Ecuadorian] government institutions.”</p>
                <p>“CONAIE’s new leadership seemed open to dialogue with
                  the Embassy, while maintaining their distance from
                  certain USG priorities,” the cable said.</p>
                <p>The US embassy identified “More Moderate” Indigenous
                  leaders who were potentially interested in a free
                  trade agreement, such as CONAIE Vice President
                  Santiago De La Cruz, who it disclosed “appeared eager
                  to engage in dialogue with us” and “said he believed
                  the U.S. was ‘not all bad.'”</p>
                <img
src="https://i1.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/WikiLeaks-Ecuador-CONAIE-US-embassy.png?resize=1170%2C983&ssl=1"
                  alt="WikiLeaks Ecuador CONAIE US embassy"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="377"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">A 2005 embassy cable discusses
                  support for the US within Ecuador’s Indigenous CONAIE
                  leadership
                </font>
                <p>In August 2006, just weeks before Correa’s historic
                  election, an Indigenous leader from the confederation
                  CONAIE invited the US ambassador to his city for a
                  friendly meeting.</p>
                <p>A US State Department cable reported positively on
                  the reunion with Auki Tituaña, mayor of the city of
                  Cotacachi. Using patronizing language, the embassy
                  referred to him as a “counterweight within the main
                  national Indigenous organization to the <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06QUITO2225_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">CONAIE leadership’s
                    increasingly leftist and globaphobic insulation</a>,”
                  adding that Tituaña had requested the meeting with the
                  US ambassador to show “pragmatic openness to
                  collaboration with diverse forces to promote his
                  people’s development.”</p>
                <p>“During the hour-long meeting, Tituaña clearly sought
                  to set the Ambassador at ease, evincing pragmatism,”
                  the cable went on. “He did not criticize the USG [US
                  government] and, at one point, told us privately that
                  the major problem with an FTA [free trade agreement]
                  in Ecuador was simply a lack of information.”</p>
                <p>Tituaña made it clear to the US government that he
                  opposed Correa. The embassy recounted, “Tituana told
                  us he had ruled out an alliance for fear of Correa’s
                  polemic and divisive style.”</p>
                <p>The cable acknowledged that there were significant
                  political splits within Ecuador’s Indigenous
                  community. It praised Tituaña, stating that he
                  “signaled rare political openness, citing his personal
                  friendship with PSC Mayor of Guayaquil, Jaime Nebot,”
                  referring to a powerful right-wing politician in
                  Ecuador.</p>
                <p>Tituaña’s closeness to the right became undeniable in
                  2012, when the Indigenous leader announced that he
                  would run as <a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/politica/auki-tituana-completa-binomio-guillermo.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Guillermo Lasso’s vice
                    presidential candidate</a> in the next year’s
                  election. CONAIE responded by expelling him.</p>
                <img
src="https://i0.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/WikiLeaks-US-ambassador-Ecuador-CONAIE-indigenous.png?resize=1170%2C903&ssl=1"
                  alt="WikiLeaks US ambassador Ecuador CONAIE
                  indigenous" style="margin-right: 25px;"
                  moz-do-not-send="true" width="449" height="347"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">A 2006 US embassy cable discusses how
                  Ecuador’s indigenous CONAIE/Pachakutik leader Auki
                  Tituaña wanted closer relations with Washington
                </font>
                <p>When Correa took power in 2007, the US embassy cables
                  show that the State Department was supporting not only
                  his right-wing opponents, but also the so-called “left
                  opposition,” and even had regular <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07QUITO345_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">contacts inside Ecuador’s
                    police</a>.</p>
                <p>Numerous cables reveal that a representative from the
                  AFL-CIO’s <a
href="https://www.solidaritycenter.org/national-endowment-for-democracy-ned-ndi-iri-cipe-and-solidarity-center-welcome-increased-funding-from-congress/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">NED-funded</a> Solidarity
                  Center, <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08QUITO921_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Patricio Contreras</a>, was
                  an “<a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/05QUITO1403_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">embassy contact</a>” – a US
                  government informant, providing constant information
                  on Ecuador.</p>
                <p>A <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09QUITO849_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">2009 cable reporting on
                    Indigenous protests</a> against Correa’s government
                  showed that the US embassy was still in regular
                  communication with Native leaders, revealing that the
                  national director of the Federation of Evangelical
                  Indigenous People of Ecuador (FEINE) was giving
                  information to Washington’s political officer.</p>
                <p>Another <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09QUITO873_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">2009 US embassy cable</a>
                  monitoring Indigenous opposition to Correa noted that
                  the leftist president “called some of the leaders
                  ‘rightists’ with ‘golden ponchos.'”</p>
                <p>Reporting on CONAIE’s 2009 demonstrations against
                  Correa, the US embassy wrote: “The indigenous
                  protestors, apparently armed with shotguns and spears,
                  allegedly opened fire on police, injuring 40 police
                  and killing one of their own, a Shuar teacher named
                  Bosco Wisuma. The killing of Bosco Wisuma, although
                  reportedly an incident of ‘friendly fire,’ galvanized
                  CONAIE supporters.”</p>
                <p>The 2009 death of this Indigenous supporter had been
                  used by the <a
href="https://www.newsday.com/news/nation/ecuador-indians-trade-blame-for-bloody-clash-1.1490619"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">international media</a> to
                  condemn Correa, smearing him as authoritarian and
                  anti-Indigenous, but the internal documents prove that
                  Washington was well aware that he was killed by his
                  own community members in a violent protest.</p>
                <p>Perhaps the clearest sign of the US embassy
                  recognizing the power of pseudo-left opposition to
                  Correa is a classified 2009 cable signed by the charge
                  d’affaires, Andrew Chritton. Titled “<a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09QUITO951_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Correa and Social Movements:
                    Attacks from the Left?</a>“, the document noted:
                  “President Rafael Correa now faces strong but
                  fragmented opposition from leftist groups that were
                  part of his political base. In the last few months,
                  the GOE has confronted striking teachers, students,
                  and indigenous groups.”</p>
                <p>The cable recalled that Correa accused some of these
                  ostensibly left-wing opposition groups of “‘doing the
                  work of the rightists’ and ‘imperialists.'”</p>
                <p>“It is ironic that Correa, the self-proclaimed ’21st
                  century socialist,’ is facing his most active
                  opposition from the left of the political spectrum,
                  all the while accusing them of falling prey to
                  manipulation from the ‘rightists,'” the embassy
                  cheerfully noted.</p>
                <p>The cable acknowledged, “Rumors in the indigenous
                  community suggest that corporate interests in
                  Guayaquil, or the losers in the last presidential
                  election, funded the most violent protests during the
                  September indigenous strike.”</p>
                <p>In a blunt admission, however, the US embassy’s
                  charge d’affaires conceded that “many of these
                  organizations do not have much support from the
                  general population.”</p>
                <h3>‘Private CIA’ and top USAID contractor cultivates
                  anti-Correa environmental groups</h3>
                <p>Some of the environmental and Indigenous groups in
                  the opposition to Rafael Correa and his progressive
                  Citizens’ Revolution were funded by the <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2018/08/20/inside-americas-meddling-machine-the-us-funded-group-that-interferes-in-elections-around-the-globe/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">US government’s National
                    Endowment for Democracy (NED)</a>, a front for US
                  intelligence created by the Ronald Reagan
                  administration’s CIA in the 1980s.</p>
                <p>While the <a
                    href="https://www.ned.org/wp-content/themes/ned/search/grant-search.php"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">NED’s publicly available
                    grants database</a> shows hundreds of thousands of
                  dollars worth of grants distributed to these
                  individual groups, the most substantial sums of money
                  in Ecuador flowed from the United States Agency for
                  International Development (USAID).</p>
                <p>In 2006, in the final months of Ecuador’s neoliberal
                  government, USAID’s top activities in the country
                  consisted of ostensible anti-drug operations, with
                  “counternarcotics” initiatives making up the majority
                  of its budget.</p>
                <p><a
href="https://explorer.usaid.gov/cd/ECU?fiscal_year=2006&measure=Obligations"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">USAID’s official statistics</a>
                  show that its top partners that year were the
                  Pentagon, State Department, and Ecuadorian government,
                  respectively. The contractor Chemonics had a
                  comparatively small $1.2 million contract as part of
                  the agency’s “Environmental Support Program.”</p>
                <img
src="https://i1.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/USAID-Ecuador-2006.png?resize=1170%2C617&ssl=1"
                  alt="USAID Ecuador 2006" style="margin-right: 25px;"
                  moz-do-not-send="true" width="449" height="237"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">USAID’s funding for Ecuador in 2006
                </font>
                <p>But by 2009, Correa was publicly challenging US
                  imperialism, collaborating with other leftist leaders
                  in Latin America, particularly Venezuelan President
                  Hugo Chávez, and turning Ecuador into a member of the
                  Bolivarian trade alliance ALBA. So USAID’s priorities
                  in the region quickly shifted.</p>
                <p>The for-profit firm Chemonics became a top recipient
                  of USAID Ecuador contracts, raking in $5.4 million in
                  2009 to work on “<a
href="https://explorer.usaid.gov/cd/ECU?fiscal_year=2009&measure=Obligations"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Sustainable Forests and
                    Coasts</a>,” suddenly one of USAID’s top programs in
                  the nation. Now, Washington was committed to funding
                  an environmentalist opposition to Correa.</p>
                <p>Though it was wracked by a series of scandals,
                  including accusations of <a
href="https://www.pri.org/stories/2012-10-05/usaid-contractor-chemonics-cited-numerous-mistakes-haiti"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">corruption</a> and <a
href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2016/nov/21/top-us-government-aid-partner-to-pay-500k-damages-to-african-american-job-applicants"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">racism,</a> Chemonics was an
                  ideal partner for outsourcing gray operations and
                  ensuring plausible deniability for foreign meddling.</p>
                <p>Indeed, Chemonics has long acted as a US intelligence
                  pass-through, with its founder explaining to the New
                  York Times that he created the firm in order to “<a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/1993/10/11/business/cozy-links-to-a-us-agency-prove-useful-to-a-rice-trader.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">have my own CIA</a>.”</p>
                <p>When Washington and its allies launched a dirty war
                  on Syria in 2011, Chemonics was used to funnel tens of
                  millions of dollars to the <a
href="https://thegrayzone.com/2016/10/02/white-helmets-us-military-intervention-regime-change-syria/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">White Helmets, a faux
                    humanitarian initiative that functioned as a
                    propaganda ancillary for the jihadist gangs</a> the
                  US had armed and trained to destabilize the country.</p>
                <p>By 2013, USAID was pouring a plurality of its Ecuador
                  <a
href="https://explorer.usaid.gov/cd/ECU?fiscal_year=2013&measure=Obligations"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">budget into anti-Correa
                    environmental initiatives</a>. “Climate Change
                  Mitigation and Adaption” and “Sustainable Forests and
                  Coasts” were USAID’s top activities, and “General
                  Environmental Protection” was the largest sector, with
                  $16 million that year.</p>
                <p>Chemonics was USAID’s top partner in Ecuador, with
                  $11 million in 2013 alone (significantly greater than
                  the second-biggest recipient, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid
                  Society, with just $4 million that year).</p>
                <img
src="https://i2.wp.com/thegrayzone.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/USAID-Ecuador-2013-climate-change-environment.png?resize=1170%2C620&ssl=1"
                  alt="USAID Ecuador 2013 climate change environment"
                  style="margin-right: 25px;" moz-do-not-send="true"
                  width="449" height="238"><br>
              </div>
              <div><font size="-2">In 2013, USAID poured millions into
                  environmental groups to counter Correa’s
                  infrastructure projects
                </font>
                <p>2013 became a very controversial year for the US
                  agency. Bolivia’s socialist President Evo Morales, a
                  close ally of Correa, expelled USAID from his country,
                  condemning it for supporting opposition groups and
                  destabilizing his democratically elected government.</p>
                <p>As with Ecuador, Chemonics had been one of USAID’s
                  top partners in Bolivia, with a <a
href="https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/05/01/180382925/bolivian-president-evo-morales-expels-usaid"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">$10.5 million contract for
                    “democracy-building”</a> in the country.</p>
                <p>The “Strengthening Democratic Institutions” program
                  that USAID ran in Bolivia happened to share the same
                  name as a regime-change scheme targeting the
                  government of socialist President Hugo Chávez in
                  Venezuela.</p>
                <p>That year, WikiLeaks published an explosive 2006 US
                  embassy cable that revealed that USAID’s Office of
                  Transition Initiatives (OTI) had a <a
                    href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06CARACAS3356_a.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">“5-point strategy” for regime
                    change in Venezuela</a>: “1) Strengthening
                  Democratic Institutions, 2) Penetrating Chavez’
                  Political Base, 3) Dividing Chavismo, 4) Protecting
                  Vital US business, and 5) Isolating Chavez
                  internationally.”</p>
                <p>Morales and Correa understood that this USAID-OTI
                  plan was a regime-change blueprint, and Washington was
                  using the same tactics against them.</p>
                <p>Around the same time in Ecuador, local media outlets
                  had begun to ask questions about USAID and Chemonics.
                  A 2012 report in the newspaper El Telégrafo, titled “<a
href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/zoo/1/campesinos-detectaron-objetivos-de-ong-financiada-por-usaid"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">Farmers discover ‘aims’ of
                    NGO funded by USAID</a>,” noted that Chemonics’
                  “Sustainable Forests and Coasts” program was based in
                  the provinces of Esmeraldas, Guayas, and Manabí.</p>
                <p>“The project is exerting suspected political
                  interference because its site of operation is in the
                  areas with the most minerals and natural resources,”
                  the newspaper wrote. “The same occurs in other parts
                  of Latin America when the region tries to economically
                  and scientifically manage these resources for itself.”</p>
                <p>A Correa administration official, Gabriela Rosero,
                  told El Telégrafo, “We realized that those who are
                  implementing this project do not even have legal
                  representation in Ecuador, but rather are in another
                  country or are remotely controlling it from where the
                  resources come from.”</p>
                <p>These projects “are causing us doubts,” the
                  Ecuadorian government official said.</p>
                <p>USAID’s cover had been blown. In December 2013, the
                  Correa government <a
href="https://www.elcomercio.com/actualidad/usaid-cierre-oficinas-ecuador-eeuu.html"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">froze its cooperation</a>
                  with the US agency.</p>
                <p>In 2014, USAID announced that it was <a
                    href="https://www.larepublica.ec/blog/2014/09/30/usaid-sale-ecuador/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">leaving Ecuador</a>.
                  Washington’s reaction was muted, but it was clear that
                  Correa had forced the agency to leave. His government
                  simultaneously expelled the US embassy’s military
                  attaché and its anti-narcotics group as well.</p>
                <p>“We will not accept being a colony of anyone,” Correa
                  proclaimed at the time, adding that his country did
                  not need USAID’s assistance.</p>
                <p>By Correa’s last year in office in 2017, USAID
                  Ecuador funding was at an all-time low of $18 million.
                  But then next year, something dramatically changed:
                  The Moreno government turned on its constituents,
                  threw its weight behind the right-wing oligarchy and
                  Washington, and declared war on Correísmo.</p>
                <p>Moreno invited USAID back into the country, and
                  Washington returned the favor by helping to bankroll
                  the conservative regime he was constructing. The
                  agency’s contracts in Ecuador suddenly skyrocketed in
                  2018 by over 440%, from $18 million to $80 million.
                  Moreno was being rewarded for his turncoat behavior.</p>
                <p>The drastic increase reflected how USAID functions
                  not as a traditional aid agency, but as a semi-covert
                  soft-power arm of US empire.</p>
                <p>The large sums of money that the US government handed
                  out to opposition groups in Ecuador, along with the
                  declassified embassy cables published by WikiLeaks –
                  and even the words of CONAIE and Pachakutik leaders
                  themselves – paint a clear picture of how Washington
                  systematically divided Ecuador’s left.</p>
                <p>Ecuadorian politics today remains deeply polarized
                  between Correístas and anti-Correístas, much as
                  politics in Venezuela is polarized between Chavistas
                  and anti-Chavistas, and in Nicaragua between
                  Sandinistas and anti-Sandinistas.</p>
                <p>The Citizens’ Revolution has built a mass base in
                  working-class and poor communities, while other
                  political forces have been unable to substantially
                  erode its foundation.</p>
                <p>Instead of challenging this popular core of
                  Correísmo, smaller groups have managed to whittle away
                  at the margins, targeting the middle class and
                  educated youth, who are more susceptible to liberal
                  identity-centered politics.</p>
                <p>With millions of dollars in grants and control over
                  media narratives, the US government has helped to
                  astroturf a pseudo-left that has abandoned
                  working-class politics and anti-imperialism while
                  exploiting race, gender, and environmental issues to
                  divide Ecuador’s progressive forces and weaken
                  Correísmo.</p>
                <p>In April 2021, when these small contingents managed
                  to swing the presidential election in favor of a
                  right-wing banker, Washington’s subversive long game
                  had finally paid off.</p>
                <p>And it is only a matter of time before this
                  divide-and-conquer strategy <a
                    href="https://thegrayzone.com/2020/08/04/usaid-document-nicaragua-coup/"
                    moz-do-not-send="true">is repeated</a> in another
                  Latin American country with a left-wing government.</p>
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